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E«-ubtl8hed  in  1S91  by  EoG«ti  Wolcoit  (H,U,  1870)1  in 

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works  uf  History,  Political  Hconomj*  4nd 

Sociojogy^"  and  Increased  in  1901  by 

a  bequest  tn  his  will* 


Policies  Issued  by  the 

Hartford  Fire  Insurance  Co. 

AGRICULTURAL    MACHIN-KRV     -    AtrrOMOBILE    — 
AVIATION  —  BUSINESS  INTERRUPTION  -  CAMERAS 

-  CONTRACTORVS  EQUIFMENT  -  CUSTOMERS* 
GOODS  -  EARTHQUARE  -  EXPLOSION  —  FARM  ^ 
EINE  ARTS  —  FlItE  —  FUR  —  HAIL  —  JEWELRY  — 
LIVE  STOCK  —  LIGHTNING  ^  MARINE  {HULL  ANI> 
CARCOl  -  MERCHANDISE  IN  TRANSIT  (BY  LAND, 
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PARCEL  POST  —  PERSONAL   EFFECTS    -   PROFITS 

—  RAIN  —  REGISTERED  MA|L    "  RENT  —  RIOT  AND 
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LIVE  S^OCK  -  WINOJITOr 


Agents  En 


U,(fil,   IVl-^V>/^l«»-V/(iV-'V^^'/ 


Lou\ruy^ 


BY 
REV.   WILLIAM   P.  BURKE. 


Winitvfoxh: 
Printed  by  N.  Harvey  &  Co. 

FOR  THE  CLONMEL  LIBRARY  COMMITTEE. 
1907. 


^^/J-^/AJ-Z 


PREFACE 


JN  presenting  to  the  Subscribers  the  HISTORY  OF  ClONMEL,  the  Editor 
feels  that  an  apology  is  due  for  the  long  delay — nearly  five  years,  since  the 
prospectus  was  issued.  During  three  of  these,  unforeseen  events  interrupted 
the  work,  and  indeed,  separated  him  from  reading  altogether.  But  the  delay  was 
not  without  some  advantage.  Extended  inquiries  were  made  for  original  mater- 
ial, in  particular  for  the  "Annals  of  Clonmel,"  which  existed  in  the  time  of 
Sir  James  Ware,*  The  old  corporation  books  were  also  sought  for.  Though 
little  was  discovered,  one  is  thereby  enabled  to  go  to  press  with  the  assurance 
that  the  ''History  of  Clonmel"  is  as  complete  as  it  is  now  possible  to  make  it. 

Those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  works  of  Gilbert,  Hardiman,  Caulfield 
and  others,  will  miss  in  the  earlier  chapters  that  minute  detail,  those  old-world 
pictures  of  burgher  life  which  give  local  histories  most  of  their  value  and  all 
their  charm.  But  in  extenuation,  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  present  work 
was  gathered  exclusively  from  outside  and  public  sources.  The  early  municipal 
records  which  form  the  basis  of  the  history  of  Dublin,  Galway  or  Waterford, 
are  here  altogether  wanting-  There  is  not  a  charter  preserved,  and  scarcely  a 
deed  as  old  as  the  seventeenth  century.  The  oldest  minute  book  does  not  go 
beyond  1744,  and  even  then  it  is,  for  a  century,  a  mere  catalogue  of  names. 
There  are  no  parish  records.  Family  papers  which  elsewhere  afford  such  valuable 
material,  are  inaccessible  or  not  existing.  So  that  the  past  of  the  town  could  be 
reconstructed  only  by  painful  gleaning  in  the  Dublin  Record  Office,  the  Royal 
Irish  Academy  and  the  Bodleian  Library. 

Among  those  who  co-operated,  special  acknowledgment  is  due  to  Mr,  J,  F, 
Morrissey,  of  H,M,  Public  Record  Office,  himself  a  native  of  Clonmel,  who 
furnished  no  fewer  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  folios  of  transcripts  from  the 
Pipe  Rolls,  Quit  Rent  records.  Wills  and  Commonwealth  Books,  From 
Mr,  Frederick  /.  Quinn,  besides  advice  on  many  points,  was  obtained  the 
Vaughan-Ryall  Ledger  (1680-1707),  Mr.  John  F.  O'Brien  gave  much  infor- 
mation upon  the  corporate  estate,  tolls  and  the  like.  Among  the  other  members 
of  the  Library  Committee  it  will  not  be  invidious  to  name  Mr.  James  White, 
To  him  indeed,  to  his  public  spirit  and  generous  labours,  it  is  mainly  due  that 
the  book  has  been  undertaken  at  all, 

WILLIAM  P.  BURKE. 
St,  Marysville,  Cahir, 

25th  May,  1907. 

•  "An  intention  there  was  not  long  since  by  Sir  James  Ley  Knight  to  have  published  some  of 
our  country'  writers,  for  which  end  he  caused  to  be  transcribed  and  made  fit  for  the  Presse,  the 
Annales  of  John  Clynne,  the  Annales  of  the  Priory  of  St.  John  the  Evangelist  of  Kilkenny,  and  the 
Annales  of  Multifernan,  Rosse  and  Clonmell.  But  his  weighty  occasions  did  afterwards  divert  his 
purpose." — Preface  to  Campion's  History  by  Sir  James  Ware,  Dublin,  1633. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I.  Page. 

Introductory     ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...       i 

CHAPTER  II. 
Feudal  Clonmel  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...       6 

CHAPTER  III. 

Clonmel  in  the  Sixteenth  Century     ...  ...  ...  ...  ...      21 

CHAPTER  IV. 
Clonmel,  1603-1641  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...     42 

CHAPTER  V. 
War  of  1641,  and  Siege  by  Cromwell  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...      60 

CHAPTER  VI. 
Clonmel  during  the  Commonwealth    ...  ...  ...  ...  ...     80 

CHAPTER  VIL 
From  the  Restoration  to  the  Revolution     ...  ...  ...  ...     95 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
Clonmel  in  the  Eighteenth  Century  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...    112 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Clonmel  in  the  Eighteenth  Century  (continued)  ...  ...  ...    136 

CHAPTER  X. 

Clonmel  in  the  Nineteenth  Century  ...  ...  ...  ...  •  ••    i74 

CHAPTER  XL 

Corporation      ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ••  •••  •••    214 


Contents— continued.  V. 

CHAPTER  XII.  Page. 

Cromwellian  Surveys,  &c.        ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...    238 

CHAPTER  Xm. 
St.  Mary's  Church        ...  ...  ...•         ...  ...  ...  ...    263 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
The  Franciscan  House...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...    299 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Parliamentary  Representatives  ...  ...  ...  ...  .314 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
Clonmel  Wills  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...    324 

CHAPTER  XVIL 
Printing  AND  Journalism  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...    346 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
Father  Sheehy  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...    361 

CHAPTER  XIX. 
The  Abbey  of  Innislounaght   ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...    406 

CHAPTER  XX. 
Donoughmore    ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...    417 

CHAPTER  XXI. 
The  Palatinate  of  Tipper ary  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...    424 

CHAPTER  XXII. 
Census  OF  IFFA  AND  Offa,  1659...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...    444 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 
Clonmel  Notabilities    ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...    457 


Index  of  Subjects  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...    499 

General  Index  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...    507 

List  of  the  Original  Subscribers         ...  ...  ..  ...  ...    520 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Page. 

View  of  Clonmel  ... 

Frontispiece 

Remains  of  Town  Wall    ... 

... 

16-17 

Parnell  Street 

56-7 

Main  Guard 

167-8 

O'Connkll  Street  ... 

172-3 

Bank  Note  of  Riall's  Bank.  1804  ... 

... 

190-I 

Quay 

196-7 

Corporation  Regalia 

235-^ 

St.  Mary's  Protestant  Church     ... 

264-5 

White's  Altar  Tomb 

269-70 

Chancel  Window,  Old  St.  Mary's 

... 

272-3 

St.  Mary's  Catholic  Church 

280-81 

Tomb  of  the  Lords  of  Cahir 

302-3 

Tomb  of  John  White,  First  Mayor  of 

Clonmel  ... 

343-4 

Oh  AFTER   I. 


INTRODUCTORY. 

CHE  district  of  Cionmei  in  the  beginning  of  documentary  history  was 
inhabited  by  a  Celtic  tribe  who  bore  the  name  of  the  Deisi. 
Traces  of  an  older  people,  probably  non- Aryan,  exist  in  some  place 
names,  those  especially  of  prominent  natural  features,  such  as 
rivers  and  mountains /'^/A  But  whence  this  older  race  or  races  were,  and 
what  influences  economic,  customary  or  religious,  they  exercised  on  the 
Celtic  Deisi  cannot  be  determined  at  the  present  stage  of  ethnological 
inquiry /'W.  The  story  which  the  Deisi  told  of  themselves  was  this:  they 
originally  occupied  a  territory  in  Meath,  now  the  barony  of  Deece,  and 
were  descended  from  a  common  ancestor,  Fiacha  Suidhe,  brother  of  Con 
of  the  Hundred  Battles  who  in  the  second  century  of  the  Christian  era  was 
monarch  of  Ireland.  About  the  year  278  having  attempted  to  place  their 
chief,  Aongus  on  the  throne,  they  were  defeated  and  driven  into  Munster, 
where  Olioll  Olum,  king  of  that  province  settled  them  in  the  present  County 
of  Waterford.  Increasing  in  power  and  numbers  they  passed  the  Suir 
towards  the  end  of  the  fifth  century,  and  drove  the  Ossorians  out  of  the 
district  north  of  the  river  which  henceforward  was  known  as  Deise 
Tuaisceart  or  North  Deise.  Such,  cleared  of  preternatural  accretions,  was 
the  traditional  account  (c).  Whatever  truth  it  may  contain,  it  is  to  be  noted 
that  the  aboriginal  name  of  the  locality  W1a$  femtn  ran  with  the  Celtic 
Deise  Tuaisceart  far  into  the  historic  period  and  the  inference  is  that  neither 
Ossorians  nor  Deisi  supplanted  the  older  race  but  simply  conquered  and 
coalesced  with  them. 


(a)  For  example  :  Liiij^aii,  Clodaj^h,  Mahon.  Suir.  But  Rev.  Dr.  Hcncbry  informs  me  that  in  the 
canton  ol"  Lu/ern,  Switzerland,  there  is  a  small  river  called  the  Sur  which  empties  into  the  Sursee. 

(h)  Professor  Rhys,  of  O.xford,  is  of  opinion  that  Druidism  bespeaks  a  non-Aryan  oriji^in. 

(c)  Keatinj^,  O' Flaherty,  O'Heerin  passim.  The  earliest  narrative  of  these  events  is  in  the 
Bodleian  (Laud  610,  fol.  99)  the  language  is  middle  Irish. 

B 


2  History  of  Clonmel. 

From  the  introduction  of  Christianity  onward  the  evidence  becomes 
more  reliable.  It  is  probable  that  the  Gospel  was  preached  in  the  district  by 
St.  Patrick  himself.  The  localities  Ballypatrick  and  Glasspatrick  preserve 
his  name ;  three  ancient  churches,  Kiltagan,  Killerk,  and  Kilmaloge,  preserve 
those  of  his  immediate  disciples,  while  Donoughmore  has  from  the  earliest 
times  been  regarded  as  a  Patrician  foundation  (d).  In  the  tenth  and  eleventh 
centuries  many  traditions  of  the  saint's  visit  to  the  Deisi  were  current,  some 
of  them  fortunately  finding  their  way  into  recognized  biography.  The 
Tripartite  life  has  a  very  circumstantial  account. 

Patrick  then  went  into  the  southern  Desi  and  set  about  building  a  church  in  Ard 
Patrick;  and  Lec-Patrick  is  there  and  the  marks  of  his  church,  Derball  son  of  Aedh 
opposed  him,  Derball  said  to  Patrick,  "  If  you  would  remove  that  mountain  there  so 
that  I  could  see  Loch  Lunga  across  it  to  the  south,  in  Fera  Maigh  Feine  [Fermoy 
barony]  I  would  believe."  Cenn  Abhrat  is  the  name  of  the  mountain  and  Belach 
Legtha  the  name  of  the  pass  which  was  melted  there.  When  the  mountain  began  to 
dissolve  Derball  said  that  whatever  he  (Patrick)  did  would  be  of  no  use.  Patrick  said  to 
Derball,  "There  shall  be  no  king  nor  bishop  of  your  family  and  it  will  be  permitted  to 
the  men  of  Munster  to  plunder  you  all  every  seventh  year  for  ever  as  bare  as  a  leek." 

As  Patrick  was  in  the  district  of  the  Desi  awaiting  the  King  of  the  country — 
Fergair  the  son  of  Rossa,  Patrick  said  to  him  after  his  arrival,  "  How  slowly  you  come"! 
"  The  country  is  rough  "  (said  he),  "  Quite  true,"  said  Patrick.  "  There  shall  be  no  King 
from  you  for  ever."  "What  delayed  you  to-day"?  asked  Patrick,  "The  rain  delayed  us," 
said  the  King.  "Your  meetings  shall  be  showery  for  ever,"  said  Patrick.  Patrick's  well 
is  there  and  also  the  church  of  MacClairidh  one  of  Patrick's  people.  And  assemblies 
are  not  held  by  the  Desi  except  at  night  because  Patrick  left  that  sentence  upon  them 
for  it  was  towards  night  they  went  to  him.  Patrick  then  cursed  the  streams  of  that 
place  because  his  books  were  drowned  in  them  and  the  fishermen  gave  his  people  a 
refusal.  Patrick  said  that  they  would  not  be  fruitful  notwithstanding  their  great 
profusion  up  to  that  time  and  that  there  would  never  be  any  mills  upon  them  except 
the  mills  of  strangers.  He  blessed  the  Suir  moreover  and  the  country  around  and  it  is 
fruitful  in  fish  except  the  places  where  those  streams  (glaise)  flow  into  it  (e) 

Another  tradition  of  the  eleventh  century,  to  which  the  scholarship  of 
Ussher  has  given  undue  prominence,  was  that  St.  Declan  preached  to  the 
Deisi  before  the  coming  of  St.  Patrick.  That  there  were  isolated  Christians 
in  the  South  of  Ireland  is  almost  certain,  considering  the  close  proximity  of 
the  Christian  communities  of  Wales  and  Cornwall,  but  that  St.  Patrick 

(d)  Glasspatrick  now  Glen  Patrick  was  a  distinct  parish  as  late  as  the  Down  Survey,  1654.  A 
rude  stone  chalice,  long  an  object  of  popular  veneration  in  Ballypatrick,  is  now  in  possession  of  Rev. 
P.  Power,  of  Waterford. 

(e)  Hennessy  and  others  have  identified  this  Deisi  with  "  Deisbeag,"  a  district  lying  around 
Bruff ;  the  truth  seems  to  be  that  the  Tripartite  is  a  redaction  of  older  lives — such  as  the  one 
in  the  Book  of  Armagh — nt^de  by  some  one  imperfectly  acquainted  with  Munster  topography.  Not 
to  speak  of  "  Patrick's  Well "  with  its  extremely  ancient  Celtic  cross,  the  names  Lec-Patrick,  Belach- 
Legtha,  Cille  MacClairidh,  are  all  discoverable  in  South  Tipperary.  The  monk  Jocelyn,  who  wrote 
in  the  12th  century,  makes  Lec-Patrick  the  coronation  stone  of  the  Munster  Kings  on  the  Rock  of 
Cashel  (Ed.  Messingham  p.  35,  Paris,  1624).  Belach-Legtha  seems  to  be  the  very  remarkable  pass 
in  the  Knockmeldown  mountains  now  known  as  Bay  Lough  :  a  Bealanlogh  in  Co.  Tipperary  is 
found  in  a  Piant  of  Elizabeth  dated  1587.  Cille  Mac  Clairidh  is  possibly  Kilmoclear,  north  of  Carrick. 
These  localities  may  have  been  confused  with  Ardpatrick  and  Singland,  in<  Co.  Limerick,  by  the 
compiler  of  the  Tripartite. 


History  of  Clonmel.  3 

found  a  Christian  tribe  and  a  regularly  constituted  diocese  under  the  rule 
of  St.  Declan  as  the  old  legend  of  that  saint  relates,  cannot  now  be 
maintained.  At  whatever  time  converted,  it  is  clear  that  by  the  middle  of 
the  seventh  century  the  whole  population  of  the  Deisi  had  embraced  the 
Christian  religion ;  not  only  so,  but  with  a  fervour  and  an  enthusiasm  that  led 
them  to  imitate  the  extreme  asceticism  of  the  East.  Some  such  as  St,  Aidan 
of  Bollendesert  and  St.  Declan  of  Ardmore,  retired  into  desert  places  after  the 
manner  of  St.  Anthony  and  St.  Pachomius.  Others  as  St.  Cuan  at  Mothel, 
and  St.  Carthage  of  Lismore,  set  up  religious  communities,  living  together  in 
stone  cells  or  houses  of  wattle  and  cultivating  the  learning  of  the  time. 
Others  again  fired  with  an  indomitable  missionary  spirit  carried  their  faith 
to  the  continent,  and  we  hear  of  two  great  Deisi  saints  as  wide  asunder  as 
Liege  and  Otranto.  St.  Farannan  of  Donoughmore  is  venerated  as  the  founder 
of  the  abbey  and  town  of  Waser  on  the  Meuse;  while  St.  Cathaldus  of 
Lismore  is  held  in  honour  in  the  old  Greek  city  of  Tarentum  at  the  extreme 
heel  of  Italy,  In  their  pedigrees  like  the  modern  Spaniards,  the  Deisi  were 
proud  to  emblazon  the  names  of  their  saints,  and  we  read  in  MacFirbisigh  of 
St.  Colman  of  Kilcash,  St.  Ronan  of  Kilronan,  St.  Ultan  of  Maghnidh,  and 
others.  The  death  of  a  notable  ecclesiastic  was  recorded  by  the  chroniclers 
with  equal  care  to  that  of  the  chief  himself.  More  curious  still  it  is  to  read 
amid  the  annals  of  savage  warfare  how  men  retired  to  Lismore-Mochuda 
and  in  the  quaint  language  of  the  annalist  put  themselves  under  the  direction 
of  a  "  soul-friend  "  and  died  there  "  after  the  victory  of  penance."  But  only 
in  asceticism  did  the  Deisi  copy  the  Eastern  church ;  an  incident  related  by 
St.  Bernard  affords  evidence  of  extraordinary  religious  tolerance.  A  cleric 
of  Lismore  denied  the  Real  Presence.  Being  prosecuted  by  the  laity  before 
a  meeting  of  the  clergy  he  had  permission  granted  him  to  defend  his  views. 
He  stoutly  maintained  against  St.  Malachy  who  was  present,  that  he  had 
reason  and  truth  on  his  side  while  on  the  other  was  the  mere  ipse  dixit  of  the 
primate.  Furthermore  he  accused  the  saint  of  dishonestly  speaking  against 
his  real  convictions.  Yet  we  learn  that  the  assembly  merely  declared  him 
anathema  and  left  him  to  the  judgment  of  God.  (f) 

Civilization  went  hand  in  hand  with  religion.  It  is  often  taken  for 
granted  that  the  Irish  previous  to  the  Anglo-Norman  invasion,  were  little 
better  than  savages,  and  the  murderous  tribal  warfare  recorded  in  the  annals 
is  put  in  evidence.  The  truth  is  that  in  the  fine  arts  as  probably  also  in  the 
useful  ones  they  were  far  in  advance  of  the  English  of  the  same  period. 
The  Lismore  crozier  apart  from  its  artistic  value  bespeaks  long  experience 


(f)  Life  of  St.  Malachy  by  St.  Bernard.     Messingham,  Paris,  1624,  p.  368-9. 


4  History  of  Clonmel. 

and  great  skill  in  the  working  of  metals.  The  old  church  of  Donoughmore 
may  be  instructively  compared  with  contemporary  ones  in  England  such  as 
Bradford-on-Avon.  The  clean  cut  ashlar  of  the  windows  together  with  the 
exquisite  Hiberno-classic  detail  is  removed  from  the  barbaric  English 
Romanesque  by  a  whole  cycle,  (g) 

The  most  important  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  Deisi  from  their  conversion 
to  the  twelfth  century  was  the  invasion  of  the  Danes.  Their  first  appearance 
in  the  locality  was  in  864  when  their  fleet  on  the  Blackwater  was  defeated 
and  the  fortified  camp  at  Youghal,  destroyed.  The  next  year  the  Deisi  were 
again  victorious,  Grimhbeolu,  "chief  of  the  foreigners  of  Cork,"  being  slain. 
During  the  following  century  and  a  half,  despite  many  reverses,  the  Danes 
continued  steadily  to  arrive.  From  the  harbours  they  penetrated  inland  in 
their  flat  bottomed  boats  and  having  raided  the  monasteries  and  chieftains* 
strongholds  swiftly  disappeared  again.  Yet  in  the  wake  of  the  freebooters 
many  came  to  trade  and  settle.  Tradition  credits  them  with  being  the 
builders  of  forts,  bridges  and  even  round  towers.  This  much  is  certain  that 
they  were  the  founders  of  the  great  maritime  cities  and  probably  of  some  of 
the  towns  on  navigable  rivers  also.  There  they  carried  on  considerable  trade, 
importing  large  quantities  of  wine  from  Poitou  and  exporting  ox  hides  and 
other  skins  (h).  Not  having  brought  wives  they  interjnarrled  with  the  Irish, 
and  so  came  in  the  next  generation  to  profess  the  Christian  religion. 
Politically  too  they  were  soon  identified  with  the  Irish ;  they  took  a  part  in 
the  tribal  wars,  and  at  Clontarf  some  of  them  fought  on  the  Irish  side,  while 
on  the  other  hand  some  Irish  fought  with  them.  When  the  Danish  community 
of  Waterford  petitioned  for  a  bishop,  the  petition  went  naturally  in  the  name 
of  the  Irish  king  (i).  By  the  time  that  the  Anglo-Normans  arrived  the  North- 
men and  the  native  Deisi  were  almost  completely  fused.  We  meet  with  such 
names  as  'Heverbric'  (Ivar  O'Brick),  *Ragnal  O'Rigbardain  '  (Reginald 
0*Riordan),  'Imari  O'Cathal'  (Ivar  O'Cahill)  and  others  (j).  The  most 
notable  occupant  of  the  See  of  Lismore  from  St.  Carthage  down,  was  the 
Dano-Irish  Gillechriost  O'Connary,  better  known  as  Christianus,  while  in  the 
defence  of  Waterford  against  Strongbow  the  leading  part  was  taken  by 
Malachy  OThelan,  chief  of  the  Deisi. 

It  is  to  the  Danes  that  we  are  to  look  for  the  first  beginnings  of  Clonmel. 
Making  their  way  up  the  Suir  to  its  navigable  limit,  the  islands  in  the  river 


(^)  Appendix. 

(h)  "  Foreign  commerce  supplies  it  with  wine  in  such  plenty  that  the  want  of  the  jjrowlh  01"  vines 
is  scarcely  felt.  Poitou  out  of  its  superabundance  ex|X)rts  vast  quantities  of  wine  to  Ireland  which 
willinj^ly  gives  in  return  its  ox  hides  and  the  skins  of  cattle  and  wild  beasts."  Giraldus  Cambrcnsis, 
p.  2\.     Bohn's  Translation. 

(i)  L'ssher,  SvHoge,  Dublin,  1632.  (j)  Annals  of  Innisfallen  1 170,  and  State  Papers. 


History  of  Clonmel.  5 

aflforded  a  position  to  hold  their  stocks  and  carry  on  their  barter  with 
absolute  security.  The  home  of  the  OThelans,  Greenane,  was  close  by,  and 
with  them  as  chiefs  of  the  district  the  principal  exchange  of  wine,  iron,  arms, 
and  personal  ornament  would  naturally  be  made.  Tradition  indeed  has 
constantly  traced  the  origin  of  Clonmpl  to  the  Danes.  The  compiler  of  the 
Tripartite  Life  in  the  eleventh  century  speaks  of  the  mills  of  the  "  foreigners  " 
there.  Without  entering  the  region  of  mere  speculation  a  few  vestiges  of  the 
Danish  settlement  may  be  traced.  The  highest  elevation  of  the  old  town, 
about  one  hundred  yards  west  of  the  Main  Guard,  has  always  been  pointed 
to  as  the  site  of  the  Castle  of  Clonmel  (k).  Lower  down,  the  level  land  along 
the  river  now  occupied  by  the  eastern  section  of  the  town  was  known  as  late 
as  a  century  ago  as  the  "Green."  From  what  we  know  of  Scandinavian 
settlements  elsewhere,  we  can  have  no  difficulty  in  recognising  the  fort- 
crowned  hill  as  the  ancient  "Thingmote,"  while  along  the  foot  of  it  was  the 
unmistakably  Danish  "Green"  or  place  of  assembly.  As  illustrating  the 
abiding  character  of  legal  institutions  amid  political  disturbance,  it  may  be 
observed  that  down  to  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  inquisitions 
were  held  and  cases  adjudicated  on  the  Green.  But  the  settlement  of  the 
Danes  seems  to  have  been  of  small  importance.  Girald  Barry  who  visited 
Ireland  in  II84  describes  the  Suir  as  flowing  through  Ardfinnan  and  Tibarach 
(a  hamlet  below  Kilsheelan  now  forgotten)  to  the  sea  ;  there  is  no  mention  of 
Clonmel  (l). 

fk)  Sec  note  iti/ru. 

(I)  The  name  of  Clonmel  so  obviously  inteliij^ihle  to  the  Irish  sixraker  does  not  prove  so  easy  on 
closer  investigation.  If  it  were  discoverable  in  the  ancient  annals  the  question  would  lie  at  once  set 
at  rest,  but  it  occurs  at  the  earliest  only  in  17th  century  documents,  -Keating  and  the  Four  Masters. 
Shaw  Mason's  "  Statistical  Survey  "  of  Clonmel  in  the  P.K.O.,  gives  the  popular  tradition. 

'*  Clonmel  derived  from  Irish  Clu^m  a  retreat  and  mcAlA  honey  which  Burke  (De  Burgo, 
Hibernia  Dominicana)  translates  "  Secessus  Mellis."  When  it  got  this  name  not  clearly  known, 
many  suppose  from  fertility  of  soil  and  richness  of  country  in  which  it  is  situate.  The  inhabitants 
have  among  them  the  following  tradition.  I/Oiig  before  the  inhabitants  of  this  country  were 
converted  to  Christianity  the  site  of  this  town  being  all  an  uncultivated  tract  of  land  on  both  sides  of 
the  Suir  some  of  the  aborigines  intended  to  build  a  large  castle,  and  like  the  antient  Greeks  and 
Romans  they  undertook  nothing  of  importance  without  some  kind  of  omen.  Taking  a  large  swarm  of 
bees  for  their  guides  which  they  accidentally  met,  they  determined  to  build  wherever  the  wandering 
insects  first  settled.  Accordingly  they  erected  a  castle  and  called  it  CluAin  Ule^lA  which  name  it 
always  retained  till  it  was  lately  [circa  18 10]  thrown  down  by  Mr.  John  Harvey  to  the  rear  of  whose 
house  in  the  Main  Street  and  directly  opposite  Flag  Lane  it  stood." 

Though  the  17th  century  authorities  give  CluAin  me-AlA  there  are  very  strong  reasons  for 
doubting  the  etymology.  The  careful  inquirer  will  hear  the  older  townsfolk  who  are  uninfluenced 
by  literary  tradition  pronounce  "  Clomell "  (accent  on  sejond  syllable).  Kickham  who  reproduced 
dialect  peculiarities  with  absolute  fidelity  makes  Phil  Lsihy  in  "  Knocknagow  "  state  "  'Twas  the 
corn  med  a  town  of  Clomell."  Now  this  is  supported  by  the  earliest  forms  of  the  name  in  state 
papers  and  other  public  records.  We  find  '  Clumell '  (1215),  'Clomele'  (1243),  'Clomele'  (1268), 
Clomeil' (1291),  'Clomer  (1302),  'Clomell'  (1381),  '  Clomel'  (1429).  This  would  point  to  the  old 
Irish  Ctiu  met.  The  word  Cltti  means  a  portion  or  division  and  is  often  used  in  connection  with 
land  in  the  early  MSS.  The  other  word  may  be  a  proper  name,  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  Deisi 
pedigree  contains  the  name  melt,  daughter  of  Ercbran,  who  became  wife  of  Crimthan,  King  of 
Ui  Cinnselagh.  So  that  the  true  interpretation  of  Cloinnel  may  be  *'  Mell's  Lot "  rather  than 
"  Honeyvale."  The  later  form  of  the  name  took  shape  as  the  significance  of  the  former  was 
forgotten.    Just  as  in  H.M.  navy  the  ship  Bdlcrophon  is  known  by  the  more  intelligible  "  Billy  Kufifian." 


Ohapxe^r  II. 


FEUDAL  CLONMEL, 

JT  is  one  of  the  commonplaces  of  Irish  history  that  at  the  time  of  the 
English  invasion,  the  whole  country  was  parcelled  out  among  the 
Anglo-Norman  adventurers  and  that,  so  far  as  the  power  and  law  of 
England  could  effect  it,  the  Irish  dominion  of  the  land  ceased,  "  All 
Ireland,"  writes  Sir  John  Davis,  "was  cantonized  among  ten  persons  of  the 
English  nation  ";  and  he  gives  the  interesting  detail  that  "  Otto  de  Grandison 
obtained  a  grant  of  all  Tipperary  "  (m).  Yet  this  statement  sanctioned  as  it 
is  even  by  original  inquirers  such  as  Prendergast  and  Richey  is  altogether 
wide  of  the  facts  (n).  To  take  a  few  local  instances.  In  1204  Donal  OThelan 
son  of  the  defender  of  Waterford  against  Strongbow,  still  held  the 
"province"  of  Dungarvan  with  two  other  cantreds  in  Waterford.  Forty 
years  later  his  son  Ros  OThelan,  together  with  Murrough  O'Brien  of  Aherlow, 
and  Richard  MacCormacan  of  the  Deisi,  as  independent  chiefs  were  invited 
by  Henry  III.  to  help  in  the  war  against  the  Scots  (0).  And  so  far  from 
Otto  de  Grandison  being  granted  all  Tipperary,  the  truth  is  that  personage 
did  not  arrive  in  Ireland  for  a  full  century  subsequent  to  the  invasion  and 
then  received  only  a  portion  of  the  Burgh  estates  in  that  county.  Though 
the  records  of  Henry  II.  and  John  are  in  great  part  lost,  the  Pipe  rolls  of 
Edward  I.  enable  us  to  form  a  tolerable  notion  of  the  Anglo-Norman 
settlement  of  Tipperary.      For  the  sheriffs  of  the  county,  John  de  Coventry 


(lu)  A  Discovery  of  the  True  Causes  VVhy  Ireland  was  never  Subdued — London  16 13. 
(u)  Cromwellian  Settlement  2  Ed.  p.  17.     Lectures  on  Irish  History,  First  Series,  13*6  scq. 
(o)  Slate  Papers,  Sweetnian,  pp.  34,  405. 


\ 


History  of  Clonmel.  7 

and  Maurice  Le  Bret,  in  the  years  1275-6  returned  in  their  accounts  the  rents 
paid  to  the  King  by  the  tenants  in  capite.  Now  these  rents  were  paid  in  the 
names  not  of  the  tenants  then  living,  but  in  those  of  the  original  grantees  or 
their  immediate  descendants. 

From  the  rolls  therefore  it  appears  that  in  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth 
century  the  southern  boundary  of  the  county  was  formed  by  the  Suir  as  far 
as  Cahir,  and  thence  by  the  Galtees.  East  and  north  the  boundaries  were 
substantially  as  at  present,  but  westwards  the  county  included  some  three  of 
the  present  baronies  of  Limerick  and  extended  to  within  a  few  miles  of  that 
city.  Upon  this  territory  were  set  down  twenty-two  feudarii  or  tenants 
holding  immediately  of  the  King,  and  about  six  times  that  number  of  sub- 
feudarii.  The  Irish  for  the  most  part  were  left  undisturbed.  We  hear  only 
of  the  O'Mearas  driven  into  North  Tipperary  from  the  rich  lands  of  lifa  and 
OfFa  (p).  The  O'Neills  of  Ballyneale,  the  O'Lonergans  of  Cahir,  the  Quirkes 
of  Clanwilliam,  the  Ryans  of  Owney,  the  Fogartys  of  Ely,  the  Meaghers  of 
Ikerrin  and  several  smaller  septs,  still  lived  on  the  lands  as  they  had 
probably  done  since  the  time  of  Christ.  The  Anglo-Norman  baron  or 
tenant  in  capite  built  his  mound,  erected  a  stockade,  surrounded  himself  with 
his  free  tenants  and  demanded  tribute  which  the  Irish  paid  when  he  was 
strong  enough  to  enforce  it  (q).  The  twenty-two  baronial  feuds  were  created 
at  different  times  and  were  of  very  unequal  extent.  A  list  of  them  drawn  up 
about  1240  with  the  services  payable  to  the  King  in  time  of  war,  is  found  in 
the  Pipe  rolls.  Though  not  invariably,  the  services  were  generally 
proportioned  to  the  value  and  extent  of  the  lands  conveyed, 

"  From  Richard  de  Burgh,  XVII  Knights'  services,  a  half  and  a  third. 

From  Theobald  Butler,  XXII  services. 

From  the  Lady  Moyalwy  [Moyaliff],  II  services. 

From  William  of  Worcester,  IX  services,  a  half. 

From  the  heirs  of  Hugh  de  Lega  of  Ustnachteg,  I  service. 

From  John  Butler,  I  service. 

From  William  de  Canvyl,  II  services. 

From  Walter  de  Burgh,  I  service. 

From  Richard  Fitz William,  a  half  service. 

(t>)  *'  O'Meara  who  is  a  j(oodly  prince 

The  chief  of  Hy  Faha" — O'Heerin  Topographical  Poem. 

(q)  An  inquisition  on  the  lands,  etc.,  of  Richard  de  Burgh  son  of  William,  in  1243  found  that 
of  his  manor  of  Kilsheetan  only  2\  plowlands  were  held  in  demesne,  while  the  Irish,  O'Neills  and 
the  rest,  held  23  plowlands  for  which  they  paid  a  tribute  of  £2%  a  year.  The  original  Norman 
"  castles "  were  of  wood  raised  on  an  artificial  mound  of  earth.  About  1214  when  Murrough 
O'Brien  invaded  Ormond  and  Ely  O'Carroll  "  the  King's  Council  commenced  fortifying  a  castle  in 
the  vill  of  Koscrea  by  erecting  a  mote  and  a  wooden  tower." — State  Papers,  Sweetman  I.,  p.  412. 
The  mote  at  Kilsheelan  is  very  perfect,  those  at  Tibroughney  and  Knockgraffon  still  more  so. 


8  History  of  Clonmel. 

From  Robert  Comyn,  a  half  service. 

From  Gilbert  English,  I  service. 

From  Walter  Bret,  I  service. 

From  John  Kent,  a  quarter  of  a  service. 

From  Gilbert  Canute,  an  eight  of  a  service. 

From  Richard  Cosyn,  a  quarter  of  a  service. 

From  Thomas  Cosin,  one  third  of  a  quarter  of  a  service. 

From  Robert  Racket,  one  service. 

From  William  Bret,  one  service. 

From  Matilda  de  Ledene,  a  half  service. 

From  Thomas  White,  a  half  service. 

From  John  de  Cranill,  a  quarter  of  a  service. 

From  Alexander  Stokes,  a  (juartcr  of  a  service  "  (r). 
It  will  be  observed  that  out  of  the  sixty  two  and  a  half  knight  services, 
forty-eight  were  rendered  by  three  barons,  De  Burgh,  Lc  Butler  and 
De  Worcester.  De  Burgh  was  son  of  William  FitzAdelm,  lord  lieutenant 
under  Henry  II.,  a  man  according  to  Cambrensis,  conspicuous  among  his 
fellow  adventurers  for  covetousness  and  ambition.  FitzAdelm  as  the  earliest 
grantee  obtained  the  choice  lands  of  that  county,  the  'Golden  Vale'  from 
Cashel  to  Limerick,  and  the  alluvial  district  from  Clonmel  to  Carrick.  The 
ruins  of  Athassel,  the  largest  of  Irish  abbeys,  where  he  and  his  sons  down 
to  the  Red  Earl  of  Ulster  lie  buried,  still  witness  to  his  magnificence.  The 
junior  branches  of  his  family  became  more  Irish  than  the  Irish  themselves, 
and  as  the  "Clan  William"  held  sway  in  the  baronies  which  bear  their 
name  in  Tipperary  and  Limerick,  down  to  the  time  of  Elizabeth.  More 
extensive  though  not  so  fertile  was  the  district  granted  to  Theobald  Butler 
in  1200.  It  included  the  five  baronies  of  Ely  O'Carrol,  Eliogarthy,  Owney 
and  Arra,  Owney  O'Callaghan,  Owney  O'Heflfernan  and  the  half  barony  of 
Killaloe  (s).  The  third  of  the  great  feuds  was  created  in  favour  of  Philip  of 
Worcester,  uncle  of  William,  whose  name  appears  on  the  roll.  It  embraced 
the  baronies  of  Slievardagh,  Comsey,  Owney  Cashel  (now  Middlethird), 
Ardfinnan  and  Muskerry  Quirke,  the  head  or  baronial  castles  being 
Knockgraffon,  Ardmayle  and  Kiltinan  (i).  These  three  great  feudarii  created 
numerous  sub-infeudations.  Under  the  Butlers  were  the  Purcells,  Graces 
(Le  Gros),  Morrises  (De  Monte  Marisco),  Boy  tons,  Fannings,  and  others.     The 


(r)  Pipe  n»l!  3  &  4  Kcl.  I.  The  TipiHrrjiry  i^orlioii  occupies  40  pa^^es  f«M»lscap  in  ihe  traiiNcript 
made  by  Mr.  T.  F.  Morrissy.  Pub.  Kec.  OlVice.  Kxcept  lor  names  and  adininistrative  detail  it  is  tnilv 
valuable  as  showing  tlial  the  leudal  settlement' of  Tipperary  by  the  Ani^lo-Xorniaiis  was  very 
thoroiij^h. 

(s)  Carle's  Ormoiid,  .vviii. 

(t)  Grant,  6  July,  1215.     State  Pa|x;rs,  Swcetman. 


History  of  Clonmel.  9 

Worcesters,  and  their  inheritors  the  De  Berminghams,  had  as  under  tenants 
the  De  Ketings,  St  Johns,  Mocklers  (Mauclerc),  Tobins  (St.  Aubyn), 
Mandevilles,  Heneberys  (De  Inteberge)  and  Prendergasts. 

Having  settled  on  their  allotments  the  Anglo-Normans  proceeded  to 
open  communications  through  the  county.  The  two  approaches  into 
Tipperary  were  the  **  tougher"  in  the  bog  of  Ely  east  of  Thurles,  and  the 
passage  from  South  Ossory  by  Mullinahone.  The  former  was  guarded  by 
the  castle  of  Adlongport  (Longford  Pass)  held  by  Elias  FitzNorman.  In 
1242  Maurice  FitzGeraJd,  justiciary,  was  ordered  to  cut  down  the  wood  of 
Thomas  St.  Aubyn  in  the  pass  of  Comsy,  between  Fethard  and  the  marches 
of  Ossory,  "  that  a  safe  way  might  be  opened  for  merchants  and  wayfarers, 
the  King  having  heard  that  many  persons  peaceably  passing  there  had  been 
killed  and  others  robbed  "  (11),  Southwards  the  great  road  between  Cashel 
and  Lismore  was  protected  at  the  ford  of  Ardfinnan  by  the  Knights 
Hospitallers  settled  there.  The  communication  with  Limerick  by  the  wooden 
bridge  at  Ballindrehid  was  maintained  by  the  neighbouring  castle  of  Knock- 
graflfon.  Many  of  these  Anglo-Norman  roads  are  still  traceable  with  the  aid 
of  the  ordnance  maps,  and  it  will  be  found  that  in  nearly  all  cases  they 
follow  the  line  of  the  old  castles.  Communications  being  established,  the 
new  settlers  obtained  charters  for  holding  fairs  in  certain  districts,  and  in 
some  instances  founded  municipal  communities.  If  we  had  not  the  evidence 
of  the  public  records  it  would  be  difficult  to  believe  that  such  places  as 
Athassel,  Ardfinnan  and  Lisronagh  were  once  corporate  towns.  Yet  in 
1293  the  commonalty  of  Athassel  with  their  provost  Roger  Thuberville  were 
fined  for  trespass.  Edward  II.  in  1 31 1  at  the  instance  of  the  Bishop  of 
Lismore  granted  bridge  toll  to  the  "  bailiffs  and  good  men  of  Ardfynan," 
while  Henry  IV.  granted  to  the  provost  and  commons  of  Lisronagh  exemption 
from  taxes  "for  the  building  and  rehabilitation  of  their  town  burnt  by  the 
FitzGeralds  "  (v). 

Throughout  the  thirteenth  century  the  feudal  system  was  maintained 
unbroken.  The  King's  officers,  sheriffs,  escheators  and  coroners  were 
regularly  appointed  and  the  baronial  and  manor  courts  were  in  full 
operation.  The  accounts  in  the  Pipe  rolls  exhibit  the  profits  of  the  King's 
courts,  fines,  reliefs,  marriage  compositions,  scutage  payments,  escheats, 
down  to  the  smallest  detail.  The  dull  routine  of  the  figures  is  occasionally 
relieved  by  such  items  as  [1254]  "£3  14s.  od.  fine  to  be  levied  on  the  town 
of  Cashel  for  the  escape  of  a  thief  from  the  parish  church  [where  he  had 
been   kept]   for   want  of   a   prison.'Ytyy.     In   the   same   year  a   thief  took 


(n)  State  Papers,  Sweetman,  p.  385.  (%^}  Pipe  Rolls  Ed.  I.     Patent  Rolls  Ed.  II.  &  Hen.  IV. 

(w)  Account  of  William  de  Waylande,  Sheriff  of  Tipperary,  39  Hen.  III. 


10  History  of  Clonmel. 

sanctuary  in  the  church  of  Ardfinnan;  several  persons  who  should  have 
kept  watch  on,  and  arrested  him  when  leaving,  were  fined  for  his  escape. 
In  1275  David,  Archbishop  of  Cashel,  accounted  for  125  marks  out  of  the 
goods  of  Reginald  Maccot  a  usurer  ^jrA  Henry  of  Kilsheelan  was  fined  for 
selling  wine  contrary  to  the  assize  (legal  price),  while  several  were  fined  for 
false  weights  and  measures.  So  exhaustive  indeed  are  the  particulars,  that 
the  few  fragments  of  the  rolls  of  Henry  III.  and  Edward  I.  surviving,  are 
enough  to  show  that  the  Anglo-Norman  settlement  of  Tipperary  was 
thorough  and  complete.  But  the  feudal  system  in  Ireland  laboured  under 
some  fatal  defects.  At  the  head  stood  the  justiciary  representing  the  King. 
Often  selected  from  one  of  the  eight  or  so  ruling  families,  that  functionary 
instead  of  being  the  controlling  power  and  the  bond  of  peace,  became  a 
mere  centre  of  intrigue  and  conflict.  Occasionally  but  worse  still,  some 
adventurer  climbed  into  the  position,  only  to  use  it  for  traffic  in  the  King's 
justice  and  King's  patronage.  Such  a  man  was  Stephen  de  Fulburne, 
Bishop  of  Waterford,  who  was  appointed  justiciary  in  1 282.  "  Hardly  any 
one"  it  was  said  "can  hold  office,  or  be  sheriif,  or  constable  of  a  castle 
unless  he  gives  or  sells  land  to  the  justiciary  or  bestows  on  him  half  the 
fees.  Take  the  case  of  Walter  Uncle  [sheriflf]  and  the  proceeds  of  the 
Co.  Tipperary.  He  every  year  gives  more  in  horses  to  the  justiciary  than 
the  whole  proceeds  for  which  he  is  accountable  to  the  King."  (y)  How  the 
sheriff"  recouped  himself  we  learn  from  a  petition  of  the  Tipperary 
freeholders  to  King  Edward  I.  in  1290.  Following  the  example  of  the 
neighbouring  Irish  chiefs  the  sheriffs  in  their  half-yearly  tourns  regularly 
"coshered"  on  the  people  to  their  great  damage.  Moreover  they  now 
levied  a  half  mark  each  tourn  on  every  knight's  fee  instead  of  on  the 
barony  as  formerly  (z).  They  invented  a  new  offence  and  so  by  the  fines 
reaped  considerable  profit.  This  was  to  summon  the  freeholder  to  cut  down 
the  woods  in  the  bad  passes  of  the  county,  whoever  defaulted  was  fined 
YiQ2iV\\y  (aa).  The  Anglo-Norman  yeomen  caught  between  the  upper  and 
nether  millstones  of  their  lords  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Irish  on  the  other 
gradually  disappeared.  The  names  which  figure  so  largely  in  the  Pipe  rolls 
and  Plea  rolls  of  Tipperary  in  the  thirteenth  century  are  sought  in  vain  in 
later  records.  Neither  in  the  Fiants  of  Elizabeth,  nor  the  census  of  our  own 
day  can  one  discover  such  patronymics  as  Arsyc,  Burel,  Codynor,  Dunheved, 
I'Enfaut,  fflamvill,  Godmund,  Haleton,  Joye,  Krik,  Lovell,  Mallbronch, 
Namenach,  Osnel,  Passelewe,  Roleg,  Stobboc,  Trussenylan,  Wyard,  Yvor. 


(x)  Account  of  John  de  Coventry,  Sheriff,  3  Kd.  I. 
(y)  State  Papers  1 285,  Sweetman  p.  4. 
(z)  Ibid  p.  316.  (aa)  Ibid  447  scq. 


History  of  Clonmel.  ii 

The  Irish,  as  has  been  observed,  still  remained  on  their  tribe  lands. 
Except  that  some  fertile  districts  here  and  there  were  occupied  by  the 
Norman  lord,  partly  in  demesne  partly  by  his  tenants,  the  old  order 
continued.  The  chief  was  regularly  elected;  the  land  distribution  under  the 
ancient  law  took  place  periodically;  the  brehon  sat  in  judgment;  the 
shanaghee  constructed  the  tribal  pedigree  ;  the  bard  played  the  old  music ; 
the  traditional  literature  still  flourished.  There  were  in  short  two  nations 
on  the  same  soil,  not  side  by  side  but  intermixed,  one  claiming  it  de  jure  by 
the  legal  fiction  of  conquest,  the  other  holding  it  de  facto  by  every  moral 
right.  Such  a  state  of  things  could  last  only  as  long  as  the  balance  of 
power  was  even,  and  the  balance  was  disturbed  in  the  early  years  of  the 
fourteenth  century  by  the  advent  of  Edward  Bruce. 

In  1318  after  three  years  warfare  and  eighteen  successive  victories  Bruce 
fell  at  Faughard,  near  Dundalk.  But  he  brought  down  with  him  in  his  fall 
the  feudal  government  of  Ireland.  The  Anglo-Norman  forces  were  shattered, 
their  tenantry  dispersed,-  their  castles  even  in  ruins.  The  Irish  now  seized 
the  opportunity  and  what  Bruce  had  left,  they  destroyed.  North  Tipperary 
for  example  had  been  a  successful  colony  under  the  Butlers.  Along  the  line  of 
the  Shannon  and  among  the  head  waters  of  the  Suir  many  a  castle  had  been 
planted  in  dependence  on  Nenagh  as  the  "  caput  baroniae."  Lord  Edmund 
Butler  being  justiciary  in  1 3 16,  Bruce  invaded  the  district  and  making  Nenagh 
his  headquarters  "  burnt  and  destroyed  all  Butler's  lands "  (bb).  Next  year 
O'Carrol  of  Ely  completed  the  ruin  by  defeating  the  remnant  of  Butler's 
forces,  killing  two  hundred  of  them.  Shortly  after  Bryan  O'Brien  laid  claim 
to  the  whole  district  as  part  of  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Thomond,  and 
forthwith  proceeded  to  make  good  his  claim  (cc).  In  1322  he  gained  his  first 
great  victory  over  the  English.  The  parliament  at  Kilkenny  on  the  petition  of 
the  commonalty  of  Tipperary  agreed  to  raise  a  subsidy,  and  the  sheriffs  of 
the  county,  Geoflfry  Prendergast  and  John  Landers,  were  ordered  to  organize 
an  army  to  be  commanded  by  John  de  Bermingham,  the  conqueror  of  Bruce  (dd). 
But  O'Brien  maintained  his  ground  and  three  years  later,  moving  south,  he 
destroyed  the  De  Burgh  baronies  of  Clanwilliam  and  reduced  the  towns  of 
Tipperary  and  Athassel  to  ashes.  The  Normans,  now  thoroughly  aroused, 
formed  a  confederacy  under  the  Earl  of  Ulster,  with  O'Connor  King  of 
Connaught  and  Murtough  O'Brien  of  Thomond  as  allies.  O'Brien  at  first 
suffered  a  reverse  at  Thurles  but  soon  inflicted  an  overwhelming  defeat  on 


(bb)  Book  of  Howth  ad  an. 

fee)  In  a  State  Paper  of  Henry  VII. '  Twomont '  included  O'Kynedy  of  Ormonde,  O'Kerowyll  of 
Elye,  O'Meajjher  of  Keryn,  O'Brene  of  Arragh,  O'Molryane  of  Wehen  (ORyan  of  Ownev),  O'Dwyre 
of  Kvlnemanagh,  and  McBrene  of  Ighonaght  (Coonagh).— Book  of  Howth  p.  255. 

(dd)  Pat.  Rol.  20  Ed.  II. 


12  History  of  Clonmel. 

the  allies,  the  King  of  Connaught  being  left  dead  on  the  field.  The  success 
of  the  Irish  may  be  measured  by  the  fact  that  two  years  later,  in  1332,  they 
cut  into  the  heart  of  the  Dc  Bermingham  country  and  burnt  the  town  of 
Cahir  (ec).  The  sequel  is  related  in  the  Four  Masters,  under  the  date  1337, 
when  an  agreement  was  come  to  that  O'Brien  should  hold  the  land  and  a 
certain  rent  was  to  be  paid  to  De  Burgh— a  covenant  probably  which  neither 
party  took  seriously. 

If,  as  has  been  observed,  there  are  some  indications  in  embryonic 
Clonmel  of  a  Danish  origin,  yet  the  town  as  it  emerges  into  history  is 
unmistakably  Anglo-Norman.  The  four  streets  radiating  from  the  centre 
forming  a  cross,  the  parish  church  occupying  the  north-west  quadrant,  the 
dedications  "Our  Lady  of  Clonmel,"  St.  Nicholas,  patron  of  sailors,  St.  Stephen 
with  its  leper  house,  all  these  are  characteristic  of  the  older  English  towns 
and  of  their  Norman  prototypes.  The  earliest  documentary  reference  to  the 
town  occurs  in  121 5.  That  year  King  John  sent  a  mandate  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Dublin,  justiciary,  to  distrain  William  d'Aencurt  for  £ioo  purchase  money  of 
Clonmel.  The  purchase  had  been  effected  some  years  before  but  payment  had 
not  been  made  (ff).  The  explanation  is  probably  furnished  by  an  entry  in 
the  Close  rolls,  2ist  October,  1221,  when  the  manor  and  ville  of  Clonmel  were 
in  litigation  between  D'Aencurt  and  Richard  de  Burgh.  It  would  appear 
therefore  that  the  grant  to  D'Aencurt  had  been  made  in  ignorance  that 
Clonmel  was  included  in  the  lands  previously  granted  to  William  fitz  Adelm 
de  Burgh,  father  of  Richard. 

To  Richard  de  Burgh,  justiciar}',  the  most  prominent  man  in  Ireland  of 
his  generation,  Clonmel  as  a  municipal  and  commercial  entity  owes  its 
existence.  As  early  as  1225  he  obtained  from  Henry  III.  a  grant  for  a  yearly 
fair  in  the  town  beginning  on  the  feast  of  All  Saints  and  lasting  for  the 
seven  following  days.  In  1242  this  fair  was  changed  to  the  feast  of 
St.  Magdalen  (2ist  July)  and  made  permanent.  The  charter  of  incorporation 
which  he  as  lord  of  the  manor  granted  to  the  burgesses  is  not  now  extant, 
but  its  tenor  may  be  learned  from  similar  ones  by  contemporary  lords. 
Evidence  however  is  not  wanting  as  to  the  state  of  the  town.  On  the  death 
of  De  Burgh  in  1243  an  inquisition  in  accordance  with  feudal  law  was  held 
into  his  property.  From  this  it  appears  that  a  rent  of  £19  6s.  was  payable 
by  the  burgesses.  Now  as  contemporary  charters  show  a  uniform  burgage  rent 
of  twelve  pence,  the  sheriff's  return  would  represent  386  burgesses  and  a  town 
population  therefore  of  2,000.  Surprising  though  these  figures  appear  they 
can  be  tested  from  other  sources.     In  the  charter  of  incorporation  besides  the 


fit'}  .\nna!s  of  Four  Masters,  Clyn,  Koss.  &c.  (fi)  Stale  Papers,  Swcctinan. 


History  of  Clonmel.  i3 

common  of  wood  and  moor  on  the  south  side  of  the  river,  there  were  granted 
in  small  allotments  the  burgagery  lands  north  of  the  town.  These  extended  to 
about  850  Irish  acres,  and  taking  the  average  allotment,  the  burgesses  would 
approximate  to  the  above  figure  (gg).  Again,  the  mills  of  Clonmel  as  part  of  the 
dower  of  Egidia  widow  of  De  Burgh  were  valued  at  £8  1 3s.  4d.  yearly.  As  only 
the  corn  of  the  manor  tenants  was  ground,  the  profits  show  the  existence  of  a 
large  community.  De  Burgh's  children  being  minors  his  estates  passed  into 
the  hands  of  the  King.  Richard  de  Burgh,  junior,  dying  in  1 250  was  succeeded 
by  his  brother  Walter,  who  does  not  seem  to  have  had  livery  of  Clonmel  and 
Kilsheelan  previous  to  his  exchanging  these  manors  for  the  land  of  Ulster. 
An  entry  in  the  Pipe  roll  for  1276  runs  "Richard  fitz  Ely  accounts  to  the 
Exchequer  for  the  rent  of  Clonmel  and  Kilsylan  and  for  all  the  other 
proceeds  of  these  manors, — which  have  been  in  the  hands  of  the  King  from 
Christmas  in  the  twenty-ninth  year  (Henry  III.,  1244), — up  to  the  next  Feast 
of  St.  Michael."  A  notable  personage  now  appears  on  the  scene.  Otto  de 
Grandison  was  sheriff  of  County  Tipperary  in  1 267  and  the  two  following 
years.  During  this  period  casting  his  eyes  on  the  rich  lands  occupied 
despite  feudal  law  by  the  junior  De  Burgh  families,  De  Grandison  soon 
obtained  a  grant  of  them  for  life.  Subsequently  returning  to  England,  he 
was  attached  to  the  King's  council  until  1289  when  he  went  on  an  embassy 
to  Rome.  Ten  years  later  he  set  out  for  the  Crusade.  He  was  present  at 
the  siege  of  Acre  whence  escaping  in  company  with  the  King  of  Cyprus 
he  was  reported  to  have  perished  in  a  shipwreck.  But  in  1302  he  arrived 
home  safely,  bringing  with  him  a  Roman  order  for  payment  of  3,000  marks, 
losses  incurred  at  the  siege  of  Acre.  Previous  to  his  foreign  peregrinations 
he  succeeded  in  converting  his  freehold  in  Clonmel  into  fee  simple 
absolute. 

Edward,  the  King  has  granted  to  Otto  de  Grandisson  for  his  homage  and  his 
service  to  the  King  during  youth,  and  for  his  expenditure  the  castle,  cantred,  and  entire 
territory  of  Hokmath  ICoonagh  barony,  Co.  Limerick],  the  entire  ville  of  Tipperary  and 
its  appurtenances,  the  castle  and  ville  of  Kilfecle,  the  entire  district  of  Muskerry  and 
the  ville  of  Clonmel,  to  hold  to  him  and  his  heirs  for  ever,  with  knight  services, 
advowsons  of  churches,  &c.,  &c.    Copeford,  26th  July,  1281  (hh). 

The  interest  which  he  and  his  representatives  took  in  the  newly 
acquired  possessions  is  evident  from  several  entries  in  the  State  Papers.  It 
is  probable  that  during  the  minority  of  the  De  Burghs  the  manorial 
jurisdiction    fell   into   abeyance,   De  Grandison  determined  to  protect  his 


(^)  '•'•i^'  hurf(:igc  holdiiiiis  in  Imiistiogue  were  3  acres,  in  Rathcoolc  4  acres,  in  Rathmorc 
some  I,  some  7  acres-  Gale. 

(hh)  V'A\.  Rolls,  Calendar  Hen.  II.     Hen.  VH.  p.  i. 


14  History  of  Clonmel. 

tenants  as  doubtless  also  to  secure  the  perquisites  of  his  court.  In  1 299 
John  de  la  Rokele  and  Walter  fitz  Mathew  Power  by  a  writ  Praecipe  began 
proceedings  against  certain  burgesses  of  Clonmel  in  the  King's  courts.  As 
it  was  a  grievance  to  the  citizens  to  compel  them  to  appear  outside  their 
bailiwick  and  a  violation  of  their  rights  as  freemen  under  Magna  Charta, 
Otto  petitioned  the  King  and  quashed  the  proceedings.  Besides  legal 
protection  the  citizens  obtained  a  further  instalment  of  freedom,  the  right 
to  levy  taxes.  The  King  at  the  instance  of  Otto  de  Grandison  in  1298 
granted  to  "  the  bailiffs  and  good  men  of  Clonmel "  for  the  benefit  of  the 
town  and  the  greater  security  of  the  adjacent  parts,  customs  on  all  articles 
domestic  or  foreign  brought  for  sale  there,  the  grant  to  last  for  ten  years  (it). 
Before  this  had  run  out,  the  need  for  fortifying  the  town  became  increasingly 
evident:  the  water  ditch  and  the  wooden  stockade  afforded  the  citizens 
scant  protection  against  the  marauding  baron  and  the  omnipresent  Irish  (jj). 
In  1319  a  "murage"  grant,  or  grant  to  build  stone  walls  was  made  to  the 
provost  and  bailiffs,  to  be  levied  on  all  merchandise  sold  in  the  town  for 
seven  years.  This  seems  to  have  been  effective  for  no  other  is  discoverable 
in  the  records  for  a  generation.  Meanwhile  the  De  Grandisons  finding  the 
occupation  of  their  Irish  territory  uncongenial  and  the  defence  of  it 
anything  but  easy,  became  absentees.  The  withdrawal  of  the  superior  lord 
unbridled  the  turbulent  sub-feudarii  who  by  this  time,  through  the  logic  of 
circumstances,  were  grown  half  Irish.  The  country  was  soon  consumed  by 
smouldering  civil  war.     A  drastic  remedy  had  to  be  adopted. 

[1316].  Edward  the  King  to  John  Wesda  of  Clonmel,  greeting.  Whereas  all  rents, 
profits,  etc.,  of  the  holdings  of  foreigners  and  strangers  who  do  not  spend  such  in 
defence  of  the  said  lands  whereby  all  their  own  lands  and  those  of  other  faithful  subjects 
are  destroyed  and  wasted  by  malefactors  and  other  disturbers  of  the  peace  and  whereas 
Otho  de  Grandison  is  beyond  the  seas,  etc.,  he  John  Wesda  is  authorized  to  receive 
such  rents  of  the  said  Otho  and  transmit  them  to  Dublin  to  our  Treasury  (kk). 

The  De  Grandisons  returned  and  seem  to  have  satisfactorily  fulfilled 
their  responsibilities.  Under  date  1 326  the  Anglo-Irish  chronicler  records 
"In  the  morning  of  the  vigil  of  Michaelmas  died  at  Clonmel  the  noble  squire 
Theobald  de  Grandison"  (H).  The  town  folk  followed  their  vocations  in  peace, 
their  only  vexation  being  the  trade  jealousy  of  Carrick.  A  curious  instance 
of  this  is  set  forth  in  some  law  pleadings  of  1331.  Henry  Tykenham  sued 
Richard  Ocrethan  (O'Crehan)  and  others.    The  plaintiff  stated  that  the  late 

(ii)  Appendix. 

(ij)  A  memorial  of  this  ditch  long  existed  outside  the  north  gate  of  the  town  ;  the  "  Barior  "  is 
frequently  mentioned  in  early  17th  century  patents  of  land  there. 

(kk)  Order  by  Bdmund  Butler,  Justiciary  and  Council,  Exchequer  Mem.  10,  Ed.  II.  P.R.O. 
Dublin. 

(II)  Annals  of  Ros,  p.  43. 


History  of  Clonmel.  is 

King  (Edward  II.)  by  letters  patent  in  aid  of  enclosing  the  town  of  Carrick 
with  a  stone  wall,  granted  certain  customs  of  things  coming  for  sale  to  said 
town.  Now  the  plaintiff  his  men  and  servants  in  boats  with  merchandizes 
passing  through  the  middle  of  the  water  which  leads  from  Clonmel  to 
Waterford  and  from  Waterford  to  Clonmel,  just  as  if  the  merchandizes  had 
passed  through  the  middle  of  the  town  of  Carrick  to  be  sold  there  which  they 
were  not,  were  greviously  destroyed  and  manifoldly  aggrieved  by  the  said 
Richard  O'Crehan  and  others  being  the  men  of  Carrick,  to  the  great  damage 
of  said  Henry  and  against  the  prohibition  of  the  Lord  the  King,  etc.  (mm). 
But  disturbed  times  came  again  and  the  De  Grandisons,  who  to  judge  from 
the  Papal  Registers  were  intensely  religious,  preferred  their  quiet  home  in 
Hereford.  In  1 338  their  sixty  years  connexion  with  Clonmel  came  to  an  end. 
"At  the  beginning  of  autumn  Maurice  fitz  Thomas  then  Earl  of  Desmond 
bought  Clonmel  and  Kilsheelan  from  William  (recte  Peter)  de  Grandison  for 
one  thousand  one  hundred  marks  (nn). 

Hitherto  Kilmanahan  Castle  had  been  the  northern  outpost  of  the 
Desmond  territory  and  the  Suir  the  natural  boundary.  By  the  new  purchase 
the  Desmonds  encroached  upon  the  Ormond  palatinate  which  had  just  been 
created,  so  that  between  them  and  their  kinsman  the  White  Knight,  the 
districts  of  the  De  Keatings  of  Nicholastown,  De  Prendergasts  of  Newcastle, 
and  De  Berminghams  of  Cahir  were  almost  isolated.  To  this  disturbance  of 
the  scientific  frontier  much  of  the  subsequent  local  history  is  traceable.  The 
ruins  of  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  century  castles  which  stud  the  country  still 
tell  of  the  historic  feud  between  the  Butlers  and  the  Desmonds,  and  in  part 
explain  it,  Clonmel  accordingly  soon  began  to  share  the  varying  fortunes  of 
its  new  lords. 

In  1345  Ralph  de  Ufford,  justiciary,  after  a  successful  campaign  against 
Desmond  occupied  his  principal  castles  and  confiscated  the  estates.  The 
following  year  John  Morris,  seneschal,  was  granted  the  custody  of  Clonmel,  etc. 
with  power  to  remove  constables,  bailiffs,  and  minor  officers  and  appoint 
others  in  their  stead.  The  terrible  plague  known  in  history  as  the  "Black 
Death  "  visited  the  town  in  1349.  This  with  other  calamities,  is  touchingly 
related  in  a  murage  grant  of  1355. 

Whereas  it  has  been  fully  testified  to  the  Council  of  the  King  in  Ireland  that  the 
town  of  Clonmel  is  in  divers  ways  reduced  to  pauperism  by  the  plague  which  was  lately 
in  those  parts  as  also  by  the  numerous  losses  of  different  kinds  which  its  merchants 
have  met  by  sea  and  in  foreign  countries,  the  King  considering  their  losses  and  poverty, 

(mm)  Plea  Rolls,  5  Ed.  III.,  P.R.O.  Grammar  and  sense  slightly  mixed  in  original  as  in 
translation. 

(nn)  Clyn's  Annals,  p.  29. 


16  History  of  Clonmel. 

for  a  fine  of  two  marks  paid  by  the  burgesses  and  commonalty  through  John  Stephens, 
junior,  has  conceded  and  granted  to  the  said  burgesses  and  commonalty  for  the  relief  of 
the  said  town  murage  and  pontage  of  everything  coming  for  sale  there  for  eight  years 
from  date  hereof.  Provided  that  at  the  end  of  that  term  they  render  account  before 
two  liege  men  of  the  said  town  to  be  chosen  for  that  purpose  by  the  commonalty,  as  is 
fitting,  and  no  other  account  to  be  rendered  to  the  lord  the  king,  if  only  the  murage 
and  pontage  receipts  are  honestly  expended  on  the  repair  of  the  walls  and  bridge  of  the 
said  town.     12  day  of  January,  1355. 

Edward  III.  released  the  Earl  from  custody  and  having  pronounced 
D'Uflford's  proceedings  illegal,  restored  the  estates  and  finally  in  1355  made 
Desmond  viceroy.  On  the  death  of  Desmond,  his  countess  Eveleen  had 
livery  of  Clonmel  as  part  of  her  dowry,  and  the  following  year  1359  is 
remarkable  as  the  first  in  which  Clonmel  returned  members  to  Parliament. 
On  i8th  March  a  writ  was  directed  to  the  provost  and  bailiffs  of  Clonmel  to 
send  "  two  of  their  more  discreet  citizens  "  to  the  parliament  which  was  to 
meet  at  Waterford  on  the  Monday  next  after  the  Feast  of  St.  Ambrose. 

Though  the  Desmonds  as  lords  of  the  manor  held  courts  leet  in  the  town, 
yet  the  Ormonds  in  right  of  their  palatinate,  took  cognisance  of  the  graver 
pleas  excepting  the  four  reserved  to  the  King.  But  the  provost  of  the  town 
would  be  subject  to  the  Desmonds  as  his  jurisdiction  was  manorial,  hence 
the  Ormonds  to  counteract  this,  appointed  a  higher  authority  known  as  the 
Superior  or  Sovereign.  The  preamble  therefore  of  the  following  writ  is 
probably  as  truthful  as  such  things  usually  are. 

Edward  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  England  and  France  and  Lord  of  Ireland  to  all 
whom  these  presents  shall  reach,  greet im;.  Whereas  we  considering  how  much  the 
town  of  Clonmel  within  the  liberty  of  our  beloved  and  faithful  cousin  James  le  Bottiler, 
Earl  of  Ormond,  stands  in  need  of  ampler  and  more  powerful  government  than  it  has 
had  hitherto,  especially  in  these  days  when  the  citizens  as  loyal  men  are  seriously  and 
openly  threatened  by  malefactors  and  robbers,  as  is  reported.  We,  therefore  wishing 
to  make  liberal  provision  for  the  safety  and  defence  of  the  said  town  by  our  special 
grace  and  at  the  request  of  our  said  cousin  grant  and  give  license  for  us  and  our  heirs 
to  the  extent  of  our  power,  to  the  provost  and  commonalty  of  the  said  town  that  they 
in  future  whenever  it  shall  please  them,  shall  elect  out  of  their  fellow  burgesses  every 
year,  a  Superior  who  when  elected  shall  make  oath  before  the  provost  and  commonalty 
to  do  each  and  everything  necessary  and  opportune  for  the  safe  and  secure  government 
of  the  said  town  and  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of  our  loyal  men  therein,  just  as  the 
superiors  of  the  towns  of  Kilkenny,  Ross,  Wexford  and  Youghal  reasonably  do.  We 
grant  also  to  the  provost  and  commonalty  for  the  time  being  by  these  presents  in 
writing  that  they  be  intendant  and  respondent  to  the  Superior  for  the  time  being  in  all 
things  relating  to  his  office  as  often  as  and  just  as  is  enjoined  him  on  our  part,  the  right 
of  the  royal  liberty  granted  to  our  cousin  and  his  heirs,  being  saved  in  every  wise.  In 
testimony  of  which,  etc.  William  de  Wyndsor,  lord  lieutenant,  Kilkenny,  20  January, 
1371- 

A  few  years  later  the  citizens  obtained  a  grant  of  a  more  valuable 
character,  namely,  freedom  from  pre-emption  and  purveyance.  The  royal 
privilege  of  commandeering  food  and  conveyance  at  a  price  fixed  by  the 


History  of  Clonmel.  it 

purveyor  himself,  had  it  appears,  been  usurped  by  the  feudal  lords  generally. 
This  scarcely  disguised  form  of  robbery  was  ended  in  the  case  of  Clonmel 
by  a  mandatum  dated  12  July,  1376. 

Edward  by  the  grace  of  God,  etc.  Whereas  in  a  Statute  of  Westminster  lately 
promulgated,  it  is  enacted  inter  alia  that  no  corn,  victuals  or  other  goods  belonging  to 
any  prelate,  religious  person,  cleric  or  layman,  be  taken  under  colour  of  "  emption  " 
against  the  will  of  the  owner  or  keeper,  within  any  trading  town,  and  that  no  horses, 
bullocks,  cars,  ships  or  boats  be  taken  for  conveyance  against  the  will  of  the  owner,  and 
if  taken  with  his  consent  he  must  be  satisfied  according  to  agreement,  and  whosoever 
offends  in  the  premises  and  is  convicted  shall  be  imprisoned  during  our  pleasure  and 
that  of  our  Court  according  to  the  amount  of  the  offence.  And  Whereas  on  the  part 
of  our  beloved  the  Superior  and  commonalty  of  Clonmel  within  our  said  land,  it  is 
shown  that  certain  evil  doers  calling  themselves  purveyors  and  servants  of  great  folk 
(magnatum)  and  others,  have  up  to  now  taken  corn  and  other  victuals  from  several 
burgesses  against  their  will  and  did  not  satisfy  them  according  to  the  statute,  the 
superior  and  commonalty  have  humbly  petitioned  us  for  redress,  we  therefore  wishing 
to  keep  the  statute  inviolate,  command  under  the  penalties  expressed  therein  that  the 
superior  and  burgesses  or  any  of  them  be  not  molested  contrary  to  its  tenor. 

The  Ormonds  as  lords  palatine,  in  1385  gave  the  citizens  a  further 
extension  of  liberty.  James  le  Botiller  granted  to  the  sovereign  provost  and 
commonalty  that  their  taxes  should  be  rateably  assessed  by  themselves,  that 
they  should  not  be  compelled  to  serve  on  juries,  etc.,  out  of  the  borough,  and 
that  they  should  have  the  "  office  of  the  market,"  that  is  the  market  tolls  and 
the  court  of  Pie  Poudre  which  adjudicated  on  all  disputes  arising  therein. 

These  several  grants  mark  the  growth  of  popular  freedom  from  the  stage 
when  the  burghers  were  mere  serfs  under  the  feudal  lord  down  to  the  period 
when  some  of  the  "  more  discreet "  of  their  number  sat  in  parliament  as  the 
equals  of  the  barons  themselves.  But  it  must  be  remembered  throughout, 
that  these  franchises  were  only  for  burghers  of  Norman  or  English  blood. 
The  Celtic  Irish  as  belonging  to  a  different  nation  had  no  legal  status ;  the 
law  took  no  cognizance  of  them  and  afforded  no  protection  either  to  their 
lives  or  their  property.  Those  of  them  who  attached  themselves  to  the 
English  as  dependents  or  servants  could  not  be  domiciled  within  the  walls 
but  dwelt  in  a  suburb  outside  which  to  this  day  preserves  the  name  of  "the 
Irish  town."  And  should  any  Irish  even  be  murdered  the  only  question  that 
could  arise  would  be  one  of  compensation  to  their  master — just  as  for  the 
loss  of  so  many  horses  or  cattle.  For  instance  in  the  Pipe  roll  of  1276  the 
sheriff  returns  "David  Toerny  of  Clonmele,  Ixxviii.  s.,  on  account  of  the 
wrongful  death  of  an  Irishman  belonging  to  the  Lord  Edward,"  to  be  paid 
to  the  said  lord.  Sometimes,  but  at  rare  intervals,  an  Irish  family  obtained 
letters  of  naturalization  by  which  they  were  enabled  to  inhabit  and  trade. 
Such  a  family  were  the  Moroneys  who  for  three  hundred  years  played  a 
prominent  part  in  the  town  and  only  disappeared  in  the  first  quarter  of  the 
eighteenth  century. 

C 


18  History  of  Clonmel. 

The  King  grants  to  O'Molrony  O'Griffy  chief  of  his  race,  to  Molrony  his  son, 
to  Neill  and  Desmond  brothers  of  the  said  0*Molrony,  that  they  and  all  their 
descendants  be  of  free  state  and  free  from  all  Irish  slavery,  that  they  use  English  law 
and  freely  acquire  lands,  goods  and  cattle,  because  they  have  become  faithful  subjects 
and  reformed  themselves  and  their  people  to  the  King's  peace  and  loyalty.  Clonmel, 
6  December,  1375  (00), 

Again, 

The  King  grants  to  Terence  son  of  Charles  O'Connor  who  is  of  Irish  nationality, 
that  he  and  his  descendants  be  of  free  state.    Clonmel,  17  June,  1408  (pp). 

The  charter  of  Henry  V.  to  Clonmel  sets  forth  the  exclusively  English 
character  of  the  inhabitants  as  the  reason  for  granting  them  a  Hundred 
Court  and  exempting  them  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  seneschal  of  the 
liberty. 

Clonmel  is  inhabited  by  English  merchants  and  burgesses  who  have  lately 
constructed  great  walls,  towers  and  fortifications  around  the  said  town,  and  who 
observing  English  law  are  a  great  succour  to  the  government  and  to  those  who  resort 
to  that  place,  but  whereas  they,  the  said  inhabitants,  are  greatly  oppressed  by  assess- 
ments as  well  of  the  Irish  as  of  the  English  of  the  County  Tipperary  around  the  said 
town,  etc 

An  entry  on  the  Patent  roll  of  1408,  illustrates  still  more  vividly  the 
relations  of  the  burghers  to  the  native  Irish. 

The  King  grants  to  John  Folyot,  a  merchant  of  Clonmel,  that  he  and  his  servants 
for  the  next  three  years  carry  on  trading  intercourse  with  the  Irish  enemy  of  Ormond 
and  Ely  in  Munster,  as  well  in  time  of  war  as  in  time  of  peace  (qq). 

It  is  not  therefore  a  matter  ^f  surprise  if  occasionally  the  Irish  enemy 
dealt  with  these  merchants  in  a  prompt,  business  like  way  of  their  own. 

The  King  commands  all  sheriffs,  etc,  to  arrest  Walter  Ormon,  Richard  Rery, 
Griffin  mac  Walter  mac  Edmund,  Henry  McEon,  outlaws  in  county  Waterford  at  the 
prosecution  of  Arnold  de  Hanse  for  the  death  of  Martin  de  Hanse,  merchant.  Clonmel, 
8  March,  1303. 

From  all  this  it  may  be  gathered  that  life  in  medieval  Clonmel  was 
neither  empty  nor  colourless.  The  burghers*  ordinary  portion  was  that  of 
the  apostle — perils  from  the  deep  and  perils  from  robbers.  Outside  the 
walls  they  and  all  they  had  were  at  the  mercy  of  every  enemy  whom  they 
were  not  strong  enough  to  resist  or  fortunate  enough  to  escape.  Within, 
they  had  to  take  turn  in  watch  and  ward  at  the  gates  and  walls,  and 
on  holidays  instead  of  rest  every  man  between  sixty  and  sixteen  practiced 


(00)  Pat.  Rot.  79,  Ed.  III.  121-2. 
(pp)  Pat.  Rot.  10,  Hen.  IV.  77. 
(qq)  Ibid. 


History  of  Clonmel.  19 

at  the  butts  how  to  shoot  straight  (rr).  The  return  too  of  the  merchant  was 
a  notable  event  for  he  told  of  episodes  of  chivalry,  of  the  people  he  had 
met,  of  the  churches  he  had  seen  and  the  pilgrimages  he  had  made.  The 
friar  brought  from  the  chapter  of  his  order  not  only  the  news  of 
ecclesiastical  appointments  and  changes  of  discipline  bat  a  full  budget  of 
gossip  got  from  his  fellow  capitulars.  An  old  inhabitant  at  the  end  of 
the  fourteenth  century  could  relate  many  a  stirring  scene  in  the  town  itself. 
He  would  tell  how  in  1331  the  lord  of  Cahir,  William  De  Bermingham  was 
pounced  on  in  Clonmel  by  the  judiciary  De  Lucy,  and  the  year  after 
someone  recognized  the  ghastly  head  of  the  unfortunate  nobleman  spiked 
over  the  gate  of  Dublin  Castle.  He  would  tell  also  how  in  1338  William  De 
Wall,  sheriff  of  Tipperary,  with  thirteen  of  his  kinsmen  were  murdered  just 
outside  the  walls  of  the  town  by  the  Powers  with  whom  they  were  holding 
parley.  And  in  1346  that  Ralph  Kelly  Archbishop  of  Cashel,  Maurice 
Rochfort  Bishop  of  Limerick,  Richard  Walsh  Bishop  of  Emly,  and  John 
Lynch  Bishop  of  Lismore,  one  day  in  the  middle  of  the  High  Street  vested 
in  full  pontificals  solemnly  excommunicated  all  who,  contrary  to  the 
liberties  of  the  Church,  paid  the  subsidy  to  the  Crown.  Our  inhabitant  in 
extreme  old  age  would  have  seen  the  Anglo-Irish  parliament  assemble 
in  the  ancient  church  of  Our  Lady  on  the  Monday  after  the  feast  of 
St.  Peter  1381.  Alexander  Bishop  of  Ossory,  and  Sir  Thomas  de  Mortimer 
were  there  with  the  King's  commission,  and  there  also  were  the  ecclesiastical 
peers  the  bishops  of  the  Pale,  the  abbots  of  Mellifont  and  Dunbrody,  the 
priors  of  Athassel  and  Kells,  and  many  another.  The  lay  barons  too 
mustered,  Butlers  and  Fitzgeralds,  Freynes  and  Cusacks,  Poers  and  Barrys. 
The  cities  of  the  Pale  sent  their  representatives  in  aldermanic  array, 
rivalling  Solomon  in  his  glory.  Indeed  the  barbaric  splendour  of  this 
feudal  parliament  afforded  such  a  spectacle  as  Clonmel  has  never  since 
beheld ^^5/  Life  therefore  was  full  of  incident;  the  character  of  the 
burghers  strenuous  and  healthy,  and  if  chronic  warfare  quenched  the 
more  humane  instincts,  it  brought  the  ennobling  compensations,  personal 
loyalty,  mutual  trust  and  the  equality  of  comradeship. 

But  there  were  great  drawbacks.  Sanitation  and  hygiene  were  absolutely 
unknown.  Not  perhaps  a  dozen  houses  were  built  of  stone,  the  rest  were 
frame  work  and  shingle.  Open  sewers  drained  the  streets,  and  when 
the  universal  mud   and  offal  became  impassable,  an  additional  layer  of 


(rr)  5  Ed.  IV.,  c.  4,  "  An  Act  for  having  a  Constable  in  every  town  and  a  pair  of  Butts  for 
shooting ;  and  that  every  man  between  sixty  and  sixteen  shall  shoot  every  Holiday  at  the  same 
Butts."     In  some  towns,  e.g.,  Kilkenny  ''  the  Butts"  still  survive  in  the  local  nomenclature. 

(ss)  Clynn's  Annals /ass/m,  Harris'  Ware,  Patent  Rolls  5  Ric.  II. 


20  History  of  Clonmel. 

rushes  or  straw  was  spread  over  the  whole.  Food  also  was  of  the  coarsest 
kind,  only  in  summer  was  it  to  be  obtained  fresh.  After  Michaelmas 
all  cattle  and  swine  that  could  not  be  foddered  through  the  winter  were 
slaughtered  and  barrelled  and  there  were  no  winter  vegetables^///  The 
consequences  are  obvious.  Fever  was  endemic  and  when  such  visitations 
of  Providence  as  the  plagues  of  1349  and  1376  came,  priest  and  congregation 
were  swept  away  together  (uu).  Few  realize  the  history  that  lies  behind  the 
Irish  name  of  St.  Nicholas'  CeAmpuU  ha  puige  "The  Church  of  the  Plague." 
The  general  use  also  of  salted  food  produced  aggravated  scorbutic 
affections  and  it  is  probable  that  most  of  the  '  leprosy '  of  the  middle  ages 
was  a  virulent  form  of  scurvy.  The  hospital  for  the  lepers  adjoined  the 
chapel  of  St.  Stephen,  well  removed  from  the  town ;  its  last  memorial  is  the 
local  name  "  'Spittle  lands."  (w) 

Such  was  Clonmel  for  the  first  three  centuries  of  its  existence. 
Aggressively  hostile  to  the  Celtic  population,  neither  influencing  nor  being 
influenced  by  them,  a  "garrison  town  "  in  the  most  literal  sense,  it  kept  its 
English  identity  unimpaired  amid  the  active  solvents  of  language  and 
marriage  which  destroyed  the  feudal  system  everywhere  about  it. 


(tt)  The  Annalists,  v.g.,  Penbridge  and  the  Book  of  Howth  carefully  record  the  price  of  salt  for 
different  years. 

(uh)  Friar  Clynn,  of  Carrick-on-Suir,  writes  in  1349  "Scarcely  one  alone  ever  died  in  a  house. 
Commonly  husband,  wife,  children  and  servants  went  the  same  way  of  death,  and  the  penitent  and 
the  confessor  were  carried  together  to  the  grave." 

(i*v)  The  'Spittle  lands  are  still  the  property  of  the  Corporation. 


Ohapxe^r  III. 


CLONMEL  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY. 

CHE  Anglo-Nomian  supremacy  of  Tipperary  which  had  been  complete 
in  the  thirteenth  century  was  disputed  in  the  fourteenth.  In  the 
fifteenth  century  it  gave  way  absolutely  to  the  Celtic.  The  Irish 
language  was  used  universally,  even  Geraldines  and  Butlers  were 
proud  of  their  skill  in  the  vernacular  literature  fwwj.  The  Brehon  code 
regulated  all  disputes ;  the  lord  became  a  chief,  tanistry  was  substituted  for 
primogeniture,  and  instead  of  feudal  homage  there  was  the  equality  of  clan- 
ship. The  Anglo-Irish  then  indeed  and  long  after,  considered  themselves 
English,  but  it  was  only  after  the  fashion  of  the  modern  Australians.  They 
appealed  to  the  executive  when  they  were  oppressed ;  they  made  a  parade  of 
their  English  lineage,  and  their  former  services  against  the  King's  Irish 
enemy,  but  the  t^uth  was  that  in  essentials  they  were  themselves  become  "as 
Irish  as  O'Hanlon's  breeches "  (xxj.  Amongst  the  Irish  Kern  brought 
to  the  siege  of  Boulogne  in  1544  by  lords  Ormond  and  Cahir  were  Purcells, 
Fannings,  Fitzwilliams,  Cantwells,  Archers,  Keatings,  Dobbyns,  Whites, 
Rothes,  Walls,  and  a  host  of  others. 

Yet  not  in  all  respects  Irish.     For  the  younger  sons  of  the  great  families 
who  had  found  it  convenient  to  reject  the  primogeniture,  the  female  heirs, 


fwivj  A  D.  13<;8.  "Gerald  Earl  of  Desmond,  the  most  distinguished  of  the  English  of  Ireland 
and  also  of  many  of  the  Irish  for  his  attainments  and  knowledge  of  the  Irish  language,  iwetry,  history 
and  general  literature  died  after  the  victory  of  penance."  "  Theobald  the  son  of  Pierce,  the  son  of 
Edmund  Butler  lord  of  Cahir  and  the  cantred  of  Clonniel,  a  man  of  great  benevolence  and  bounty, 
had  the  greatest  collection  of  poems  of  any  of  the  Normans  of  Ireland" — Four  Masters. 

(x.v)  **  Other  great  houses  there  bee  of  the  English  in  Ireland  which  have  degendred  from  their 
auncient  dignities  and  are  now  growne  as  Irish  as  Ohanlan's  breeche  as  the  proverbe  there  is  " — 
Spenser's  View  of  the  State  of  Ireland,  p.  no. 


22  History  of  Clonmel. 

the  wardship  and  marriage  of  feudalism,  exacted  with  unchanging  tenacity 
the  feudal  services  (yy).  The  unhappy  freeholders  and  tenants  in 
consequence  were  crushed  beneath  a  load  of  oppressions,  feudal  and  Irish. 
They  gave  aids,  reliefs  and  the  rest  to  lord  Cahir  or  lord  Dunboyne  as 
their  liege  lord,  and  then  he  came  in  his  role  of  Irish  chief  with  his 
dependents  "  coshering  "  on  them  and  ate  up  everything  they  had  left.  In 
1542  a  body  of  them  petitioned  King  Henry  VIII.  and  told  a  story  piteous  in 
its  quaint  details. 

The  petitioners  were  Thomas  Prendergast  of  Newcastle,  James  Keating 
of  Moortown,  James  Walsh,  Rathronan,  James  Oge  Wall  of  Finglas,  Richard 
son  of  William  Butler  of  Kilcash,  Geoff ry  Mocklerof  Mocklerstown,  St.  John 
of  St.  Johnstown,  William  Power,  Rathcoole,  John  Comyn  of  Kilconnell, 
Richard  fitz  Theobald  of  Ballylynch,  Richard  son  of  William  and  grandson 
of  John  Butler  of  Cabbragh,  James  Oge  Butler  of  Lismalin,  Geofifry  Fanning, 
Ballingarry,  James  LafTan  Graystown,  Pierce  fitz  Richard  Butler  of  Moy- 
kelly  and  John  O'Neill  of  Maynestown. 

They  and  their  ancestors,  they  said,  provided  a  retinue  by  which  the 
Earls  of  Ormond  as  lords  of  the  liberty  of  Tipperary  right  well  governed  and 
defended  the  said  county.  On  the  departure  of  the  White  Earl  to  England 
in  1430  he  divided  the  county  into  certain  districts  among  his  kinsfolk 
assigning  to  each  of  them  a  proportion  of  the  agreed  retinue.  These 
kinsfolk  "entered  into  such  a  wrongfull  inordynate  pride  and  malicious 
division  between  them  selfs  that  they  fell  suddenly  out  of  their  good 
obedience  to  be  murderers  and  mansleers  of  either  other."  Though  the  Earl 
on  his  return  restored  the  county  to  its  "  prestynate  estate,"  his  sons  as  Earls 
of  Wiltshire  resided  wholly  in  England.  During  this  period  again  the 
Ormond  kinsfolk  partly  by  joining  in  the  Irish  wars,  partly  by  internecine 
strife  "  brought  the  countrie  not  oonely  into  disobedience  but  also  in  effect, 
into  utter  desolation  and  waste  saving  a  few  castells  and  so  contynued  till 
about  1524."  The  late  Earl  of  Ormond  "  to  the  great  daunger  of  his  person 
at  sundry  tymes  began  to  styrr  soo  with  Syr  Edmunde  Butler  [of  Cahir]  and 
Syr  James  Butler  [of  Kiltinane]  being  then  men  of  good  power  and  strongely 
allied  with  the  Brenes  [O'Briens]  as  with  the  Desmonds  that  he  readoptid 
vnto  him  agayn  moche  of  the  power  of  the  same  retynue  that  were  so 
commytted  by  his  auncestors  vnto  the  auncestors  of  the  said  Syr  Edmonde 
and  Syr  James."    The  Kiltinane  Butlers  were  soon  brought  into  subjection 


(yy)  Tliorold  Rogers  ckiiiuiistratcd,  iur  tlic  lirsl  time  I  think,  the  pai't  phiyed  in  English  history 
by  *'  the  younger  sons."  Along  this  line  probably  we  shall  find  the  explanation  how,  e.g.,  the  Burkes 
of  Clanwilliam  only  three  generations  removed  from  FitzAdelm  and  claiming  kinship  with  Edward 
III.,  ranked  themselves  as  Irish  chiefs. 


History  of  Clonmel.  23 

but  not  so  with  the  lords  of  Cahir.  Edmund  Butler  cousin  german  of  the 
eleventh  and  twelfth  earls  of  Desmond  and  married  to  a  daughter  of  lord 
Power,  despised  the  orders  of  the  lords  deputy  though  sworn  for  performance 
thereof.  His  son  Sir  Thomas  Butler  "  slakith  not  to  sesse  [cess]  and  exacte 
many  kinds  of  inordynate  exactions  and  taxes  daily." 

First  the  said  Sir  Thomas  takith  of  every  freholder  coddies  [night  suppers]  at 
Xrimas  and  Ester  or  certan  sommes  of  money  in  liewe  thereof  at  his  pleasyr. 

He  sessith  them  dailly  with  the  kepers  of  his  hounds  and  stoodes  and  withe  hount 
and  hounds  of  dy vers  kyndes. 

He  sessith  dailly  your  said  complaynaunts  with  all  manner  kynde  of  coyne  and 
lyueray  (food  for  man  and  horse]  for  horsemen  horsses  and  horskepers  at  his  will  and 
pleasyr. 

He  sessith  them  with  such  persones  as  he  commandeth  nedeles  to  kepe  garisons 
and  castells  within  the  said  countie  that  is  to  say  with  the  chardge  of  eight  in  the 
Reghill  [Rehill  castle]  eight  in  graciscastell  [Castlegrace]  twelve  in  the  Cahir  and  four 
in  Ardcollum  [Dovehill]  the  like  whereof  neither  therle  of  Ormounde  ne  noon  other  of 
your  graces  obedient  subiects  vse. 

He  sessith  them  dailly  with  the  chardges  of  all  manner  kynde  of  labourers  for  the 
buylding  and  repayring  of  his  castells  houses  mylls  making  of  hedges  and  ditches 
about  his  gardeyns  and  orcheyards  and  other  inclosures  at  his  will  and  pleasyr. 

He  leviethe  and  takithe  of  them  at  every  Xrimas  £8  13  4  for  the  payment  of  suche 
wynes  as  he  providethe  for  his  house  against  the  said  feast. 

He  sessith  them  with  the  cariage  as  well  of  all  stones,  tymbre  and  other  necessaries 
to  any  worke  he  hath  as  also  of  all  suche  corne  wyne  pailles  of  butter  and  all  other 
things  that  he  woll  have  caried  for  the  necessitie  or  provision  of  his  house  or  houses. 

He  takith  towards  the  mariage  of  every  of  his  daughters  a  shepe  of  every  flocke 
and  a  cowe  of  every  sixty  kyne,  he  levieth  in  every  carrue  of  land  [about  160  acres] 
comenly  callid  collup  within  the  Cantrede  of  Clomell  [Iffa  and  Offa  East]  a  bushell  of 
otes  callid  sommer  otes. 

He  sessith  them  with  a  certaine  retynue  called  Kernetye  to  the  numbre  of  twenty 
five  contynually  upon  that  porcion  called  the  Cantrede  of  Clomell  which  retynue  were 
graunted  oonly  to  therles  of  Ormounde  for  the  ministration  of  justice  and  executing  of 
suche  processe  as  shulde  be  by  the  seneschall  and  other  officers  of  the  libertie. 

He  sessith  them  also  with  twelve  serjaunts  for  the  levying  of  gages  [pledges]  for 
these  extortions  to  every  of  the  whiche  serjaunts  they  are  chardged  to  give  oflFrings 
twys  a  yere  where  of  old  therle  of  Ormounde  used  to  have  but  two  serjaunts  oonly  for 
the  executing  of  Justice. 

Whereby  and  by  dyvers  other  unlawfull  chardges  used  by  the  said  Sir  Thomas 
your  pore  complaynaunts  are  so  utterly  empouerisshed  that  they  be  not  hable  to  here 
your  Majestys  subsidy  and  oonles  your  moaste  gracious  remedy e  bee  unto  them 
provided  right  briefly  your  said  complaynaunts  may  not  contynue  after  the  sorte  but 
ifayne  to  leve  all  their  freholds  waste  (zz). 


(zz)  Original,  Kilkenny  Castle,-  Gilbert,  National  MSS.  These  charjjes  are  jset  forth  with 
additional  detail  in  a  '*  Vcrclyt  of  the  Gcntlyllmen  and  Comyners  of  Typary  "  in  1537.  "Itm,  they 
present  that  the  coshyr  wherwith  they  ar  moste  greveid  and  desolateid  [is]  by  the  niultytude  of 
people  whiche  the  said  Thomas  bryngyth  to  them  and  every  of  them  of  habylytie  by  the  whiche  they 
ar  wasteid  and  ther  substaunce  whiche  many  daN'es  and  nights  finde  them  [i.e.,  which  they  take 
many  days  and  nights  to  procure]  is  in  two  days  and  nights  spent  and  this  is  useid  four  tymes  in 
the  yere  of  men  haveing  any  substaunce." 

"  I tm  they  present  that  the  saide  Thomas  useid  dyverse  Juges  and  Sergeants  in  his  countrey 
oppressing  the  people  of  ther  owne  wille,  and  thes  are  the  names  of  the  Juges  Rery  McClaneshe 
Dyne  McClaneshe  Thomas  McClaneshe  and  these  ar  the  names  of  the  sergeaunts  Edmd  Mke 
Donogho  Darby  Mke  Edmund,  John  Duff  haveing  after  hym  six  Sergeaunts  and  dyvers  other 
sergeaunts." 


24  History  of  Clonmel. 

Such  was  Tipperary  during  the  fifteenth  and  early  sixteenth  centuries, 
a  theatre  of  anarchy  and  disorder  that — to  use  the  words  of  a  contemporary — 
would  have  wrecked  the  kingdom  of  Beelzebub  himself.  How  far  the 
burghers  of  Clonmel  were  able  to  maintain  their  civic  independence  and 
trade,  we  are  fortunately  able  to  judge  from  a  State  Paper  preserved  in  the 
London  Record  Office.  In  1537  a  Royal  Commission  was  issued  to  inquire 
into  the  state  of  Ireland.  The  Commissioners,  Antony  St  Leger,  George 
Poulet,  T.  Mayne,  and  William  Berners  opened  an  "  inquest  "  in  Clonmel,  the 
October  of  that  year,  when  the  following  report  was  made. 

The  Verdyt  of  the  Heddes  and  Comyners  of  the  Towne  of 
Clonmell  [October  18,  1537]— 


Bennet  White,  Jur 

[at] 

Richard  fytz  Thomas  White 

) 

Walter  Poer 

William  Fagan 

Jur. 

John  Molreny 

Richard  fytz  John 

White 

) 

Tybalde  Whyte 

John  Stryche 

] 

William  Laynach 

Jamys  White 

^Jur. 

Cornell  Brathe 

Waltyr  Walle 

1 

John  Corre 

[jur. 


I 


Jur. 

) 

Nicholas  Merthye\ 
Moryce  Quyrke     Ijur. 
Jamys  Quyrke       j 

This  Inquyre  is  for  thes  two  yeres  past  above  the  date  above  wry  tin  and  so  we 
gyve  our  verdyct. 

We  fynde  and  present  that  when  tyme  as  pleasith  the  Erie  of  Ossorye  the  lorde 
Jamys  Butler  and  Syr  Thomas  Butler  Knight  to  be  at  any  buyldeing  of  any  castell  or 
works  they  do  assesse  ther  tennts  under  ther  governaunce  to  have  workemen  and  horseis 
to  labor  without  gyveyng  of  meate  or  paying  any  money  and  they  set  ther  masons  and 
carpinters  to  coyne  upon  the  tenants  every  holly  dayes  fa). 

Itm  they  fynde  when  it  pleasith  the  said  lords  and  gentillmen  to  have  any  tayllors 
for  to  have  worke  or  garments  to  be  made  they  used  to  sett  them  at  coyne  upon  ther 
tennants  in  holly  dayes. 

Itm  they  fynde  that  idell  men  and  vacabounds  goyth  in  the  countrye  and  takeith 
meate  and  dryncke  paying  no  money  therfor.  Itm  they  fynde  that  all  lords  and  others 
haveing  domynion  within  this  Quarter  useith  to  have  Iryshe  judges  [Brehons]  for  ther 
advantage. 

The  citizens  therefore  of  those  days  said  little  about  the  patronage  of 
the  nobility  and  gentry,  but  on  the  other  hand  made  grave  charges  of 
interference  with  their  trade. 

Itm,  they  fynde  that  Shane  FitzTybbalde  [Burke]  of  Mowskry  [Clanwilliam] 
makyth  his  proclamations  that  no  market  may  be  solde  nor  shalle  not  be  solde  out  of 
his  shyre  but  to  Jamys  White  and  Edmund  Quirke  and  then  paying  every  of  them  a 
fyne  ten  shillings  yerely. 

(a)  "  Every  whole  day"  is  still  used  in  Clonmel  dialect,  and  is  a  translation  of  the  Irish  5^6 
uile  Ia  ^  every  day. 


History  of  Clonmel.  25 

Itm  they  fynde  that  Donyll  McKraghe  of  the  Mountayn  [Mountain  Castle)  hathe 
ordyned  and  establysheid  that  none  of  his  tennants  shalle  selle  nor  bye  any  hyds  but 
to  himselfe  at  a  certaine  pryce  for  his  owne  avantage. 

Itm  they  fynde  that  Sir  Thomas  Butler  Knight,  Nycholas  Keteing  of  Nycholas 
Town,  Jamys  Keteing  of  the  Mortown,  Jamys  Englyshe  of  Whytechurche,  the  Pryor 
of  the  Kagher  [Cahir]  the  Pryor  of  our  Lady  Abbey  [Ardfinnan]  John  Mawclerkeof 
Dounes  Towne,  Thomas  Prendergaste  of  the  New  Castell,  Robert  McShane 
Prendergaste,  Robert  Keteyng  of  Ardfinan  and  all  others  within  this  shire  in  the 
cantrede  of  Clonmell  that  have  any  towne  or  villadge  under  his  govemaunce  with  one 
assent  and  assembleing,  before  Sir  Thomas  Butler  as  govemer  of  them  hath  affyrmed 
and  establyshed  and  enacteid  that  none  under  their  govemaunce  nor  jurysdycon  shalle 
sell  or  bring  any  woUe  fleshe  or  other  merchandyse  oute  or  fro  any  towne  or  vyllege 
to  market  towne  of  the  Kings  wythoute  speciall  lycence.  And  so  this  acte  made  by 
commandyment  and  penaltye  to  be  leved  of  the  seller  wythoute  grace. 

But  besides  this  boycotting  of  the  markets  of  the  town,  there  was  also 
the  grievance  of  forestalling.  Certain  persons  styled  "  gray  merchants " 
went  through  the  country  buying  "hides,  felles  [skins]  checkers,  fleges, 
yarne,  linnen  cloth,  woole  and  flockes  "  secretly  and  not  in  open  market, 
with  the  evil  intent  to  sell  them  again  (b), 

Itm  they  fynde  that  Jamys  White  merchaunte  useith  and  hathe  graye  merchaunts 
regrateing  the  market,  Thomas  White  and  John  Merthye  useyth  the  same. 

Itm  they  fynde  that  dyverse  of  Waterforde  and  others  goen  from  vyllage  to 
vyllage  so  that  the  markets  be  hynderid  and  lost  in  this  Quarter,  that  no  vytaylle  nor 
merchandyse  may  be  gotyn  for  any  money  praying  your  dyscrete  wysedoms  of  a 
remydy  breifely. 

From  the  next  item  it  would  appear  that  the  navigation  of  the  Suir 
extended  to  Cahir. 

Itm  of  the  werys  [weirs]  made  from  Clonmell  to  the  Carry k  they  fynde  the  greate 
daunger  and  enormyties  of  them  that  both  men  and  goods  byn  dayly  in  daunger  of 
loseing,  and  by  west  toun  into  the  cahyrd  (c). 

In  spite  of  all  law  Carrick  folk  continued  to  levy  toll  on  the  Clonmel  trade. 

Itm,  they  fynd  that  Carryk  takeith  unlawfull  customes  dayly  contrarye  to  all 
goode  order  and  right  of  all  suche  bootys  [boats]  with  merchandyseis  not  chargeid  nor 
dyschargeid  within  the  fruncheis  of  that  towne,  whiche  the  Kings  deputye  awardeid 
agayne  them,  whiche  one  Fitz  William  as  custymer  to  the  lorde  of  Ossery  polleyth  and 
takeyth  dayly  the  said  wrongfull  customes. 

(b)  This  practice  was  prohibited  under  severe  penalties  by  the  Acts  T^i^  Hen.  VIII.  and  2 
Elizabeth. 

(c)  An  Act  was  passed,  33  Henry  VI 11.,  recitin^^  that  whereas  certitn  persons  "of  their  own 
wilfulness  and  benefile  ''  had  erected  weirs,  en^^ines  and  other  obstacles  whereby  cottes  boats  and 
vessels  laden  with  merchandize  were  impeded,  said  weirs  etc.  might  be  levelled  by  any  one  of  the 
King's  subjects  in  the  presence  of  the  sheriff,  "  that  sutVicient  gaps  be  m<ide  in  all  milldams  and 
seven  feet  at  each  side  of  said  river  where  they  must  needs  draw  the  said  boates  with  strength  of 
horses  or  men  by  land.'*     Notwithstanding  this  a  jury  of  Clonmel  in  1576  again  presented  : 

That  all  the'weares  on  the  r>'ver  of  the  Suir  by  Clonemell  do  stopp  the  concorse  of  boats  and 
fyshes  to  come  alonge  the  ryver  and  specially  the  weare  that  is  called  Crowek  weir. 

That  all  the  weyres  uppon  the  shoure  frome  Korke  Heny  to  the  Carige  be  hurtful  I  to  the 
common  weltb. 


26  History  of  Clonmel. 

The  "heads  and  commoners"  of  the  town  had,  however,  still  more 
serious  causes  of  complaint. 

Itm,  the  saide  jurye  fynde  that  this  present  year  the  eight  daye  of  Julye  Waltyr 
Butler  of  Polkyre  [Poulakerry]  and  Shane  Bretnaghe  [Walsh]  Waltyr  Bretnaghe  of 
Rochystown  is  sonne  with  a  Rowte  of  kerne  and  thevys  [a  body  of  armed  Irish  and 
thieves]  by  nyght  forceibly  toke  oute  of  a  bote  laden  with  merchandyseis  in  the  r3rver 
besyde  the  Key  of  Clonmell  a  fardell  of  clothe  and  merchaundyse  valued  at  sixteen 
pounds  costs  and  all. 

And  no  wonder  if  merchandize  was  plundered  on  the  very  quay  itself  for 

The  sayde  jurye  fynde  that  thofficers  of  the  lybertie  hath  not  executed  the  Kings 
lawes  agaynste  Waltyr  Butler  whiche  was  endytied  in  the  assyse,  whereof  growith 
muche  inconvenyensye  and  injuryedonby  the  said  Waltyr  Butler  of  Polkyr  which  ewas 
wyth  them,  and  mought  be  taken  yf  the  senyshall  and  shryfe  wolde  have  don  ther  office 
and  duetye. 

Perhaps  the  reason  why  the  seneschal  did  not  arrest  Butler  was  that 
there  were  others  as  bad. 

Itm  they  present  that  one  Richard  Rothe  Butler  of  pollekere  is  a  common  extorcyenor 
and  hath  taken  and  ymprisoned  ofte  and  divers  tymes  the  Kings  subiects  and  comitted 
infynite  heynous  offences  against  the  Kinge  and  his  lawes  and  his  brother  Water 
Butler  as  great  an  extorcyoner. 

A  few  special  cases  will  illustrate  the  state  of  Clonmel  at  this  period 
better  than  any  number  of  general  presentments. 

To  the  right  honorable  the  Kings  high  commissioners  of  this  lande  of  Ireland. 

Greveusly  complayning  sheweth  unto  yor  honorable  wisdomes  the  Kings  trewe 
subiect  your  trewe  oratrix  Mawde  Goldyng  borne  woman  of  the  citie  of  Waterford. 
That  whereas  your  said  oratrix  laboring  to  comme  by  her  lyving  in  trewthe  hath  gonne 
and  rowed  bote  towards  the  towne  of  Clonmell  in  the  Kings  river.  And  one  of  the 
servants  of  Edmond  Butler  decessed  called  Derby  Fitz  Edmond  which  was  then  the 
said  Edmond  Butlers  sergeaunt  and  nowe  servant  to  Sir  Thomas  Butler  Knight  the 
said  Edmonds  sonne  have  riotously  taken  your  said  complaynaunt  forsebly  oute  of  the 
bote  and  took  her  prisoner  and  tooke  with  hir  a  marke  sterling  in  money  and  a  crosse 
worthe  six  shillings  eight  pence  and  kepte  hir  prisoner  half  a  yere  and  more.  And 
afterwaid  he  paied  for  her  raunsom  to  the  said  Edmond  Butler  a  pipe  of  wyne  worthe 
eleven  marks  Irishe  and  two  shillings  in  sterling  to  the  said  Sir  Thomas  Butler  besids 
your  saide  complaynaunts  costs  and  losyng  of  her  profits  during  the  said  ymprison- 
ment.  And  also  the  said  complaynaunts  mother  decessed  was  taken  in  the  Kings 
highwaye  riding  towards  Clonmell  forsaid  by  the  said  Derbyes  father  called  Edmond 
Fitz  Donagh  being  then  also  sergeaunt  to  Edmond  Butler  and  nowe  servant  to  Thomas 
Butler  forsaid  and  took  them  of  your  said  complaynaunts  mother  apprice  horse  [a  high 
priced  horse].  And  all  this  done  to  your  said  complaynaunt  and  to  her  mother  [stood] 
fer  five  yeres  gayne.  The  premisses  consydered  therefore  that  it  may  please  your 
honorable  wisdomes  to  cause  and  lawfully  compell  the  forsaid  Sir  Thomas  Butler  sonne 
and  heire  to  the  said  Edmond  Butler  which  Sir  Thomas  hathe  the  saide  malefactors 
and  extorcynors  in  his  service  and  domynion  to  satysfye  your  said  complaynaunt  and 
her  mother  of  the  forsaid  damages  susteyned  els  to  showe  sufficient  warraunt  to  barre 
your  said  complaynaunt  of  the  said  exclamacons  [claims]  as  shall  stande  with  right 
la  we  and  conscience  and  this  in  the  way  of  Justice  and  charitie. 

[At  foot]  Wee  (the  gentyllmen  and  comyners  of  the  contye  of  Tipar)  knowe  and 
testefy  that  the  said  Mawde  Goldyng  of  the  citie  of  Waterford  was  taken  by  the  said 
Derby  Fitz  Edmond  officer  of  Edmond  Butler  in  the  Kings  hyway  as  to  fore  written 
and  this  without  any  lawfull  cause. 


History  of  Clonmel.  27 

The  following  case  is  a  similar  one  of  highway  robbery,  but  of  a  more 
aggravated  sort. 

To  the  right  worshipfull  the  Kings  highneS  Commissioners. 

In  most  humble  wise  sheweth  unto  your  worshipfull  masterships  your  daily  orator 
and  poor  bedeman  Richard  Graunte  of  Fetherd  burgess,  that  where  as  he  was  in  the 
service  of  Sir  John  Arundell  of  the  countie  of  Comewall  and  was  willing  to  see  his 
frends  and  the  count rey  where  he  was  borne.  Where  upon  he  took  shipping  and 
arived  at  Dungarvan  and  there  about  two  yeres  nowe  passed  met  withe  Edmond 
Mawrice  gent  who  for  a  certayn  some  of  money  agreed  upon  sauffly  to  conducte  the 
said  Richard  and  certayn  goods  which  the  said  Richard  had  then  in  his  possession  to 
Clonmel.  After  which  conduccyon  and  hire  the  same  Richard  upon  the  truste  he  had 
in  the  same  Edmond  went  hymselfe  with  his  goods  toward  Clonmell  wyth  the  said 
Edmond  Mawrice  which  said  goods  amounte  to  the  value  of  forty  pounds.  And  the 
said  Edmond  notwithstanding  the  confydance  and  truste  which  the  said  Richard  had 
in  hym  in  the  way  bitwene  Dongarvan  aforsaid  and  Clonmell  dyd  with  force  and 
armes  assaute  the  said  Richard  and  hym  dyd  beate  and  grevously  wounde  and  the 
same  goods  then  being  in  the  possession  of  the  said  Richard  dyd  felonously  steale  and 
here  awaye  and  after  the  same  robery  dyd  convey  the  same  goods  to  the  towne  of 
Rekyll  [Rehill].  And  the  said  Edmond  with  other  company  to  your  orator  unknowen 
dyd  bringe  your  said  orator  with  force  to  the  said  towne  of  Rekyll  where  Sir  Thomas 
Butler  Master  to  the  said  Edmond  then  inhabited  and  the  said  Sir  Thomas  Butler 
imprisoned  your  orator  by  the  space  of  half  a  yere  and  compelled  him  to  give  him  eight 
pounds  and  ten  shillings  Irishe  for  a  raunsome  or  fyne  for  the  payment  of  which 
raunsome  your  said  orator  was  enforsed  to  mortgage  his  lands  to  his  utter  undoing. 
In  consyderacon  of  all  the  premises  may  it  please  etc 

In  addition  to  highway  robbery,  there  was  systematic  plunder  under  the 
forms  of  law. 

To  the  right  honorable  the  Kyngs  hyhnes  commissioners  of  this  land  of  Ireland. 

Grevously  complayning  sheweth  unto  your  honorable  wisdomes  the  Kings  trewe 
subjects  your  trewe  orators  James  Braye  and  Ric,  Wedlok  merchaunts  and  borne  in 
the  towne  of  Clonmel  where  as  they  went  by  the  Kings  highwaye  accompanyed  with 
other  yonge  men  half  a  myle  oute  of  the  towne  of  Clonmell  one  John  Duff  sergeaunt 
to  Edmond  Butler  deceased  and  nowe  to  Sir  Thomas  Butler  .Knight  [met  them.  They 
were]  fellow  with  Water  Flemyng  merchaunt  of  the  towne  of  Cosshill  as  he  went  by 
the  said  highe  waie  with  a  pipe  of  wyne  in  a  carte  and  [Duff]  wold  have  arested  the 
forsaid  wyne  and  horses.  The  forsaid  merchaunt  of  Cassell  owing  no  dewty  unto  the 
foresaid  sergeaunt  nor  to  his  lord  or  master  defended  hym  [self]  and  his  goods  and 
took  it  to  his  towne.  Then  the  forsaid  sergeaunt  retorned  into  the  towne  of  Clonmell 
and  complayned  to  the  suffrayn  that  the  said  complaynaunts  had  forfeit  the  forsaide 
merchaundises  and  goods.  The  soveraign  belevyng  this  open  false  sergeaunt 
compelled  your  forsaid  complaynaunts  to  abide  the  judgment  of  four  men  chosen  by 
the  forsaid  Edmund  Butler  and  by  the  suffrayn  to  whome  Edmond  Butler  said  openly 
that  his  Judges  [Brehons]  should  here  [hear]  and  agre  with  them  of  the  towne.  The 
forsaid  Judges  without  deliberacon  awarded  that  your  fomamed  complaynaunts  shuld 
paie  unto  the  forsaid  Edmond  Butler  ten  pounds  and  to  themselfs  three  pounds  and  to 
the  forsaid  sergeaunt  for  his  fee  twenty  shillings  and  then  sent  your  complaynaunts  to 
Edmond  Butlers  place  where  they  were  kept  in  prisone  twelve  weeks  and  then  paied 
fifteen  shillings  four  pence  for  jaylors  fee  and  other  besids  the  forsaid  somes  one  of 
your  forsaid  complaynaunts  hath  attached  the  forsaid  Judges  to  the  lawe  which  been 
named  William  Fagan  burgeys,  John  Haiyhan  clerke  and  the  matter  was  brought  tofore  a 
quest  whose  names  followen  vz.  Th.  White,  Ric  White  fitz  John,  Ric.  White  fitz  Thomas 
burgesses,  Robert  Butler,  Edmond  Braye,  James  White  fitz  Henry  merchaunt  men  who 
were  sworne  after  the  use  of  the  towne  dyd  heare  and  receave  your  complaynaunts 


28  History  of  Clonmel. 

true  evydences  and  then  dyd  not  agree,  your  forsaid  complaynaunts  supposyng  that 
the  forsaid  three  burgesses  were  not  eqall  [impartial]  for  they  went  abrod  and  brought 
no  verdite.  And  thus  your  complaynaunts  and  true  orators  can  have  no  right  syn  the 
twenty  fourth  yere  of  the  Kynge  our  soveraign  lorde  the  Kings  reign  unto  this  tyme. 
It  maye  therefore  please  your  honorable  wisedomes  to  see  a  lawfull  ordre  in  this 
matter  and  thus  in  the  waie  of  Justice  and  charitie. 

[At  foot]  We  knowe  that  the  said  James  Braye  and  Richard  Wodloke  of  the 
Towne  of  Clonmell  and  Water  Flemyng  of  Casseyll  were  interupted  by  the  said  John 
Dufs  servants  when  they  passed  in  the  Kings  highwaie  and  this  unlawfully  doon  not 
accordyng  to  the  Kings  will. 

Among  the  robbers  in  high  station  not  the  least  conspicuous  was  Edmund 
Butler,  Archbishop  of  Cashel.  An  illegitimate  son  of  Pierce,  Earl  of  Ormond, 
he  was  educated  at  Oxford,  and  subsequently  through  family  influence 
probably,  was  appointed  prior  of  Athassel.  From  this  was  but  a  short  step 
to  the  archbishopric  of  Cashel.  But  the  mitre  no  more  made  the  archbishop 
than  the  habit  makes  the  monk,  and  Butler  only  difi'ered  from  the  rest  of  the 
family  in  his  deeper  shade  of  rapacity.  Living  with  his  notorious  sister,  the 
lady  Catherine  Power  in  Kilmeaden  Castle,  he  levied  blackmail  on  the  traders 
of  the  Suir.  The  Clonmel  jurors  presented  him  and  "his  folowers"  for 
committing  riot.     In  Waterford 

We  finde  that  tharchebysshop  of  Casshell  with  a  companye  and  specially  Phylip 
Hennebre  toke  a  bootye  of  Clonmell  men  and  goods  wythin  this  ryver. 

Again 

Itm  they  present  that  Edmond  Archbishop  of  Cashell  riotously  and  with  a 
company  of  malyfactors  being  in  a  bote  on  the  river  of  Waterford  anno  twenty  fourth 
King  Henry  VIII  qui  nunc  est  hath  spoyled  and  robbed  a  bote  of  Clonmell  charged 
with  clothe  sylke  and  safron  and  other  merchaundises  to  the  value  by  estymacyon  aboot 
one  hundreth  pounds  sterling  and  took  and  ymprisoned  the  owners  of  parcell  of  the 
said  goods  and  kepte  them  in  prisone  tyll  they  made  fyne  and  raunsome  and  is  an 
open  mayntayner  and  bearer  of  causes  [lawsuits]  and  manassed  to  trouble  them  that 
wold  tell  trothe  and  useth  coyne  and  lyvery  in  all  thies  parts  that  he  paieth  no  money 
for  horsmete  nor  mannesmeate  [food  for  man  or  horse]. 

A  particular  case  of  oppression  is  set  forth  in  the  following  petition. 

To  the  Kings  highnes  commissioners  within  this  lande  of  Irelande. 

Grevously  complaynyng  shewith  unto  your  discute  wisdomes  and  high  auctorities 
your  poore  humble  and  daily  orator  Robert  Donyll  freman  and  dweller  within  the  Kings 
towne  of  Clonmell  within  the  said  lande.  That  when  as  he  laboring  trewly  for  his 
living  in  England  cam  home  with  his  living  and  at  his  goying  towards  his  dwelling 
place  of  Clonmell  aforsaid  in  the  river  of  Waterford  agaynst  [opposite]  Kylmydan 
within  foure  myles  of  the  saide  citie  cam  the  Archiebishop  of  Casshell  with  force  and 
tooke  riotously  your  poore  suppliaunt  (with  many  others)  with  his  goods  to  the  value 
of  eight  pounds  and  more  and  ymprisoned  hym  the  space  of  nine  weks  to  the  utter 
undoing  of  your  saide  poore  suppliaunt  his  wif  and  children.  And  this  contrary  to 
lawe  and  right  as  ye  shal  be  credybly  hereafter  enformed  by  suffiaint  recorde. 

It  may  therfore  please  you  of  your  chary  table  goodnes  to  see  your  poore  suppliaunt 
restored  to  his  trewly  begotten  goods  and  the  damages  that  he  hath  susteyned  by  reason 


History  of  Clonmei^  29 

of  the  saide  ryot  and  this  in  the  waie  of  charitie  seeing  that  your  said  suppliaunt  is  not 
able  otherwise  (as  by  lawe)  to  obtaigne  his  goods.  And  your  said  suppliaunt  shall  praye 
to  God  for  your  prosperous  estate  longe  to  endure. 

The  some  of  the  goods  taken  by  the  said  Archiebishop  from  your  suppliaunt  the 
seventeenth  daie  of  August  in  the  twenty  fourth  yere  of  the  Kings  reign  that  nowe  is 
eight  pounds  six  shillings  eight  pence. 

This  Byll  is  founde  to  be  trewe  by  the  verdyt  of  the  hedde  and  commyns  of  the 
towne  of  Clonmell  aforesaide. 

The  honest  burghers  of  Clonmel  having  detailed  to  the  King's 
Commissioners  the  robberies  and  outrages  of  which  they  were  the  victims, 
might  have  requested  his  Majesty  to  shorten  by  the  head  a  few  of  the 
neighbouring  gentry.  They  contented  themselves  with  abstract  advice ; 
perhaps  even  then  the  unreality  of  royal  commissions  was  felt. 

The  advyce  for  the  redresse  of  the  enormyties  aforesaid  divysed  by  the  saide  Jurye. 

Our  best  advise  after  our  symple  dyscrecyons  and  most  diligent  and  faithfull  maner 
please  it  your  right  discrete  wisdomeis  accepted,  of  the  good  ordering  of  the  lande  of 
Ireland,  if  by  your  wisdomes  maye  fynde  the  meanes. 

That  first  coyne  and  livery  be  put  bake  and  the  Inglish  lords  and  trewe  subjects  of 
Ireland  be  brought  at  one  peace  and  that  none  may  be  at  no  severall  peases  with  eny 
of  the  Irishe  naycons  but  with  such  Irishe  nacions  as  is  trewe  and  faithfull  to  the  Kynge 
and  to  his  subjects  and  that  then  all  Irishe  naycons  under  the  Kyngs  lawes  be  obedyent 
to  the  Statutes  and  lawes  proclaymed,  affyrmed  by  the  Kings  deputie  and  his  counsell 
and  that  the  bigge  Irishe  sheets  be  dampned  [be  condemned]  and  put  bake  and  brought 
to  lesse  making  and  facyon  (d).  And  when  tyme  is  and  may  be  by  leasure  after  your 
discrecyons  that  all  Inglish  nacyons  of  Inglishe  and  Irishe  be  brought  to  one  apparell 
as  nigh  to  the  Inglishe  maner  and  facyon  as  may  be,  and  that  every  man  be  so  charged 
to  socor  ne  favor  no  thieves  nor  Irishe  rebelles,  and  that  every  lord  within  his  dominacon 
be  charged  to  have  weapon  after  the  best  manner  according  as  he  maye  occupie  best, 
and  every  man  after  his  degree  answere  the  crye  [hue  and  cry]  and  defende  his 
neighbour  the  Kings  subjects  and  that  every  gentylman  answere  for  his  servant  in  the 
countrey  that  useth  Irishe  manners. 

God  save  our  soveraign  lorde  Kynge  Henry  the  eight. 

The  advice  of  the  burghers  and  the  recommendations  of  the  royal 
commissioners,  notwithstanding,  the  "enormities"  continued,  and  two 
generations  later  the  state  of  Tipperary  was  worse  than  ever.  On  llth 
October,  1563,  Pierce  Lord  Cahir  wrote  that  the  brothers  of  lord  Ormond 
invaded  his  district  and  plundered  his  tenants  of  cattle,  household  goods  and 
clothing  to  the  value  of  a  thousand  pounds  sterling.  In  January,  1566, 
Theobald  Hackett  of  Meldrum,  with  divers  others  malefactors,  burnt  thirty 
houses  in  Sheepstown,  one  hundred  pounds  worth  of  household  goods, 
"  besydes  the  burninge  of  a  womane  and  a  mane  child."    The  same  year, 


(di  "  Linnen  shirts  the  rich  doe  weare  for  wantones  and  bravery  with  wide  hanging  sleeves 
playted,  thirtie  yards  are  little  enough  for  one  of  them.  They  have  now  left  their  saffron  and  learne 
to  wash  their  shirts  fourc  or  five  times  in  a  veare."  Campion.  Historie,  1571,  Dublin  Edition,  1810, 
p.  24. 


30  History  of  Clonmel. 

Philip  Comyn  fitz  George  burnt  eight  ricks  of  corn  belonging  to  Edmond 
Coniyn,  of  Kilconnell.  Connor  Fox  of  Monroe,  burnt  nine  houses,  one 
hundred  sheep  and  swine,  and  twenty  pounds  value  of  house  stuff  belonging 
to  Teige  OTogarty  of  Duagh.  In  1568  Edmond,  son  of  the  White  Knight, 
with  others  "vilonusly  burned  and  spoyled  the  barrony  of  Cahir  to  the 
number  of  sixteen  townlands."  Coyne  and  livery  was  universal.  Sir  Edmond 
Butler's  and  the  lord  of  Ormond's  men  cessed  the  country  with  cuddies, 
horsemen,  galloglass,  '*  goners  and  doggs."  So  did  the  sheriff  of  the  liberty, 
and  the  Clonmel  jury  of  1 576  reported  the  same  of  the  president  of  Munster 
himself. 

At  intervals  war  broke  out  between  the  Geraldines  and  the  Butlers,  and 
then  indeed  the  combatants  in  the  elegant  phraseology  of  Cox  "  played  the 
devils'*  in  the  district.  In  1516  the  Earl  of  Kildare,  lord  deputy,  having 
defeated  the  O'Carrolls  marched  on  Clonmel,  then  controlled  by  Sir  James 
Butler,  natural  son  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond.  He  "  attempted  the  town  with  so 
much  celerity  that  the  townsmen  (being  surprized)  immediately  surrendered 
upon  conditions.  The  deputy  returned  loaden  with  hostages,  prey  and 
glory."  (e).  An  end  seemed  to  be  put  to  the  feud  by  the  marriage  of  Joan, 
daughter  of  the  eleventh  Earl  of  Desmond,  with  James,  heir  to  the  earldom  of 
Ormond,  the  manors  of  Clonmel,  Kilsheelan  and  Kilfeacle  being  settled  on 
Butler  as  her  dowry.  But  as  Ormond  refused  to  acknowledge  James  Fitz  John 
as  next  Earl  of  Desmond,  the  latter  felt  justified  in  repudiating  the  marriage 
settlement  made  by  his  kinsman  the  eleventh  earl.  In  his  attempt  to  recover 
these  manors  he  was  supported  by  the  lord  deputy  Bellingham,  whose  policy 
was  to  keep  the  Irish  divided.  Ormond  complained  bitterly  of  Bellingham's 
action.  "I  am  credably  informed,"  he  wrote,  "the  Lord  Deputie  hath 
counsailid  James  of  Desmond  to  make  werr  upon  mee  for  suche  landes  as  my 
sonn  James  hath  in  his  wife's  right  and  have  procurid  Sir  Thomas  Butler  [of 
Cahir]  to  be  of  the  same  mynde  and  to  take  his  parte  "  (f).  On  the  death  of 
James,  Earl  of  Ormond,  his  countess  Joan  married  Gerald,  Earl  of  Desmond,  so 
that  the  rivals  then  stood  towards  one  another  in  the  relation  of  step-son  and 
step-father.  Yet  peace  was  as  far  off  as  ever.  For  when  the  ownership  of 
the  manors  was  settled,  the  controversy  about  the  regalities  sprang  up.  In 
1558  the  question  at  issue  was  "the  boundyng  of  the  countie  of  Tipperary, 
how  farre  the  liberties  doo  extend  and  whether  the  manors  of  Clomell, 
Kilfeakill  and  Kilsheelan  being  within  the  said  countie  ought  to  answer 
to  the  said  lybertie.    The  erle  of  Ormonde  clayming  by  his  patente  of  graunte 

(c)  Cox.  Hibernia  Anglicana,  p.  206. 

(f)  Ormond  to  Cowley,  Jnly  20,  1538,  Journal  A.S.,  1873,  p.  511. 


History  of  Clonmel.  31 

that  the  same  extende  in  all  places  within  the  same  countie  withoute  anye 
exception,  and  the  erle  of  Desmonde  supposing  that  the  boundes  of  the  said 
countie  extende  not  so  fair  as  the  said  earle  of  Ormonde  pretendith  to  have 
lybertie  and  the  said  manors  ought  not  to  answer  the  sayde  liberty."  (g). 
Though  the  earls  were  bound  to  the  peace  in  the  sum  of  £2,000  each,  yet  two 
years  later  they  were  as  busy  as  ever  in  murderous  cattle  lifting.  By  orders 
made  by  the  lieutenant  and  council  at  Waterford,  1st  August,  1 560,  John 
Butler,  Piers  Butler  and  Edmund  Commins,  of  Tolomane,  were  delivered  as 
hostages  for  the  good  conduct  of  Ormond,  John  fitz  James  of  Desmond,  the 
White  Knight  and  John  Browne,  for  Desmond,  the  manors  of  Blackcastle  and 
Kilmanahan  being  put  in  pledge  by  the  respective  earls  (h).  The  legal 
victory  was  gained  by  Ormond,  6th  July,  1 562,  when  an  order  of  the  queen 
confirmed  to  him  "  the  right,  title  and  inheritance  of  the  royalties,  knights' 
fees  and  other  liberties  and  things  as  well  in  the  manors  of  Clonmel, 
Kilfekille  and  Kilsheelan,  as  elsewhere  in  Tipperary."  (i).  But  Desmond  was 
by  no  means  prepared  to  acquiesce  in  this  arrangement  of  Elizabeth  with 
Ormond  "  her  black  husband  "  as  she  fondly  styled  him.  In  November, 
1563,  hostilities  began  again  by  a  cattle  raid  on  Kilfeacle.  Ormond  retaliated 
and  three  months  later  a  pitched  battle  was  fought  at  Affane  where  Desmond 
was  routed  and  brought  a  wounded  prisoner  to  Clonmel.  The  September 
following  Piers  Butler  scoured  the  barony  of  Glenaheira  carrying  off  six 
hundred  cattle  belonging  to  Shane  McGrath,  of  Kilmanahan  Castle.  While 
Desmond  and  his  brother  Sir  John  Fitz  Gerald  were  prisoners  in  London, 
they  found  a  redoubtable  champion  in  Rory  McGrath,  the  son  of  Shane.  He 
maintained  his  position  in  Kilmanahan  against  all  comers,  and  for  some  years 
kept  Clonmel  almost  in  a  state  of  siege.  Though  Sir  John  Fitz  Gerald  wrote 
from  London  in  1 569  to  have  him  expelled  from  Kilmanahan  and  Philip  Crah 
appointed,  no  notice  was  taken  of  the  letter  for  the  reason  probably,  it  was 
shrewdly  suspected  not  to  convey  Fitz  Gerald's  real  wishes.  Ormond  offered 
a  garrison  to  defend  the  town,  but  the  expense  of  maintenance  made  the 
citizens  decline  the  offer.  They  subsequently  paid  dearly  for  their  parsimony 
for  one  day  Rory  came  as  usual  cattle  lifting  from  the  meadows  about  the 
town.  The  citizens  were  reluctant  to  leave  the  shelter  of  the  walls,  but  the 
hot-headed  sovereign  threatened  to  denounce  them  as  traitors  to  the  Queen. 
A  pursuit  party  was  therefore  formed.  Rory  drew  them  into  the  hills  where 
falling  upon  them  one  of  the  first  slain  was  the  sovereign  himself.  Two 
years  later,  in  1574,  Rory  captured  the  Butler  castle  of  Derrinlaur  by  means 


f^)  Hist.  MSS.  15  Rep.  III.,  57. 

(h)  Ibid.  pp.  98-99. 

(ii  State  Papers,  Hamilton,  p.  198. 


32  History  of  Clonmel. 

of  which  he  was  enabled  to  intercept  the  traffic  of  the  town,  (j)  The 
war  between  Geraldines  and  Butlers  however  was  nearing  the  end. 
In  August,  1574,  the  deputy  Fitzwilliam  in  accordance  with  Elizabeth's 
instructions  proceeded  against  Desmond.  Derrinlaur  was  besieged  and 
after  the  walls  had  been  mined  the  garrison  sallying  forth  were  massacred  in 
detail.  A  week  later,  August  26th,  Kilmanahan  surrendered  and  Desmond 
came  to  Clonmel  where  he  made  a  humble  submission  which  he  followed 
up  by  a  letter  to  Elizabeth  "  praying  for  one  drop  of  grace  to  assuage  the 
flame  of  his  tormented  mind  "  (k). 

By  this  time  mere  faction  quarrels  were  giving  place  to  larger  and  more 
fundamental  issues.  The  policy  of  conciliating  the  chiefs  and  nobles,  at 
best  an  experiment,  had  been  abandoned  at  the  death  of  King  Henry,  its 
author.  The  alternative  one  of  reconquest  was  now  gradually  taking  shape. 
Celts  and  Anglo-Irish  felt  their  independence  threatened  and  their  estates,  as 
a  consequence,  at  the  mercy  of  English  adventurers.  Writers  of  the  imperialist 
school  such  as  Cox  and  Bagwell  (I)  are  wont  to  describe  the  wars  of  the 
Desmonds  and  O'Neills  as  "rebellions"  organized  by  Roman  ecclesiastics 
against  a  constituted  government.  And  O'Sullivan  Beare  elevates  them  to 
the  plane  of  crusades  in  behalf  of  the  Catholic  faith  (m).  The  truth  is  that 
the  chieftainries  and  lordships  could  be  brought  under  English  rule  only  by 
armed  force.  Reformation  therefore,  civil  and  religious,  made  a  serviceable 
pretext  for  reconquest ;  while  on  the  other  hand  Catholicism  afforded  a 
common  base  of  action  for  Celts  and  Anglo-Irish.  Moreover  it  gained  for 
them  the  sympathy  and  support  of  the  Catholic  powers  abroad  then  in  the 
vortex  of  the  counter  Reformation.  But  so  far  from  those  wars  being  in 
their  spring  and  motive  religious,  the  fact  is  the  masses  of  the  people  never 
came  in  contact  with  Protestantism  at  all,  and  furthermore  their  leaders,  the 


(j)  The  Majji"aths  were  one  of  the  powerful  Irish  families  whose  supjx^rt  the  Desmonds  enlisted 
by  marriage  and  gossipred.  Curiously  enough  they  survived  the  wreck  of  the  Desmonds,  and  went 
down  only  in  the  Cromwellian  cataclysm.  In  the  '*  Book  of  Distribution  "  of  the  Co.  Waterford  of 
that  period  they  appear  as  owners  in  fee  of  a  considerable  part  of  Kilronan  parish.  The  townlands  of 
Ballymacarbcry,  Curtiswood,  Cullenagh,  Sillyheene  and  Baunfown  belonged  to  Patrick,  Rory,  James 
and  John  Magrath,  all  "  Irish  Papists,"  and  forfeiting  proprietors  accordingly.  Their  kinsman, 
Pierce  Magrath,  also  an  "  Irish  Papist,"  forfeited  Sledy,  or  Curraghncsledy  as  it  was  called,  with 
other  lands  and  a  considerable  part  of  Dungarvan  town.  Among  the  grantees  however  of  Sledy 
were  Richard  and  Thomas  Osb«)rne.  The  former  touched  by  the  beauty  and  misfortunes  of  Mary, 
daughter  of  the  old  owner,  married  her  and  thus  Magrath  ended  his  days  in  the  quaint  Tudor  house 
his  father  erected.  Osborne's  brother  Nicholas  settled  in  Tickencorr,  the  former  home  of  Alexander 
Power,  which  at  the  Cromwellian  distribution  had  passed  to  Sir  Thomas  Stanley.  The  fourth  in 
descent  from  Nicholas  was  Sir  William  Osborne,  the  friend  of  Grattan  and  his  consistent  supporter 
in  the  cause  of  Irish  independence.  The  present  Duchess  of  St.  Albans  is  great  granddaughter  of 
Sir  William. 

(k)  Carew  Papers  and  State  Papers  Eli/alM^th,  passim. 

(I J  Hibernia  Anglicana,  London,  1689.     Ireland  under  the  Tudors,  London,  1 885-1 890. 

(mj  Historiae  Cath.  Iberniae  Compendium,  Lisbon,  162 1. 


History  of  Clonmel.  33 

chiefs  and  several  of  the  bishops,  during  the  conciliatory  period  of  Henry 
Vin.  renounced  "  the  usurped  authority  of  the  bishop  of  Rome,"  and  shared 
in  the  plunder  of  the  monasteries. 

The  history  of  Clonmel  during  this  period  is  characteristic  of  that  of  the 
country  generally.  The  harbinger  of  the  Reformation  in  Ireland  was  Piers, 
Earl  of  Ossory.  In  1534  before  leaving  London,  knowing  as  Carte  states 
"  that  Henry  VIII.  was  not  a  prince  to  be  disobeyed  with  safety,"  he  entered 
into  an  indenture  that  as  governor  of  Kilkenny,  Tipperary  and  Waterford, 
he  would  join  with  the  king's  deputy  in  reducing  Dfesmond  and  would  resist 
the  Pope.  Ossory  was  followed  the  next  year  by  George  Browne,  appointed 
by  the  king  to  the  archbishopric  of  Dublin  in  order  to  carry  out  his  majesty's 
pleasure  "  that  his  subjects  in  Ireland  should  obey  his  commands  in  spiritual 
matters  and  renounce  their  allegiance  to  the  see  of  Rome."  Browne  fulfilled 
the  instructions  "  almost  to  the  danger  and  hazard  of  his  temporal  life,"  and 
appealed  for  a  Parliament  to  pass  an  Act  of  Supremacy  (n).  Parliament 
was  called  but  the  representatives  of  the  clergy  refusing  to  accede  to  the 
royal  wishes,  were  excluded  by  an  order  under  the  great  seal.  Accordingly 
in  1536  Brabazon  the  vice-treasurer  was  able  to  write  to  his  master  Cromwell : 
"  The  Common  House  is  marvellous  good  for  the  King's  causes  and  all  the 
learned  men  within  the  same  be  very  good ;  so  that  I  think  all  causes 
concerning  the  King's  grace  will  take  good  effect."  The  learned  men  passed 
a  series  of  acts  declaring  the  King,  his  heirs  and  successors,  supreme  head  of 
the  church  of  Ireland,  forbidding  payment  of  Peter's  Pence,  or  other 
acknowledgment  of  Roman  jurisdiction,  and  dissolving  the  religious  houses. 
Legislation  apart,  the  Reformation  made  halting  progress  ;  for  the  king  wrote 
to  Browne,  7th  July,  1537,  to  employ  himself  diligently  in  good  furtherance 
of  the  n  yal  affairs,  slyly  reminding  him  not  to  forget  that  he  might  be 
removed  and  another  man  of  more  virtue  and  honesty  put  in  his  place. 
Browne  replied  that  the  king's  monitions  "made  him  tremble  in  body  for 
fear  of  incurring  his  majesty's  displeasure,"  and  pleaded  his  labours  in 
expounding  the  true  gospel  "  utterly  despising  the  usurped  power  of  the  Bishop 
of  Rome,  being  a  thing  not  a  little  rooted  among  the  inhabitants  here."  Yet  a 
year  later  the  whole  body  of  Reformers  continued  to  sit  around  the  Dublin 
Council  table.  On  5th  April,  1 538,  Agard  wrote  to  Cromwell :  "  Excepte  it  be 
the  Archebyschope  of  Dublyn  which  dothe  here  in  preching  sett  forthe 
Codes  Worde  with  dew  obedyence  to  ther  Prynce,  and  my  good  Lorde 
Butler  [Ossory],  the  Master  of  the  RoUes  [Sir  John  Alen]  Mr  Thezaurer 
[William  Brabazon]  and  on  or  two  mow  which  are  of  a  smalle  repytachosn 

(n)  state  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  vol.  ii.,  passim. 


34  History  of  Clonmel. 

here,  is  ellys  noon  from  the  hyeste  maye  abyde  the  hering  of  hitt."  But 
another  cause  was  now  at  work  which  soon  compelled  the  highest  to  abide 
the  hearing  of  the  word.  The  dissolution  of  the  monasteries  was  in  the  air, 
and  the  greed  for  their  broad  lands  put  into  the  Reformation  a  driving 
force  it  hitherto  lacked.  The  highest,  as  well  ecclesiastics  as  laymen,  kept 
a  hungry  look  out.  To  take  a  local  instance,  Nicholas  Comyn,  Bishop  of 
Waterford,  wrote  to  Cromwell  in  November  for  a  share  in  the  temporalities 
of  Innislounaght  when  that  abbey  should  be  dissolved.  But  another  had 
already  marked  the  plsfce  for  his  own — no  less  a  person  than  the  Deputy 
himself.  Lord  Leonard  Grey. 

A  few  days  before  Christmas,  the  Privy  Council  (Browne,  Alen, 
Brabazon  and  Aylmer)  set  out  on  a  visitation  half  episcopal,  half  gaol 
delivery.  They  visited  Carlow,  Kilkenny,  Wexford  and  Ross.  The  "Kinge's 
Supremycia,  togeder  with  the  plucking  downe  of  ydoUes  and  the  extinguishing 
of  the  Bishop  of  Romes  auctoritie,"  were  duly  preached  and  several 
malefactors  put  to  death  in  each  place.  In  Waterford  after  "  publishing  the 
Kinge's  injunctions  and  the  residue  of  his  plesur  likewise,"  there  were  "  put 
to  execution  fower  felones  accompanyed  with  another  thefe,  a  frier  whom  we 
commaunded  to  be  hanged  in  his  habite  and  so  to  remayne  upon  thegallowes 
for  a  mirror  to  all  other  his  bredern  to  live  trulie."  The  Council  then 
proceeded  to  Clonmel. 

At  the  writing  hereof  we  werne  at  Clonmell  [l8  January  1 539]  where  we  kepe 
cessions  this  dale  and  on  Soneday  tharchebishop  of  Dublin  will  preche  here  likewise 
as  he  d^  in  other  places  befor  mentioned  in  the  presence  of  all  the  Bishops  of  Munster; 
who  upon  our  commandment  been  repaired  hither  for  the  most  parte  alredie  and  or 
[before]  they  departe  they  shall  be  sworne  to  the  Supremacie  of  the  King,  and  against 
the  Bishop  of  Rome. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  as  the  list  of  bishops  present  in  Clonmel  is  not 
now  forthcoming,  we  are  left  altogether  to  inferential  evidence.  One  thing 
is  certain  that  all  the  Munster  bishops  did  not  obey  the  summons,  while  on 
the  other  hand  some  from  outside  the  province  attended.  The  archbishops 
of  Tuam  and  Cashel,  Bodkin  and  Butler,  were  unquestionably  among  the 
number  present.  The  former  had  already  the  previous  July  taken  the  oath 
of  supremacy  in  Galway :  the  latter,  like  his  father  Ossory,  was  probably 
ready  to  profess  Mahometanism  if  it  were  the  King's  religion.  James  Quinn, 
bishop  of  Limerick,  had  six  months  before  sworn  to  maintain  the  King's 
supremacy.  Dominick  Tirrey,  bishop  of  Cork  and  Cloyne,  had  been  installed 
by  Henry  in  opposition  to  the  papal  nominee,  Lewis  McNamara,  a  Franciscan  : 
who  the  others  were  is  a  matter  of  mere  conjecture.  But  the  event  is  the 
most  important  in  the  history  of  Protestantism  in  Ireland  during  the  sixteenth 
century.     On  8th  February,  1539,  the  Council  wrote  to  Cromwell. 


History  of  Clonmel.  35 

At  Clomell  was  with  us  twoo  Archebusshops  and  eight  Busshops  in  whose 
presence  my  Lord  of  Dublin  preached  in  advauncying  the  Kinges  Supremacy  and  the 
extinguishment  of  the  Busshop  of  Rome.  And  his  sermon  fynyshed  all  the  said 
Bisshops  in  all  thoppen  audience  took  the  othe  mencioned  in  thActes  of  Parliament 
bothe  touching  the  Kinges  Succession  and  Supremacy  befor  me,  the  Kinges  Chaunceller ; 
and  divers  others  ther  present  ded  the  lieke 

Your  Lordships  most  bounden  Orators 

John  Allen  Ke,  Chaunceler 
Georgius,  Dublin 
WiLLM  Brabazon 
Gerald  Aylmer,  Justice  (0), 

The  Bishop  of  Rome  extinguished,  the  Reformation  proceeded  apace. 
Six  weeks  later  Lord  Chancellor  Alen  came  to  Clonmel  to  receive  the 
surrender  of  the  religious  houses  from  their  respective  heads.  The  patent  of 
his  commission  stated  that  "  the  houses  of  regulars  in  Ireland  are  at  present 
in  such  a  state  that  in  them  the  praise  of  God  and  the  welfare  of  man  are 
next  to  nothing  regarded;  the  regulars  and  nuns  dwelling  there  being  so 
addicted  partly  to  their  own  superstitious  ceremonies,  partly  to  the  pernicious 
worship  of  idols  and  to  the  pestiferous  doctrines  of  the  Roman  pontiff,  that 
unless  an  effectual  remedy  be  promptly  provided  not  only  the  weak  lower 
order  but  the  whole  Irish  people  may  be  speedily  infected  to  their  total 
destruction  by  the  example  of  these  persons  "  (p).  It  will  be  seen  that  unlike 
in  England,  no  wholesale  charges  of  immorality  are  made,  and  it  is  certain 
the  Privy  Council  would  be  only  too  glad  if  such  were  available  for  the 
preamble  (q).  The  first  house  surrendered  to  Alen  was  the  Franciscan.  On 
the  "twenty  eight  day  of  March  in  the  thirty  first  year  of  the  King  [1539] 
Robert  Travers,  guardian  or  custos,  with  his  brethren  in  virtue  of  the  Royal 
Commission,  etc.,  left  the  said  monastery  so  that  it  is  totally  dissolved." 
Within  the  next  fortnight  the  Cistercian  abbey  of  Innislounaght,  the 
Augustinian  priory  of  Cahir,  the  Carmelite  house  of  Lady  Abbey  near 
Ardfinnan,  and  the  Brigitine  convent  of  Mollough  at  Newcastle  were  all 
surrendered.  The  people  of  Clonmel  viewed  with  no  little  satisfaction  the 
dissolution  of  some  of  these  houses ;  for  of  late  they  had  been  a  reproach  not 
only  to  religion,  but  to  decency  itself.  Inquiries  into  the  monastic  property 
were  forthwith  held,  and  the  following  year  pensions  chargeable  on  the 

(0)  state  Papers  Henry  VIIL,  vol.  iii.,  p.  117.  Some,  as  in  the  case  of  Gardiner  and  Bonner 
in  England,  did  not  consider  the  rejection  of  papal  supremacy  inconsistent  with  the  Catholic  creed. 
Nicholas  Comyn,  bishop  of  Waterford,  who  was  almost  certainly  present,  is  extravagantly  eulogized 
by  Lynch  the  historian  of  the  Irish  Catholic  bishops.  Others,  such  as  Brown  himself,  would  (if  we 
can  trust  the  correspondence  of  the  period)  go  down  the  slippery  slope  to  rationalism. 

(p)  Morrin  Chancery  Rolls,  I.  55. 

(q)  How  little  the  Irish  Reformers  were  concerned  with  morals  is  clear  from  the  case  of  James 
Butler,  last  abbot  of  Innislounaght.  Here  was  a  scion  of  the  Butler  family  thrust  into  the  abbacy, 
who  with  his  brethren  stank  in  the  nostrils  of  Munster.  Yet  the  commissioners  assigned  them 
substantial  pensions,  and  subsequently  conferred  on  the  ex-abbot  the  vicarage  of  St.  Patrick's  Well. 


36  History  of  Clonmel. 

property  were  settled  on  the  former  members  of  the  communities.  But  there 
was  one  important  exception.  The  Franciscans  had  actively  opposed  the 
royal  supremacy  ;  their  piety  and  their  zeal  had  won  them  the  affections  of 
the  people.    For  them  therefore  there  were  no  pensions. 

During  the  next  thirty  years  nothing  more  was  heard  of  the  Reformation 
in  Clonmel,  and  it  does  not  appear  that  any  question  of  religion  was  raised 
by  the  Lords  Deputy  or  other  functionaries  who  visited  the  town.  The 
municipal  council,  in  whom  at  the  dissolution  of  Athassel  priory,  the  advow- 
son  of  St.  Mary's  was  vested,  regularly  appointed  a  Catholic  priest  to  the 
living.  Foundations  for  the  celebration  of  Masses  were  made  as  if 
Edward  VI.  and  Elizabeth  never  existed.  The  whole  population,  from  Ormond 
the  lord  of  the  liberty  down,  remained  Catholic.  Meanwhile  the  religious 
struggle  was  stirring  the  world  to  its  depths.  The  bull  of  Pius  V.  in  1569 
excommunicating  Elizabeth  and  releasing  her  subjects  from  their  allegiance 
was  the  gage  of  battle  in  Ireland  as  in  England.  Henceforward  the  Desmonds 
and  O'Briens,  the  O'Moores  and  O'Neills,  had  the  sanction  of  religion  in  their 
effort  to  maintain  their  independence  and  estates.  Their  fight  was  now  Pro 
Arts  et  Facts.  The  mixed  motives,  temporal  and  eternal,  which  actuated  both 
parties  in  the  struggle  are  well  expressed  in  a  speech  of  "the  great  rebel," 
Gerald,  sixteenth  Earl  of  Desmond.  "  Our  rulers,"  said  he,  "  ever  since  they 
renounced  the  Catholic  religion  scorned  to  regard  the  nobles  of  this  land 
who  have  remained  true  to  their  faith ;  they  have  no  part  in  the  councils  of 
the  realm.  As  for  the  people,  are  they  not  harassed  and  ground  down  by 
imposts  such  as  our  ancestors  never  knew  ?  Spies  and  informers  are  sent 
among  them,  and  on  the  misrepresentations  of  these  hirelings  Queen 
Elizabeth  has  formed  her  estimate  of  the  Irish  people.  We  are  trampled  on 
by  a  gang  of  mailed  marauders  who  despise  us.  Look  at  the  sacred  order 
of  the  priesthood,  is  it  not  despised  by  those  innovators  who  have  come 
among  us  to  banish  the  rightful  owners  from  their  ancestral  estates,"  etc.  (r). 

The  position  of  the  priests  was  especially  difficult.  Educated  abroad 
owing  to  the  destruction  of  the  monastic  schools,  they  were  regarded  by 
principle  and  training  "  traitors  "  and  "  rebels  "  in  the  pay  of  Spain.  They 
were  watched  for  at  every  port,  and  the  commander  of  the  Queen's  forces  or 
the  president  of  the  province  "  upon  vehement  suspicion  "  might  put  them 
to  torture  or  hang  them  by  martial  law.  Still  they  came.  Cormac  O'Fergus 
reached  Cork  from  Lisbon  Easter  Sunday,  1 571.  After  several  adventures 
we  find  him  in  Clonmel  where  he  celebrated  Mass  in  secret  and  preached 
twice.    A  few  days  later  he  was  captured  (s).      Sir  William  Drury   had 

fr)  O'Daly's  Geraldines,  p.  118. 

fs)  The  writer  hopes  to  be  soon  in  a  position  to  publish  the  original  authorities  from  the  State 
Paper  Office  and  the  Bodleian. 


History  of  Clonmel.  37 

scarcely  assumed  the  presidency  of  Munster  when  he  complained  to 
Walsingham  "  the  students  of  Ireland  that  come  from  Louvain  are  the  merest 
traitors  and  breeders  of  treachery  that  liveth.  Whereof  they  are  in  these 
parts  about  Waterford  and  Clonmel  four  principal  prelates.  John  White  is 
worshipped  like  a  God  between  Kilkenny  and  Waterford  and  Clonmel.  He 
suborneth  all  the  dwellers  of  those  parts  to  detest  the  true  religion  stablished 
by  her  Majesty."  A  principal  prelate  of  a  still  more  dangerous  character 
was  Edmund  Tanner,  Bishop  of  Cork  and  Cloyne.  Soon  after  his  landing  in 
1575  Drury  had  him  arrested  together  with  his  chaplain,  and  both  were 
lodged  in  Clonmel  gaol.  A  strange  incident  now  happened.  While  in 
prison  Tanner  was  visited  by  a  schismatic  bishop — probably  Patrick  Walsh, 
Bishop  of  Waterford  and  Lismore.  "Discussions  and  conferences"  took 
place  between  them  with  the  result  that  Tanner  reconciled  the  other  to  the 
Catholic  church.  Drury  possibly  thought  such  a  man  as  dangerous  in  prison 
as  out  of  it,  and  through  the  influence  of  Lord  Barrymore  released  him  (t). 
The  government  correspondence  of  the  period  is  full  of  reports  of  spies  set 
to  watch  the  priests.  "There  is  one  Sir  Teage  O'Swyllyvan  an  earnest 
Precher  of  popery  still  preching  from  howse  to  howse  in  Waterford 
Clomell  and  Fidreth  "  (u),  "  There  is  one  Sir  William  Ocherohy  a  semynary 
[priest]  lately  come  from  Roome  and  now  dwelling  att  Clomell  Cassell  and 

ffidder Sir  Garrett  Reken  preist  at  Clomell Sir 

Walter  preist  dwelling  att  Clomell."  The  following  year  1593  several  of 
these  were  still  at  large  and  others  had  come.  "  Sir  Teage  O  Suilevan  a 
preacher  soiourning  betweene  Waterford  and  Clonmell  in  his  sermons 
curseinge  all  peopele  that  exercise  authoritie  in  her  maiesties  name.  Sir 
William  Trehie  (come  from  Spaine  and  borne  in  Cashell  most  commonly 
soiourning  at  Clonmell)  ....  Sir  piers  Kely  orderd  [ordained]  by  Dr. 
Crahe  and  still  soiourning  betweene  Waterford  Clonmell  and  Cashell  .  .  . 
Sir  Garrett  Rollea  a  man  in  very  greate  compte  in  Clonmell  .  .  .  Sir 
Walter  a  priest  of  Tomond  now  resideing  at  Clonmell "  (v).  But  none 
attracted  more  attention  from  the  spies  than  the  parish  priest  of  Clonmel, 
Father  Richard  Morris,  who  seems  to  have  reached  the  town  about  1 580.    In 


(t)  *'  Barrymore,"  said  Ormond.  *'  is  an  arrant  papist  who  a  long  time  kept  in  his  house  Dr. 
Tanner  made  bishop  here  by  the  Pope,  who  died  in  my  Lord  of  Upper  Ossory's  house  being  secretly 
kept  there.  Believe  me  Mr.  Secretary  you  shall  find  my  Lord  of  Upper  Ossory  as  bad  a  man  as 
may  be." — Ormond  to  Walsingham,  July  21st,  1580.  Fr.  Holling  who  in  1596  wrote  a  short  sketch 
of  Tanner  gives  the  particulars,  but  discreetly  withheld  the  names  lest  he  should  compromise  the 
Catholic  lords  and  their  friends. 

(u)  "  Sir  "  before  the  name  of  a  priest  indicated  he  had  not  graduated  in  a  University.  Fuller, 
Church  History,  p.  352. 

(v)  O'SuUivan  after  many  escapes  died  near  Kilcrea,  17th  December,  1597.  Contemporary 
accounts  of  him  survive  from  the  pens  of  Mooney,  the  Franciscan  provincial,  and  O'Sullivan  Beare. 


38  History  of  Clonmel. 

1590  he  was  reported  as  "  a  prieste  that  useth  Clonmel."  He  next  appears  in 
a  more  odious  form  as  **  a  prieste  reconcyled  to  Papestry."  We  find  him 
subsequently  in  a  list  sent  by  Miler  McGrath,  the  Protestant  Archbishop  of 
Cashel,  "  Sir  Richard  Moris  who  confessed  before  the  now  Lord  Justice  Chefe 
of  England  Sir  John  poppam  that  he  was  within  this  two  yeares  in  conference 
with  doctor  Crah  "  [Catholic  bishop  of  Cork  and  Cloyne].  Morris  had  earned 
the  unsparing  hatred  of  McGrath;  like  others  he  had  probably  girded  too 
indiscreetly  at  Amy  O'Meara,  the  Archbishop's  partner  (w).  Sir  John  Perrot, 
the  brusque  soldier  who  filled  the  office  of  deputy,  however,  had  little  faith  in 
Miler,  and  was  adverse  to  religious  persecution.  When  in  1 591  Perrot  was 
charged  with  high  treason,  one  of  the  counts  was  "That  one  Richard  Morrice, 
a  Priest,  a  notorious  Traitor  being  a  passer  from  Ireland  to  Vicount 
Baltinglass  in  Spain  and  from  thence  to  Rome  to  confer  of  Rebellions  and 
Invasion  for  England  and  Ireland.  Sir  John  Perrot  knowing  the  said  Morrice 
to  be  a  most  dangerous  person  to  the  State  would  not  give  order  for  the 
taking  of  the  said  Morrice  as  he  should  have  done  but  the  Bishop  of  Cashell 
caused  him  to  be  apprehended  of  his  own  authority  and  sent  him  to  Mr. 
Poor  the  sheriff  to  be  sent  to  the  Castle  of  Dublin  whereupon  the  friends  of 
the  said  Morrice  told  them  that  Morrice  had  better  friends  than  they  all  had 
and  shortly  after  Morrice  was  discharged  and  never  more  called  in  question. 
And  all  this  was  confirmed  by  the  oath  of  the  Archbishop  of  Cashell  and  the 
said  Poore  viva  voce"  If  Perrot,  a  strong,  just  man  would  not  soil  his  hands 
with  "the  Queen's  business"  of  this  sort,  others  had  less  scruples.  Among 
the  "  younger  sons  "  who  were  then  pushing  their  fortunes  in  Ireland,  one  of 
the  most  notable  was  John  Norris,  son  of  Lord  Norris  of  Rycot.  He  had 
taken  part  in  a  filibustering  expedition  to  Flanders  some  years  before,  and 
was  able  to  boast  that  he  had  stabled  his  horses  in  St.  Godule,  Brussells.  But 
though  ambitious  of  fame,  Ireland  offered  in  the  Desmond  forfeitures  more 
solid  rewards,  and  in  1584  he  obtained  the  presidency  of  Munster.  Secretary 
Fenton  was  instructed  to  provide  the  president  with  an  estate,  and  that 
official  selected  Askeaton,  one  of  Desmond's  principal  houses.  Captain 
Barkley,  however,  had  taken  possession,  so  that  Norris  in  disgust  again 
volunteered  for  the  Low  Countries  "not  to  be  drowned  in  this  forgetful 
corner."  At  this  juncture  an  opportunity  occurred  of  giving  signal  proof  of 
his  Protestantism,  and  he  availed  himself  of  it.  Some  eighteen  months  before 
while  the  hapless  Earl  of  Desmond  was  being  run  to  earth.  Lord  Roche  wrote 
to  Ormond  that  he  had  captured  the  Earl's  chaplain,   Desmond  himself 

(w)  The  argitmenlum  ad  fe  mi  nam  was  a  favourite  one  at  the  period.     Father  Eugene  O'Duft'y's 
lampoon  on  the  Archbishop  was  published  many  years  ago  by  J.  D.  White,  of  Cashel. 


History  of  Clonmel.  39 

escaping  narrowly  (x).  Ormond  at  once  announced  the  good  tidings  to 
Burghley.  Captain  Robarts  was  despatched  to  bring  in  the  priest  "  and  my 
servant  Pat  Graunte  with  him  to  be  chained  in  hand  lock  with  the  priest  that 
no  man  may  see  him  or  speak  unto  him.  I  would  this  chaplain  and  I  were 
for  one  hour  with  you  in  your  chamber,  that  3^ou  might  know  the  secrets  of 
his  heart  which  by  fair  means  or  foul  he  must  open  unto  me  "  (y).  It  does  not 
appear  that  the  chaplain  had  any  secrets  to  disclose,  and  henceforward  he 
disappears  from  the  correspondence  of  Ormond  and  Burleigh.  His  awful 
fate,  however,  we  learn  from  other  sources. 

I  am  sending  you  something  of  the  greatest  value — the  glorious  piartyrdom  of  my 
intimate  friend  Maurice  Kenrechtin.  He  was  a  very  holy  priest-  you  knew  him,  and 
was  chaplain  to  the  Earl  of  Desmond  for  which  reason  he  was  arrested  and  brought  to 
your  native  town  of  Clonmel,  and  there  imprisoned  for  more  than  a  year.  On  the  eve 
of  Easter  Sunday  in  the  year  1585  Victor  White  one  of  the  principal  men  of  the  town 
a  pious  Catholic  obtained  from  the  governor  of  the  gaol  the  favour  of  having  the  priest 
spend  the  night  at  his  house.  But  the  governor  secretly  advised  the  President  of 
Munster  an  English  heretic  who  was  then  in  town,  that  if  he  wanted  to  catch  the 
principal  men  of  the  place  hearing  mass  he  could  easily  do  so  at  the  house  of  Victor 
White  early  next  morning,  bargaining  at  the  same  time  for  the  price  of  his  shameful 
treachery.  At  the  hour  appointed  the  soldiers  rushed  on  the  house.  They  seized 
Victor,  the  rest  hearing  the  noise  got  away  through  the  back  doors  and  windows.  A 
married  lady  however  fell  and  broke  her  arm.  The  soldiers  found  the  chalice  and  other 
things  belonging  to  the  Holy  Sacrifice.  They  searched  everywhere  for  the  priest — he 
had  not  begun  mass  —and  came  to  a  heap  of  straw  under  which  the  poor  man  lay. 
Prodding  the  straw  they  struck  him  in  the  thigh  but  he  bore  it  in  silence  through  fear. 
Shortly  after  he  escaped  out  of  the  town.  But  Victor  who  could  never  be  brought  to 
the  heretic  conventicles  though  he  had  suffered  much,  would  not  betray  the  priest  and 
was  therefore  imprisoned.  And  he  would  no  doubt  have  suffered  the  extreme  penalty 
of  the  law  if  Maurice  hearing  of  his  peril  had  not  freely  surrendered  to  the  President. 
Truly  Christian  friendship !  The  President  after  much  invective  passed  sentence  of 
death.  But  if  he  renounced  our  Catholic  faith  and  acknowledged  the  Queen  as  head  of 
the  church  his  life  would  be  spared.  The  *  Minister  of  the  Word '  also  tried  in  vain 
with  much  argument  to  seduce  the  martyr.  Neither  would  he  on  any  account  give  the 
name  of  any  person  who  had  heard  mass  or  received  sacraments.  At  length  he  was 
dragged  at  the  horse's  tail  to  the  scaffold  where  he  learnedly  and  devoutly  exhorted  the 
people  to  constancy  in  the  faith.  He  was  cut  down  when  half  alive  and  beheaded,  the 
*  Minister '  fixed  an  inscription  on  the  head.  The  Catholics  by  entreaty  and  money 
saved  the  body  from  being  treated  with  indignity  and  rendered  the  highest  burial 
honours  they  could. 

Farewell  in  the  Lx)rd  and  may  you  be  followers  of  the  heroic  Maurice  Kinrechtan. 
At  least  prepare  your  souls  for  it. 

Yours  most  affectionately 

Robert  Rochfort. 
From  the  College  of  St.  Anthony, 
20  March  1586  (z), 

(x)  Roche  to  Ormond,  Castktown,  19th  September,  1583.  His  men  overtook  the  Earl's 
chaplain  and  took  all  their  bags  bottles  four  beeves  and  other  stuff.  Desmond  and  his  followers 
narrowly  escaped. 

(y)  Ormond  to  Burleigh,  Carrick,  23rd  September,  1583. 

(z)  Analecta  Sacra,  etc.  Bishop  Rothe,  Cologne,  161 7.  Rothe  gives  a  lengthy  biography  but 
an  earlier  one  by  Fr.  John  Holing  (ob.  1599)  from  which  Rothe's  account  is  partly  derived  is 
preferable.  From  this  the  following  particulars  are  taken.  *'  Maurice  Kimracha,  a  native  of 
Kilmallock,  a  priest  and  Batchelor  of  Theology-,  underwent  many  trials  in  the  war  against  the 


40  History  of  Clonmel. 

This  terrible  episode  created  no  mere  passing  sensation;  it  sank  into 
the  minds  of  the  people.  They  regarded  Kinrechtan  as  a  martyr,  and  his 
grave  in  the  Franciscan  Church  would  have  become  a  place  of  pilgrimage 
did  not  the  friars,  to  escape  persecution,  strive  to  conceal  it  The  court  off 
Lough  Street  in  which  Victor  White's  house  was  situate  was  known  down  to 
the  Cromwellian  period  as  "  Martyr  Lane."  When  at  length  the  Catholics 
rose  to  power  the  body  was  exhumed,  and  in  1647  it  was  conveyed  amid 
great  religious  honours  to  its  final  resting  place  in  Askeaton  Abbey. 

Though  the  attempts  to  impose  Protestantism  on  the  inhabitants  put 
their  loyalty  to  a  severe  strain,  yet  throughout  the  sixteenth  century  they 
remained  staunch  supporters  of  Elizabeth.  In  1 583  Sir  Henry  Sydney 
reported  to  Walsingham  "Marching  through  the  County  of  Tipperary  I 
encamped  by  Chlomnell  a  walled  town  standing  upon  the  river  of  Sure,  the 
people  good  and  loyal."  Again  in  1600  while  Hugh  O'Neill,  de  facto  master 
of  Ireland,  lay  at  Holy  Cross  there  was  no  question  of  surrendering  "the 
Queen's  unpaid  garrison."  Furthermore  the  citizens  placed  at  her  disposal 
their  goods  and  their  money.  Lord  Grey  in  1 582  petitioned  the  Privy  Council 
for  payment  to  the  people  of  Clonmel  of  moneys  owed  them  by  Captain 
James,  Captain  Lower  and  Captain  Morgan;  the  same  year  the  Sovereign 
Geoffry  White  authorized  payment  to  Alderman  Pierce  Sherlock  of  further 
sums.  In  1583  Burghley  was  petitioned  for  £36  due  to  the  town  by  Captain 
Zouche  deceased.  Four  years  later  a  sum  of  eight  score  odd  pounds  was 
spent  on  powder  and  munition  for  the  defence  of  the  town.  As  the  Queen's 
exchequer  was  depleted  there  was  no  little  difficulty  in  recovering  these 
moneys.  In  1587  permission  was  sought  to  import  2,000  quarters  of  wheat  in 
lieu  of  Captain  Zouche's  debt  (aa).  Again  licence  was  asked  to  import  100 
tuns  of  wine  free,  or  a  grant  of  lands  of  £40  yearly  value,  as  a  set  off  for  other 
debts.    Among  the  citizens  who  especially  distinguished  themselves  in  the 


heretics,  animating  the  Catholfc  soldiers  and  administering  the  sacraments He  was  long 

kept  in  prison  where  with  much  patience  and  perseverance  he  continued  Catholics  in  the  faith  and 
moved  many  to  repentance  by  pious  exhortation  and  gave  to  all  an  example  of  the  true  Catholic 

religion Having  he<ird  the  death  sentence  he  quietly  thanked  God  and  exhorted  all 

to  profess  the  Catholic  faith  and  obedience  to  the  Sovereign  Pontiff.  While  he  was  brought  to 
execution  he  spoke  with  such  piety  and  wisdom  that  many  were  moved  to  tears  and  at  the  sight  of 
the  scaffold  he  threw  himself  on  his  knees  in  constant  prayer  amid  the  scoffs  of  the  heretics.  At  the 
place  itself,  having  asked  the  prayers  of  the  people  and  given  them  his  blessing  he  was  hanged. 
While  half  alive  he  was  beheaded  and  the  whole  night  the  soldiers  kept  watch  upon  the  quartered 
body  lest  it  should  be  taken  away  by  the  Catholics.  The  following  day  the  four  quarters  were  set 
up  on  the  market  cross  in  the  centre  of  the  town,  the  head  on  a  loftier  eminence  to  be  seen  by  all. 
Thus  he  underwent  his  glorious  martyrdom  in  the  year  of  the  Lord  1585  on  the  30th  day  of  April. 
Some  days  later  the  Catholics  purchased  the  body  and  gave  it  honorable  burial  in  Clonmel  where  he 
suffered.  All  this  I  heard  from  three  trustworthy  persons  who  were  present — one  of  whom  was 
engaged  in  arranging  the  altar,  the  other  two  were  natives  of  the  town.  I  knew  them,  as  also 
White  and  the  priest  himself." — Spicil,  Ossor.  I.,  pp.  89-91. 

(aa)  This  famine  was  artificial ;  the  English  soldiery  systematically  destroyed  the  growing  cTops 
for  the  purpose  of  starving  out  the  Irish,  preliminary  to  settling  the  new  plantations. 


History  of  Clonmel.  4i 

service  of  the  Queen  were  John  Aylward  who  was  rewarded  with  a  lease  of 
Grenane  Castle,  and  Edward  Gough  who  received  a  knighthood  at  Kinsale 
from  Mountjoy.  Thus  Clonmel  earned  the  encomiums  of  Elizabeth's  successor. 
"  An  ancient  borough  fortified  from  the  time  of  its  foundation  by  forts  and 
walls  erected  by  English  liege  men,  whose  inhabitants  are  sprung  from  an 
old  race  using  English  habits,  customs  and  laws,  and  who  duly  rendered 
praiseworthy  service  to  Englishmen  with  the  loss  of  their  blood  and  life"  fbb) 


(bbj  Charter  of  James  I.  1608.  As  the  whole  population  were  constructive  rebels,  people  secured 
their  civic  rights  against  martial  law  by  obtaining  '  Pardons,'  The  following  Clonmel  names  appear 
in  the  Fiants  of  Elizabeth,  1571— Edmond  O'Higgins,  1573 — David  White  fitz  Pierce  and  Sabina  his 
wife,  Nicholas  White  fitz  Pierce  merchant,  Richard  White  fitz  James  yeoman,  William  son  of  Hugh 
O'Coury  fisherman,  Robert  Casie  weaver.  Each  of  these  to  pay  a  fine  of  one  fat  cow.  1576 — John 
Aylward  gentleman,  Darby  Lynch  husbandman,  Thomas  Brennock  merchant,  Thomas  Nunan 
merchant — both  pardoned  at  the  suit  of  John  Danyell  the  Earl  of  Ormond's  man.  1577 — James  and 
John  Brennock  merchants,  Edward  Quirke  and  Peter  White — to  pay  a  fine  of  a  cow  each.  1583 
— Thomas  White  fitz  Walter  and  Katherine  his  wife.  15QI — Robert  Condon.  1598 — Ellen  Clanchy, 
John  O'Grady.  1601 — Pierce  White  fitz  David,  Thomas  Butler  fitz  Pierce,  Thomas  Butler  fitz  Edmund, 
James  Butler  fitz  Edmund,  Teig  O'Casey  tailor.  1603— John  White  late  sheriff  of  Co.  Waterford, 
Solomon  White,  Garret  Wall  merchant. 


Ohapxer  IV. 


CLONMEL  1603-1641. 

CHE  earlier  years  of  the  seventeenth  century  were  ones  of  unexampled 
prosperity  in  the  South.  Racial  feuds  were  rapidly  dying  out; 
the  Anglo-Irish  and  the  Celtic  Irish  menaced  alike  by  the  new 
English  party  began  to  grow  together  as  one  nation.  For  the  first 
time  the  benefits  of  the  law  came  within  reach  of  the  common  people.  The 
judges  went  circuit;  the  presidency  court,  the  sessions  and  courts  baron 
administered  upon  the  whole  fair  justice,  and  life  and  property  became 
tolerably  secure.  With  the  advent  of  peace,  trade  and  industry  rapidly 
increased.  To  this  the  numerous  "  undertakers"  contributed  not  a  little.  They 
with  characteristic  energy  prospected  for  silver  in  Tipperary  and  gold  in  Kerry, 
opened  iron  mines  at  Cappoquin,  at  Araglen,  at  Toomgraney  and  Macroom. 
They  made  pipe  staves  from  the  native  oak  for  which  a  ready  market  was 
found  in  the  wine  ports  of  France  and  Spain.  Agriculture  also  emerged  from 
the  patriarchal  stage ;  corn  and  cattle  were  raised  much  in  excess  of  domestic 
needs — a  phenomenon  carefully  noted  by  contemporaries.  Licence  was 
granted  to  export  grain  to  England  when  its  price  did  not  exceed  ten  shillings 
a  Bristol  barrel,  while  some  beginning  of  the  live  stock  trade  was  made. 
"  There  is  a  marvellous  change  "  wrote  in  1630  a  close  observer  "  upon  the 
state  of  affairs  which  old  inhabitants  can  remember.  Buildings  and  farming 
are  improving,  each  man  striving  to  excel  other  in  fair  buildings  and  good 
furniture  and  in  husbanding,  enclosing  and  improving  their  lands."  (ccj 
The  fine  Tudor  mansions  (Burntcourt,  Loughmoe  and  Tickencorr  in  our  own 
neighbourhood)  still  witness  to  the  taste  and  prosperity  of  the  period. 


(ccJ  Cork  to  Dorchester,  State  Papers  ad  aim. 


History  of  Clonmel.  43 

In  the  towns  especially  the  progress  was  most  marked.  Trade  had  not  yet 
been  focussed  in  great  distributing  centres;  each  town  was  an  independent 
commercial  unit  and  its  burghers  had  direct  business  relations  not  merely 
local  but  foreign.  The  Clonmel  '  merchant  venturer '  collected  his  stock  of 
tallow,  hides,  salt  beef  and  pork  which  he  sent  by  boat  to  Waterford  or 
overland  to  Youghal  (dd).  Then  having  sold  his  merchandize  in  some  Spanish 
or  French  port  he  purchased  wine,  salt,  hemp  for  cordage,  silk,  tapestry  or 
other  fine  stuffs  for  the  return  voyage.  To  us  it  is  strange  to  meet  with  James 
White  and  Bennet  White,  merchants  of  Clonmel  in  far  off  Cadiz  in  1609  (ee), 
but  in  the  seventeenth  century  it  was  possible  to  find  in  the  town  men  who 
had  seen  the  whole  western  seaboard  of  Europe.  Some  indeed  never  returned 
from  their  perilous  voyage,  and  to  guard  against  such  contingency  wills 
were  made  before  setting  out.  Garrett  fitz  Edmond  Wall  for  instance  in  1606 
"being  bound  in  a  voyadg  beyonde  ye  seas  and  doubting  of  any  mischance  " 
bequeathed  his  estate  to  his  wife  and  daughter.  Five  months  later  the  will 
was  proved  (jf).  But  not  only  was  commerce  active  but  there  was — for  the 
time — considerable  manufacturing  industry.  The  increased  growing  of  corn 
brought  with  it  flour  milling.  Instead  of  the  solitary  manor  mill  to  which  all 
citizens  had  perforce  to  bring  their  corn,  we  find  in  contemporary  patents  one 
in  Bridge  Street  and  four  in  the  south  suburbs.  Further  the  prohibition  on 
the  export  of  wool  had  the  effect  of  stimulating  its  manufacture  at  home. 
Waterford  had  already  earned  celebrity  for  its  rugs,  mantles  and  freize, 
Clonmel  followed,  for  about  1614  Benedict  White  fitz  John  set  up  in  Suir 
Island  a  mill  for  the  tucking  and  finishing  of  coarse  woollen  stuffs.  Through 
the  town  were  various  kilns,  doubtless  for  the  drying  of  grain,  while  more 
than  once  there  is  mention  of  brewhouses  and  malthouses  (gg).  This  industry 
indeed  was  restricted  by  the  Act  3  &  4  Philip  and  Mary,  Cap.  7,  which 
prohibited  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  beer,  strong  waters  and  the  like,  but 
licences  appear  to  have  been  freely  granted.  In  1614  the  following  were 
licensed  to  keep  taverns  in  Clonmel. 

James  White  merchant  and  Victor  White  his  son. 

Patrick  Wall  merchant  and  Anne  Wall  his  daughter. 

Richard  White  merchant. 

John  White  merchant. 

Richard  Wall  merchant. 

Thomas  Donoghowe  (hh). 

(dd)  In  the  Youghal  records  is  a  sort  of  commercial  treaty  by  which  one  of  the  Whites  was 
enabled  to  ship  his  wares  free  of  the  port  dues  there. 

(ec)  State  Papers  sub  ann.  fgg)  Inquisitions  Jas.  I.  passim, 

(fj  Prerogative  Wills  P.R.O.  Dublin.  (hh)  Pat.  Rolls  Jas.  I.  ii. 


44  History  of  Clonmel. 

Four  years  later  the  law  was  practically  suspended  by  a  grant  as  ample 
in  its  scope  as  it  is  curious  in  its  time  limit. 

Granted  to  the  Mayor,  Bailiffs,  Free  burgesses  and  Commons  of  Clonmel  licence  to 
keep  taverns  and  sell  wine  and  ardent  spirits  in  the  said  town  and  half  a  mile  round 
the  same  during  the  lives  of  Nicholas  Mulronie  Merchant  and  of  Jeffrey  Barron  son  of 
Laurence  Barron  of  the  same  town  Merchant  (ii). 

The  result  is  instructive.  In  July  1623  the  Irish  Council  reported  "  that 
the  grant  of  licensing  the  sale  of  wine,  aqua  vitae  (whisky)  and  ale  proving 
beneficial  only  to  some  private  persons,  and  ale  houses  since  that  grant  being 
multiplied,  being  one  occasion  of  the  dearth  of  corn  here,  [such  grants]  should 
be  called  in  "  (jj).  The  recommendation  was  followed  and  the  trade  again 
brought  within  due  control. 

However  the  brewing  and  woollen  industries  may  have  fared  subsequently 
under  Falkland  and  Strafford,  the  humbler  shopkeepers  of  the  town  appear 
to  have  reached  a  fair  standard  of  comfort.  The  following  affords  a  view  of 
the  household  arrangements  of  Henry  White  fitz  Thomas,  draper,  who  died 
in  1614. 

An  inventary  of  my  goodes  and  chattels 

fiirst  a  big  olde  measinge  pan.  A  silver  standinge  cupp  or  noil.  A  newe  table 
boord.  A  new  carpeleade.  A  prasneath.  ffowre  pewter  dishes.  Two  pattingers. 
A  flocke  bed,  a  paire  of  sheets,  ffifty  five  settes,  three  shaggs,  ffovrte  ordynaries,  one 
hundred  and  thirty  yards  frize,  six  peeces  of  checkes,  eighteen  poundes  in  moneye, 
tenn  barrells  oaten  malte,  three  barrells  barley  malte.  There  is  alsoe  due  to  me  of  Mr 
Nicholas  White  fitz  Henry  8  li  sterlinge  as  by  our  mutuall  deede  indated  more  at  large 
may  appeare.  Itm  I  have  in  shopp  wares  by  myne  estimation  ye  value  of  40  shillings 
sterlinge.    Itm  a  cheste  price  seven  shill.  ster.  (kk). 

Perhaps  the  best  evidence  of  the  prosperity  of  Clonmel  at  this  period  is 
the  large  amount  of  money  advanced  by  the  several  merchants  on  landed 
security — then  the  only  investment  obtainable.  In  the  patent  and  close  rolls  of 
James  I.  and  Charles  I.  are  mortgages  of  extensive  estates  made  to  Patrick 
White  fitz  Thomas,  James  White  fitz  Robert,  John  Bray  fitz  John,  Laurence 
Barron  and  others  (II),  As  the  interest  on  these  mortgages  varied  from  15  to 
30  per  cent,  foreclosure  was  the  sequel ;  the  mortgage  therefore  was  but  the 
transition  stage  to  landed  proprietorship.  Accordingly  in  the  next  generation 
the  representatives  of  these  merchants  appear  in  the  "Book  of  Distribution  " 
as  forfeiting  landowners  (mm).  Their  wills  also,  many  of  which  are  extant, 
supply  further  information  on  the  point  and  give  invaluable  glimpses  into 
their  social  state  and  civilization. 


(ii)  Ibid.  16  Jas.  I.,  i  April.  (jj)  State  Papers  Jas.  I.  (kk)  Prerogative  Wills,  P.R.O. 

(11)  In  the  will  of  the  last  named  no  fewer  than  seventeen  mortgages  are  recited — many  being 
of  whole  townlands. 

(mm)  For  example:  Michael  White  fitz  Bennetof  Mylerstown,  Edmond  Bray  and  Nicholas  Belts  of 
Orchardstown,  Francis  White,  Chancellorstown,  John  Flynn,  Derrygrath,  &c.,  &c. 


History  of  Clonmel.  45 

Catherine  White  fitz  Thomas  in  1625 — 

I  doe  leave  and  bequeath  unto  my  daughter  Bess  my  best  chaine  and  my  best 
Juell.  I  distribute  the  rest  of  my  Juells,  chaines,  Ringes  with  all  my  bodilie  aparell 
upon  my  brothers,  sisters  and  their  children,  my  foster  mother  and  my  nurse  and  some 
poor  kinder  women  of  myne. 

John  Bray  fitz  John  in  1632 — 

Itm.  I  doe  will,  legacie  and  bequeath  to  my  said  son  John  Bray  my  siluer  saultes, 
my  siluer  taster,  sixe  siluer  spoones,  two  highe  bedsteeds  with  their  truckles  and 
furniture,  all  my  tables  carpletts,  cussions,  stooles,  formes,  chaires,  cupboords,  chests, 
my  harpe.  Tables,  the  great  Crucifix  or  picture  I  lent  Mr  Richard  Wadding  of 
Waterford  deceased  and  all  my  books.  My  sd  son  John  Bray  shall  have  and  receave 
the  gould  Jeuel  bequeathed  by  my  father  unto  me  which  now  my  sister  Ann  Bray  hath 
after  the  decease  of  my  said  sister. 

James  White  fitz  Robert  in  1622 — 

I  will  and  devise  to  my  said  wife  Catherine  Power  all  my  pewter,  brass,  lynen, 
candlesticks,  householdstuff,  catle,  her  Jeuells  ringes  and  chaine  of  gould  and  all  my 
goods  and  chatells  my  plate  only  excepted. 

Richard  Leynach  in  1628 — 

I  doe  leaue  unto  my  wife  Mary  Brenock  without  devision  all  my  plate,  brass, 
pewter,  buttry,  dyaper  lynnen,  beddinge  and  all  other  household  stuff  that  I  haue 
whatsoever  and  she  to  take  charge  of  my  soule. 

Laurence  Barron  in  1622 — 

The  House  I  have  nowe  adwyld  [dwelt]  I  doe  leave  to  my  wyfe  during  her  naturall 
lyf  chaste  viduitie  and  dwelling  in  Clonmel  otherwise  but  a  third  parte  of  the  valuation 
of  the  rent  thereof.  Itm  I  doe  leaue  all  my  aparell  to  my  brother  Richard  Barron. 
Itm  I  doe  leave  to  my  brother  Robert  Barron  to  helpe  him  to  stocke  8  li.  ster.  when  it 
is  seen  that  he  is  hable  to  enioye  it  or  otherwise  to  serue  his  necessary  wants.  Itm 
to  my  sister  Beale  20  nobles.  Itm  to  my  sister  Alson  20  nobles  for  mayntenance  of 
her  child.  Itm  to  my  sister  Austin  is  three  daughters  fyve  poundes  a  peece  to  their 
preferment  when  they  be  marryed.  I  doe  leave  to  my  nepheu  James  Wale  is  soun  5  li 
when  he  is  hable  to  remburse  it  in  marchandize.  I  leave  my  best  goulden  (sic)  to  Mr 
Walle.  I  leave  my  signett  and  ye  small  three  tume  Ringe  I  weare  to  my  uncle  John 
Whit  in  remembrance  of  my  loue. 

Edward  Butler  in  1619— 

A  note  and  true  inventry  of  goods  chatties  and  household  stuff  remayning. 
Twentie  poundes  worth  parcells  in  wool  ware  and  woole,  fower  gerrans,  twelf  tunns  of 
salt,  two  hundred  flemish  hupes,  one  hundred  Anysides.  Two  hundred  half  Lucoryes, 
half  hundred  English  hupes,  one  bruing  paune  two  smale  paunes,  one  brass  potte,  five 
chests  one  trunke  fine  brass  candlesticks,  two  coops  of  platte,  two  Juells  of  gould  two 
ringes  of  gould,  two  cupperts,  tenn  poundes  worth  of  triffiing  in  merchant  ware,  twelve 
poundes  in  money,  seaven  hundred  sheepskins,  two  Spanis  tables  three  quarter  hundred 
Riess  three  barrells  of  beare  malt  twelve  peeter  dishes,  two  pattingers,  two  smale 
savcers  with  other  smale  trifilings.  I  bequeath  third  part  of  said  goods  to  my  wife  the 
third  to  my  children  the  third  for  my  soule.  I  bequeath  unto  my  brother  Richard 
Butler  my  new  fustean  doublett,  unto  my  brother  in  law  Richard  Neale  my  new  cloake, 
my  brother  Walter  Butler  my  best  felt  [hat]  my  eldest  daughter  Ellice  fouertine  cowes 
smale  and  greate,  and  the  great  brass  potte,  my  eldest  son  John  a  silver  goblett  of  platte 
parcell  gilt  weing  xiii  unces  and  the  great  drawing  board  and  a  new  carplett. 

These  and  many  similar  ones  still  to  be  seen  in  the  Record  Office  call 
up  a  pleasing  picture  of  old  Clonmel.    They  speak  of  lives  gracious  and 


46  History  of  Clonmel. 

refined,  of  love  of  kindred,  of  manifold  charity,  of  tranquil  enjoyment  of  this 
world  and  serene  hope  for  the  next.  But  the  old  Anglo-Irish  burghers  had 
nm  their  course ;  they  accumulated  wealth,  they  built  houses,  they  made 
settlements  and  entails  little  thinking  that  their  grand-children  would  be 
homeless  and  their  names  traceable  only  in  forgotten  archives.  Yet  even  in 
their  lifetime  they  might  have  discerned  the  beginnings  of  the  storm. 

The  Desmond  colonies  in  Munster  and  the  Ulster  Plantation  had  one 
vital  consequence,  probably  unforseen  by  those  who  planned  them.  Hitherto 
the  representatives  of  English  supremacy  in  this  country  were  the  Anglo-Irish 
country  gentlemen  and  burghers.  They  composed  the  parliaments  of  Elizabeth 
and  swelled  her  armies.  At  an  earlier  period  they  had  loyally  dissolved  the 
monasteries  and  had  even  discarded  the  papal  legates.  When  Europe  was 
divided  by  religion  into  hostile  camps  they  remained  throughout  on  the  side 
of  the  Queen,  fought  for  her  against  the  Desmonds  and  massacred  the 
fugitives  of  Kinsale.  Yet  withal  they  were  convinced  Catholics  and  the 
diplomatic  Elizabeth  thought  well  to  raise  no  questions  of  conscience  but 
left  them  for  the  most  part  freedom  of  worship.  With  the  advent  of  the  new 
settlers  the  whole  political  situation  changed.  The  Catholics  need  no  longer 
be  reckoned  with.  England  had  now  a  party  secured  by  the  strong  ties  of 
self  interest,  whose  religion  was  a  guarantee  against  continental  intrigue, 
whose  existence  in  fact  depended  on  maintaining  and  extending  English 
influence.  Accordingly  all  power  soon  passed  into  the  hands  of  the 
new  colonists.  They  manned  the  executive,  they  dominated  parliament, 
they  gradually  filled  every  office  of  trust  and  emolument  to  the  almost  entire 
exclusion  of  the  hereditary  ruling  class.  Raised  on  the  ruin  of  Celts  and 
Anglo-Irish  alike,  they  looked  on  both  with  equal  distrust.  They  were 
Protestants  of  the  Calvinist  type,  and  regarded  with  scorn  and  hatred  the 
great  Catholic  population  around  them.  If  the  temper  of  the  age  had  been 
one  of  toleration  and  compromise  they  would  not  have  sought  peace,  for 
turbulence  led  to  forfeitures  and  forfeitures  fell  to  them.  Such  were  the  men 
who  then  obtained  power,  who  under  the  forms  of  law  carried  on  relentless 
warfare  on  the  religion  and  property  of  the  people  they  ruled  (nn). 

(tin J  '*  It  is  certainly  very  unhappy  for  a  nation  at  any  time  to  be  governed  by  strangers  who 
cannot  be  supposc(^  to  have  any  natural  love  for  the  country  and  whose  particular  advantage  doth 
not  depend  on  the  general  good  of  the  nation  ;  but  in  a  time  of  jealousies  and  distractions  when  a 
mutual  confidence  between  the  governors  and  the  people  committed  to  their  charge  is  absolutely 
necessary,  the  consequences  flowing  from  such  a  circumstance  must  be  very  fatal.  This  was  the 
very  case  of  Ireland  at  that  time  ;  the  governors  were  the  likeliest  persons  in  it  to  get  by  the  troubles 
of  the  Kingdom  and  to  raise  their  own  fortunes  by  the  ruin  of  those  of  private  gentlemen.  There  is 
too  much  reason  to  think  that  as  the  lords  justices  wished  the  rebellion  to  spread  and  more 
gentlemen  of  estates  to  be  involved  in  it  that  the  forfeitures  might  be  the  greater  and  a  general 
plantation  be  carried  on  by  a  new  set  of  English  Protestants  to  the  ruin  and  expulsion  of  all  the  old 
English  and  natives  that  were  Roman  Catholics." — Carte's  Ormond  T.,  p.  183. 


History  of  Clonmel.  47 

What  took  place  in  Clonmel  is  only  an  example  of  the  proceedings  in 
the  towns  generally.  From  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  James  I.  the  open 
and  ostentatious  Catholicism  of  the  people  was  a  subject  of  sore  complaint. 
Sir  Henry  Brouncker  a  few  months  after  his  appointment  to  the  presidency 
of  Munster,  reported  to  Cecil  that  the  towns  in  his  province  were  swarming 
with  priests,  mass  being  said  almost  publicly  in  the  best  houses  even  in  the 
hearing  of  all  men  (00).  Saxey,  chief  justice  of  the  presidency  court,  was 
equally  distressed  by  the  presence  of  Jesuits  who,  he  said,  numerous  as 
locusts  were  everywhere  harboured  by  the  noblemen  and  chief  gentry  of  the 
country  but  especially  by  the  cities  and  walled  towns  (pp).  But  how  to  deal 
with  the  evil  was  the  difficulty.  For  as  yet  there  was  no  statute  of  the  Irish 
parliament  by  which  the  Catholic  clergy  might  be  banished ;  there  was 
indeed  the  English  statute,  27  Elizabeth,  but  the  crown  lawyers  construed  it 
in  vain.  No  one  had  ever  contended  that  an  act  of  the  parliament  of 
England  bound  Ireland  unless  expressly  named.  The  matter  however  was 
urgent,  and  Justice  Saxey  advised  the  Privy  Council  to  seize  on  the  persons 
of  the  priests  and  deport  them  to  England  where  there  was  enough  law  to 
deal  with  them.  Besides,  he  argued,  did  not  the  "queen's  dominions"  in 
Act  27  Elizabeth  include  Ireland  (qq).  Sir  John  Davis,  the  attorney-general, 
took  a  more  hopeful  view.  "The  priests,"  he  wrote,  "would  with  all  their 
hearts  leave  this  miserable  country  and  would  be  glad  to  hear  of  a 
proclamation  of  banishment  that  they  might  have  a  good  excuse  to  depart ; 
they  that  go  up  and  down  the  [county  of  the]  Cross  of  Tipperary  get  nothing 
but  bacon  and  oatmeal,  the  people  are  so  poor  "  (rr).  The  experiment  was 
tried.  On  14th  August,  1604,  Brouncker  issued  a  proclamation  that  all 
Jesuits,  seminaries  [seminary  priests],  and  massing  priests  depart  the  province 
before  the  last  day  of  September,  any  person  receiving  or  relieving  them  to 
be  imprisoned  during  his  majesty's  pleasure  and  fined  in  the  sum  of  £40. 
Further,  a  reward  of  ^40  was  offered  for  the  body  of  every  Jesuit  brought 
unto  the  lord  president,  £6  3s,  4d.  for  every  seminary  and  £s  for  every 
massing  priest  (ss).  But  no  priests  were  taken  and  none  departed.  Some 
months  later  a  spy  returned  a  list  of  the  priests  still  in  Munster  which 
included  among  others  Richard  White  priest  in  Clonmel,  Fathers  Mulroney 
and  Leinagh  Jesuits  in  the  same,  Redmond  Nash  priest  in  Fethard,  Thomas 
Geflferay  priest  in  Kilcash,  Walter  Wall  Jesuit  in  Carrick-on-Suir  (tt).  The 
royal  authority  was  now  invoked ;  a  proclamation  was  made  in  which  the 
King  declared  his  high  displeasure  at  the  report  that  he  purposed  to  grant 


(00)  state  Papers  Jas.  I.,  p.  193.  (rr)  Ibid,  p.  162. 

(pp)  Ibid,  p.  218.  (ss)  Ibid,  p.  190. 

(qq)  Ibid,  p.  219.  (tt)  Ibid,  p.  380. 


48  History  of  Clonmel. 

liberty  of  conscience  or  toleration  of  religion  to  his  subjects  in  that  Kingdom. 
On  the  contrary  he  admonished  them  to  hear  divine  service  in  the  churches 
on  Sundays  and  holidays  upon  the  penalties  contained  in  the  statutes.  All 
Jesuits,  seminary  and  other  priests  to  depart  out  of  the  Kingdom  before  the 
lOth  December,  1605,  and  sheriffs,  justices  of  peace,  and  other  loyal  subjects 
to  use  their  best  diligence  to  apprehend  offenders  (uu).  From  a  letter  sent  to 
Aquaviva,  the  Jesuit  general,  we  learn  how  the  proclamation  was  received  in 
Clonmel : — 

At  Clonmel  there  was  a  consultation  about  the  proclamation.  The  citizens  resolved 
not  to  publish  it.  When  Miler  [McGrath  Protestant  archbishop  of  Cashel]  was  going 
to  the  market  place,  a  troop  of  horse  burst  into  the  town  to  keep  down  the  people  if 
they  offered  any  opposition.  Such  horror  was  there  of  this  proclamation  that  even  the 
little  boys  remained  indoors  (w). 

Active  measures  were  at  once  taken  ;  troops  of  horse  scoured  the  country; 
the  houses  of  the  gentry  and  opulent  burghers  were  raided  and  some  twenty 
priests  were  captured.  The  majority  went  into  hiding  or  disguised 
themselves  as  grooms,  as  surgeons,  as  servants,  as  "  esquires  with  sword  and 
lance,"  or  again  as  fools  and  strolling  players  (ww).  On  17th  January,  1607, 
one  of  the  Clonmel  Jesuits,  Nicholas  Leynach,  wrote  "  We  are  dispersed  and 
like  night  robbers  we  long  for  darkness,  no  place  is  safe  for  us  on  account  of 
the  number  of  our  pursuers.  A  and  W  [Andrew  Morony  and  Walter  Wall] 
are  well  and  are  selling  their  wares  "  (xx).  Nine  months  later  they  apparently 
were  still  "  selling  their  wares,"  for  on  6th  September  the  Earl  of  Thomond, 
president  of  Munster,  wrote  to  Salisbury  "  We  have  taken  the  best  course 
that  we  might  in  placing  some  horse  among  them  [the  recusant  Catholics] 
and  appointing  good  officers  at  Clonmell  and  Cashell  where  most  of  the 
resort  of  the  Jesuits  and  seminaries  is,  hoping  by  that  means  to  have  taken 
some  of  them  ;  but  all  in  vain,  they  are  so  befriended  that  hardly  any  of  them 
can  be  apprehended  "  (yy).  The  priest  hunting  was  kept  up  many  years  later. 
In  161 5,  for  instance,  a  report  of  a  spy  now  in  the  British  Museum  reads: — 

Fr.  Richard  White  priest,  gen'all  vicar  of  the  diocess  of  Lismore. 
In  ye  Diocess  Fr.  Thomas  Sheyne  a  Jesuite  and  a  precher  now  resideing  in  Edward 
of  Lismore        Whites  house  in  Clonmel. 

Fr.  Andrew  Mulronie  a  Jesuite. 

Fr.  Nicholas  Leynagh,   a  Jesuite  residing  in  his  brothers,   Nicholas 
Leynagh's,  house. 

Thomas  Magrath  had  a  father  a  fryer  authorized  by  the  pope  to 
discharge  ye  faculties  of  a  bishop  (zz). 


(uu)  lb.,  303. 

(w)  Letter  27th  Nov.,  1606,  "  Henry  Fitzsimon,  S.J.,"  Dublin,  1881. 

(WW)  Some  curious  instances  may  be  seen  in  State  Papers  439,  476,  Fitzsimmons*  Life,  117, 
144,  152. 

(xx)  Fitzsimmons'  Life,  p.  166. 

(yy)  State  Papers  IL,  258.  (zz)  Addit  MSB.,  No.  19,836. 


History  of  Clonmel.  49 

The  Catholic  lay  folk  of  the  town  underwent  a  persecution  in  severity 
and  duration  only  little  less  than  that  to  which  the  priests  were  subjected. 
In  the  last  week  of  Lent,  1606,  Sir  Nicholas  Walsh,  Sir  John  Davis  and  Sir 
Henry  Brouncker  joined  in  a  commission  of  assizes  and  general  gaol  delivery, 
arrived  in  Clonmel.  We  have  a  report  of  the  proceedings  at  first  hand  in  a 
letter  of  Davis  to  Salisbury. 

We  came  to  Clonemell  a  well  built  and  well  kept  town  upon  the  river  of  Sure  in 
the  county  of  the  liberty  of  Tipperary.  In  this  county  we  gave  in  charge  to  the  jury 
all  matters  not  determinable  by  the  Earl's  charter  viz.,  all  treasons  and  all  other  offences 
which  have  been  made  capital  or  otherwise  penal  since  46  Ed.  III.  in  which  year  the 
Earl's  charter  doth  bear  date  ....  my  Lord  President  (whose  zeal  in  matters  of 
religion  tempered  with  good  moderation  doeth  merit  very  much  consideration)  was 
desirous  that  a  priest  one  James  Morice  [the  parish  priest  of  Clonmel]  who  was  lately 
before  apprehended  should  have  been  indicted  for  publishing  a  slanderous  and  seditious 
bull  though  without  all  question  it  be  a  forged  and  counterfeit  thing  as  you  may 
perceive  by  the  copy  which  I  have  presumed  to  send  you  herewith.  Before  we  would 
conceive  any  indictment  hereupon  we  thought  meet  to  examine  the  evidence  which  we 
found  not  to  be  ripe  enough  because  the  parties  that  should  make  the  direct  proof 
were  not  present  and  therefore  we  deferred  this  business  till  another  session.  This 
town  being  in  the  liberty  is  more  haunted  with  Jesuits  and  priests  than  any  other  town 
or  city  within  this  province  which  is  the  cause  we  found  the  burgesses  more  obstinate 
here  than  elsewhere.  For  whereas  my  Lord  President  did  justly  offer  to  the  principal 
inhabitants  that  he  would  spare  to  proceed  against  them  if  they  would  yield  to  a 
conference  [with  the  Protestant  vicar]  for  a  time  and  become  bound  in  the  meantime 
not  to  receive  any  Jesuit  or  priest  into  their  houses,  they  peremptorily  refused  both, 
whereupon  the  chief  of  them  were  bound  to  appear  at  Cork  before  the  Lord  President 
and  Council  presently  after  Easter  there  to  be  censured  with  good  round  fines  and 
imprisonment  {a). 

A  more  summary  process  was  adopted  towards  the  mass  of  the  people, 
viz.,  indictment  under  the  Act  2  Elizabeth,  for  absence  from  the  Protestant 
church  on  Sundays. 

Of  the  multitude  we  caused  200  to  be  indicted  but  with  much  ado  was  the  grand 
inquest  [grand  jury]  drawn  to  find  the  bill  and  yet  for  the  most  part  they  were 
gentlemen  of  the  country.  The  Jesuits  and  priests  of  name  that  have  lately  frequented 
the  town  are  Nicholas  Lennagh  Jesuit,  Andrew  Mulrony  Jesuit,  Richard  White  priest, 
Gerrard  Miagh  priest,  William  Crokin  priest  Amongst  these  Nicholas  Lennagh  hath 
special  credit  and  authority ;  and  which  is  to  be  noted  before  that  horrible  treason  was 
to  have  been  executed  in  England  [the  Gunpowder  Plot]  he  charged  the  people  to  say 
three  Ave  Marias  for  the  good  sucess  of  a  great  matter  which  what  it  was  they  should 
not  know  until  it  was  effected  and  brought  to  pass.  If  our  bishops  and  others  that 
have  cure  of  souls  were  but  half  as  diligent  in  their  several  charges  as  these  men  are 
in  the  places  where  they  haunt,  the  people  would  not  receive  and  nourish  them  as  now 
they  do  (b). 

The  great  matter  for  which  the  people  were  charged  to  pray,  we  learn 
from  the  Jesuit  correspondence,  was  the  salvation  of  the  dying  Earl  of 
Ormond  Davis  having  concluded  the  business  of  the  assizes  went  to  spend 
the  Easter  holidays  with  the  old  nobleman  at  Carrick-on-Suir  Castle.    He 

(aj  Stole  Papers,  475-6.  (bj  Ibid. 


50  History  of  Clonmel. 

noted  how  the  earl  not  being  able  to  sit  up  during  the  festivity  "  had  his 
robes  laid  upon  his  bed  as  the  manner  is."  He  might  also  have  noted  a 
polite  if  somewhat  shy  dependant  resorting  to  the  castle  and  well  received 
there.  This  was  the  Jesuit,  Father  Walter  Wall,  who  the  previous  year  had 
reconciled  Ormond  to  the  Catholic  church,  and  had  been  told  off  to  remain 
until  the  end. 

The  persecution  continued  unabated  through  the  year.  Towards  the  end 
of  August  Brouncker  again  visited  the  town  and  tried  to  force  the  sovereign 
and  principal  burgesses  to  accompany  him  to  the  Protestant  service.  They 
stubbornly  refused.  John  White  fitz  Geoffry  was  accordingly  deprived  of 
the  sovereignty,  while  on  29th  September  Samuel  Newse,  sergeant-at-arms, 
compelled  those  put  under  trial  at  the  spring  assizes  to  surrender  in  Cork. 
In  this  instance  the  accounts  we  have  are  from  the  Catholic  side.  Fr.  Bryan 
Kearney  wrote  to  the  secretary  of  the  Jesuits. 

A  cousin  of  his  grace  [Lombard,  Catholic  Primate  of  Armagh]  the  brother  of  Fr. 
Thomas  White  S.J.  was  deprived  of  the  sovereignty  of  Clonmel  because  he  would  not 
go  to  church  with  the  president  {c).  So  also  was  Mr.  John  Bray  and  Mr.  Edmund 
Wall.  These  with  nine  other  Clonmel  and  Cashel  citizens  are  kept  in  Cork  gaol  ever 
since  to  the  very  great  loss  of  their  business  {d). 

A  fuller  relation  is  furnished  by  Christopher  Holliwood,  Jesuit  superior 
at  the  time. 

The  principal  inhabitants  and  the  chief  magistrate  of  Clonmel  were  summoned 
before  the  president  and  strongly  urged  to  obey  the  proclamation.  They  point  blank 
refused  and  declared  they  had  rather  lose  all  they  had  even  their  lives.  They  were 
twice  summoned  to  Cork  but  disobeyed  and  when  the  sergeant  at  arms  compeU^  them 
in  the  King's  name  to  go,  they  were  insulted,  called  traitors,  fined  and  lodged  in  prison 
where  they  are  still  confined.  The  heroism  of  the  mayor  [sovereign]  shone  out 
conspicuously  as  did  that  of  another  who  lost  his  position  for  the  cause ;  a  great  friend 
of  ours  who  is  the  head  man  of  the  whole  place  also  signalized  himself.  The  property 
of  these  men  as  well  as  of  the  people  of  Cashel  has  been  confiscated  and  the  rest  of  the 
town  folk  are  so  intimidated  that  there  is  no  business  going  on  in  the  place,  (e). 

How  long  the  burghers  were  kept  in  prison  we  have  no  means  of 
knowing.  In  July  the  following  year,  1607,  the  Earl  of  Thomond  and  Sir 
Richard  Morrison  were  empowered  to  release  the  recusant  Catholics  upon 
their  own  recognizances.  "  All  of  them,"  wrote  Chichester,  "  were  accordingly 
set  at  liberty  except  fourteen  whereof  eight  are  of  Clonmel,  four  of  Cork  and 
two  of  Kinsale  who  are  still  restrained  because  they  obstinately  refuse  to 
enter  into  that  bond  "  (fj. 

(c)  This  was  John  White,  whose  mother  Anastasia  Comerford,  of  VVaterford,  was  aunt  of 
Lombard. 

^//^  Hibemia  Ignatiana,  rtf/ aw«.     Ed.  E.  Hogan,  Dublin,  188 1.  ^c^  Ibid. 

(f)  State  Papers  II.,  246.  The  outbreaks  of  persecution  were  only  limited  by  diplomatic 
urgency  as  when  the  Spanish  marriage  negociations  were  on  foot. 


History  of  Clonmel.  51 

But  these  were  only  the  beginning  of  sorrows.  While  the  Ormonds 
retained  the  Palatinate,  the  Catholics  of  Tipperary  experienced  merely 
occasional  outbursts.  When,  however,  James  I.  seized  on  the  liberties  and 
imprisoned  Walter,  eleventh  Esir\,(g)  they  felt  the  full  stress  of  the  storm. 
The  King's  judges  now  came  circuit  to  Clonmel,  and  at  each  assizes  the  Act 
2  Elizabeth  was  given  in  charge.  By  this  Act  everyone  was  bound  to  attend 
the  Protestant  service  in  his  parish  church  every  Sunday  and  holiday.  The 
penalty  for  absence  was  I2d.  which  in  practice  came  to  lOs,  through  the  cost 
of  the  levy.  The  names  of  the  recusants — those  who  refused  to  go  to 
church — were  furnished  by  the  Protestant  ministers,  and  bills  of  indictment 
were  framed  thereon.  But  the  Grand  Jurors  being  at  this  period  all  Catholics, 
refused  to  take  part  in  the  persecution  of  their  co-religionists  and  threw  out 
the  bills.  The  law  was  now  set  in  motion  against  the  Jurors  themselves. 
Proceedings  were  taken  in  the  Court  of  Castle  or  Star  Chamber  in  Dublin 
before  the  Lord  Deputy,  a  few  Protestant  bishops  and  lawyers.  The  result 
we  gather  from  a  register  of  the  Court  which  has  only  recently  come  to 
light  (hi 

1612  November  20.  Edmund  Butler  of  Cloghicullyn  and  Jeffrey  Mockler  of 
Ballynatten  being  the  leaders  of  a  Grand  Jury  impanelled  at  Cashell  Co.  Crosse 
Tipperary  last  July  before  Lord  Chief  Justice  Walshe  and  Sergeant  John  Beare  Justices 
of  Assize — to  pay  a  fine  of  forty  pounds  apiece  and  the  rest  of  the  Jury  thirty  pounds 
apiece  English  money  and  all  of  them  to  be  imprisoned  during  pleasure  for  refusing  to 
present  recusants. 

The  foreman,  Butler  of  CloughcuUy,  as  uncle  of  the  then  Lord  Cahir  and 
direct  ancestor  of  the  present  Lady  Charteris,  might  have  paid  the  fiine 
without  difficulty,  but  to  many  of  the  poorer  gentlemen  it  meant  half  their 
income. 

1613  May  7.  James  Braye,  William  Brenocke,  Walter  O'Mulryan  and  Thomas 
White  members  of  a  Jury  impanelled  in  February  last  at  Clonmell  in  the  county  of  the 
liberty  of  Tipperary  before  Chief  Baron  Methwolde  and  Garrald  Leather  esq.,  Justice 
of  Common  Pleas  as  Justices  of  Assize — to  pay  a  fine  of  £40  English  apiece  and  to  be 
imprisoned  during  pleasure  for  refusing  to  join  with  the  rest  of  the  jury  in  presenting 
as  recusants  those  inhabitants  of  Clonmell  certified  as  such  by  the  minister  of  the 
parish. 

May  7. — Pierce  Butler  of  Knockgraffon,  Richard  Purcell  of  Loughmoe  and  John 
Tobin  of  Killogh  members  of  a  Jury  impanelled  at  Clonmel  in  February  last  before 
Chief  Baron  Methwolde  and  Justice  Leather— to  pay  a  fine  of  £200  English  apiece  and 
the  rest  of  the  jury  £40  apiece  and  all  of  them  to  be  imprisoned  at  pleasure  for  refusing 
to  present  as  recusants  divers  of  the  parishioners  of  Lisronagh  upon  the  testimony  of 
one  Dybsall,  a  minister,  having  no  other  reason  to  give  but  that  it  was  against  their 
conscience  which  answer  this  Court  did  absolutely  reject  and  disallow. 

(gji  Called  for  his  piety  "  Walter  of  the  Rosary." 

(h)  Manuscripts  of  the  Earl  of  Egmont,  vol.  i. — Hist.  MSS.  Comsn. 


52  History  of  Clonmel. 

1616  November  22.  William  Mansell  of  Cattellyastowne,  Rory  O'Kennedy  of 
Killeny,  Gefifry  Mockler  of  Mocklerstown,  Nicholas  Sause  of  Sawcestown,  John 
O'Meagher  of  Clonekenny  and  Edmond  Com)m  of  Tulloghmayne — members  of  a  grand 
jury  impanelled  at  Clonmell  before  Sir  John  Blennerhasset  and  Richard  Bolton 
esquire — to  pay  a  fine  of  £20  English  apiece  and  to  be  imprisoned  at  pleasure  for 
refusing  to  present  recusants. 

November  22.  Thomas  Butler  of  Moretowne  and  Thomas  Stapleton  of  Lynes- 
town — grand  jurors  impanelled  at  Cashell,  Co.  Crosse  Tipperary,  before  Baron 
Blenerhasset  and  Richard  Bolton  esq — to  pay  a  fine  of  £20  apiece  and  John  O'Dwyer 
of  Dundrum  also  of  the  said  jury  also  to  pay  a  fine  of  £\\  for  refusing  to  present 
recusants. 

Occasionally  as  the  jurors  were  unable  to  pay  the  fines,  the  following 
ingenious  method  of  punishment  was  devised. 

1617  July  4.  Richard  Wall,  John  McKeogh,  Owen  Boy  McKeogh  and  James  Glynn 
Co.  Crosse  Tipperary — members  of  a  grand  jury  impanelled  at  Cashell  before  Sir  John 
Blenerhasset  and  Justice  Sparke — to  pay  fines  of  £5  apiece,  be  imprisoned  during 
pleasure,  and  to  make  full  acknowledgment  of  their  offence  with  papers  on  their  heads 
in  the  four  courts  of  Dublin,  and  at  the  next  general  Assizes  in  Co.  Crosse  Tipperary 
for  refusing  to  join  with  the  rest  of  the  jury  to  present  recusants. 

We  further  order  that  in  regard  of  their  poverty  the  Lord  Deputy  remits  the  fines. 

1617.  July  4  Edmond  O'Hedyn,  Phillip  English,  Piers  Comyn  and  John  Mother  of 
the  county  of  the  liberty  of  Tipperary,  being  grand  jurors  impanelled  in  the  said  county 
in  this  year  1617  before  Sir  John  Blenerhasset  and  Justice  Sparke — to  pay  a  fine  of  5 
marks  apiece,  and  to  be  imprisoned  during  pleasure  for  the  like  offience,  the  fine  having 
been  lessened  in  regard  of  the  service  the  said  persons  had  done  in  causing  to  be 
apprehended  a  notorious  murderqr. 

16 17  Nov.  7.  Boetius  McEgan  of  Sesseraghkell  Co.  Cross  Tipperary  being  one  of  a 
grand  jury  impanelled  before  Chief  Baron  Methwolde  and  Sir  John  Blenerhasset  at  Cashell 
in  September  last — to  pay  a  fine  of  £\0  and  to  be  imprisoned  during  pleasure  for 
refusing  to  present  recusants. 

November  12.  Piers  Butler  Fitz  Walter  of  Nodstown(i)  Piers  Hackett  of 
Ballytrasny  and  John  O'Kennedy  of  Lackine,  members  of  a  grand  jury  impanelled 
before  the  above  named  justices  at  Clonmell  in  September  last — to  pay  fines  of  ^^30 
apiece,  and  John  Keating  of  Nicholstowne,  Teige  O'Mullryan  of  Lysnesilly,  Rory 
O'Kennedy  of  Ballyneclogh,  James  Mamell  of  Lysnemrocke  and  Edmond  O'Hedyne  of 
Mojmard  all  Co.  Tipperary,  being  likewise  members  of  the  said  jury,  fines  of  £20  apiece 
and  all  of  them  to  be  imprisoned  during  pleasure  for  refusing  to  present  recusants. 

1618  May  8.  Piers  Com)me,  Richard  Prendergast,  James,  Theobald,  William  and 
Thomas  Butler  of  the  county  of  the  liberty  of  Tipperary,  members  of  a  jury  impanelled 
before  the  Chief  Baron  of  Exchequer  and  Baron  Blenerhasset  in  the  said  County,  to  pay 
fines  of  £50  sterling  apiece,  to  be  imprisoned  during  pleasure  and  to  give  bonds  for  the 
public  acknowledgment  of  their  guilt  for  the  like  offence. 

May  8.  Nicholas  Boyton,  Redmond  Racket  and  Richard  Butler  members  of  a 
grand  jury  sworn  before  the  Chief  Baron  and  Baron  Blenerhasset  at  Cashell  Co.  Cross 
Tipperary — to  pay  fines — Boyton  (being  the  ringleader)  lOO  marks  sterling  and  the 
other  two  £50  sterling  apiece — ^to  be  imprisoned  during  pleasure  and  to  give  bond  for 
the  public  acknowledgment  of  their  guilt  for  refusing  to  present  recusants. 

By  another  section  of  the  Act  2  Elizabeth,  all  judges,  justicers,  mayors  or 
other  lay  or  temporal  oflScers  on  entering  office  were  to  take  an  oath  before 

(i)  Grandson  of  James,  9th  Earl  of  Ormond. 


History  of  Clonmel.  53 

persons  duly  constituted  for  that  purpose,  testifying  that  the  King  was  the 
only  supreme  governor  of  the  realm,  as  well  in  spiritual  and  ecclesiastical  as 
in  temporal  things,  and  utterly  renouncing  all  foreign  jurisdiction.  As  the 
Catholic  magistracy  would  not  put  this  law  in  operation,  the  Coiut  of  Castle 
Chamber  proceeded  to  enforce  it. 

1616  May  8.  Bennet  White,  Mayor  of  Clonmell,  to  be  fined  £20  and  imprisoned 
during  pleasure  for  executing  his  office  without  having  taken  the  oath  of  supremacy. 

November  13.  Piers  Bray  late  bailiff  of  Clonmell,  to  be  fined  £lO  English  money 
for  executing  the  office  of  bailiff  without  having  taken  the  oath  of  supremacy. 

The  High  Sheriff  for  that  year  was  more  fortunate. 

November  20.  Upon  information  that  William  O'Mara  sheriff  of  Co.  Tipperary 
has  exercised  his  office  without  taking  the  oath  of  supremacy  etc. 

Decree  remitting  the  offence  as  it  appears  that  the  sheriff  of  Co.  Tipperary  hath 
been  nominated  and  appointed  by  the  Earls  of  Ormond  in  former  times  and  none  of 
them  have  had  the  oath  of  supremacy  offered  unto  them. 

.  Towards  the  close  of  the  reign  of  James  I.  the  persecution  was  somewhat 
relaxed.  In  1624  Falkland  wrote  to  Secretary  Conway  that  the  news  of  the 
negociation  of  the  Spanish  marriage  had  emboldened  the  towns  to  elect 
recusant  mayors.  "  As  their  confidence,"  he  said,  "  has  made  them  presume 
so  my  doubtfulness  made  me  wink  and  forbear  to  question  them  for  it"  The 
following  year,  however,  as  the  negociations  had  failed  a  commission  was 
sped  to  Sir  Edward  Villiars,  President  of  Munster,  Lords  Cork  and  Kinsale, 
and  the  justices  of  assize  to  administer  the  oath  of  supremacy  to  the  mayors, 
sheriffs,  recorders  and  bailiffs  of  every  city  and  corporate  town  in  Munster 
and  bind  them  with  sufficient  security  to  appear  before  the  Lord  Deputy  and 
Council  (j). 

Besides  religious  persecution  there  was  throughout  this  period  another 
great  and  growing  cause  of  discontent.  The  Ulster  Plantation  had  been 
successful  beyond  all  expectation.  Irish  officials  and  British  statesmen 
congratulated  one  another  that  the  province  in  the  conquest  of  which  in 
Elizabeth's  time  so  much  blood  and  treasure  had  ^een  poured  out  in  vain, 
was  now  a  prosperous  English  settlement.  Plantations  accordingly,  which 
hitherto  had  been  carried  on  sporadically  and  at  rare  intervals,  now  became 
matters  of  settled  policy.  "  Having  found  by  experience,"  wrote  King  James 
to  the  Lord  Deputy  St.  John,  "  that  plantations  in  that  kingdom  are  the  only 
ordinary  means  to  reduce  the  people  to  civility  and  religion,  I  am  the  more 
desirous  to  see  them  proceeded  in  with  due  diligence  and  care  "  (k),  "These 
plantations,"  it  was  urged,  "  tend  to  bring  in  law  and  order,  to  banish  Irish 

(f)  May  30th,  1  Chas.  I.  (k)  State  Papers,  26th  Feb.,  1620. 


54  History  of  Clonmel. 

customs,  to  disappoint  foreign  expectations,  to  assure  the  better  sort  to  the 
Crown  by  valuable  estates  which  they  will  not  willingly  risk  "  (I).  In  l6lO 
the  plantation  was  begun  of  the  part  of  Wexford  lying  between  the  Slaney 
and  the  sea,  and  the  subsequent  years  plantations  followed  in  Longford, 
Queen's  County,  Leitrim,  Westmeath  and  Wicklow.  The  Irish  in  the  several 
territories  were  driven  to  the  hills  or  bogs,  care  being  taken  to  send  abroad 
large  numbers  of  the  able-bodied  to  the  armies  of  Spain,  Germany  and 
Poland  (m).  The  English  were  then  settled  in  the  arable  and  pasture  land 
where,  secured  by  strong  houses,  by  turreted  and  looped  bawns,  they  bade 
defiance  to  the  pauperized,  hunger-broken  natives.  Towards  the  close  of 
1621  the  plantation  of  North  Tipperary  was  projected,  but  as  there  were 
enough  of  plantations  already  on  hand,  for  ten  years  nothing  was  done. 
Meanwhile  the  alluvial  lands  of  the  Shannon  and  the  rich  pastures  of  Nenagh 
were  not  lost  sight  of ;  noblemen  at  court  and  fortune  seekers  in  Ireland 
alike  contending  for  allotments.  The  Earl  of  Carlisle,  Lord  Holland,  the 
Chancellor  of  Scotland,  Lord  Dorchester  were  all  petitioners  for  lands  in 
Upper  and  Lower  Ormond.  Lady  Bingley  appealed  to  the  king,  while  Lord 
Norton,  impatient  at  the  delay,  besought  Secretary  Nicholas  to  go  on  with 
the  plantation  forthwith.  On  the  other  hand  the  old  "  servitors  "  in  Ireland 
who  had  marked  these  lands  for  their  own,  could  not  look  on  with 
indifference.  They  represented  to  the  Privy  Council  that  the  lands  should 
not  be  granted  to  great  men  who  would  not  sit  down  upon  them,  that  very 
few  should  be  allotted  above  500  acres,  and  each  undertaker  should  be  tied 
to  residence  and  building  answerable  to  his  proportion  (n).  Then  Lord 
Esmond  suggested  there  might  be  land  enough  for  all  if  in  addition  to  the 
two  baronies  of  Ormond  there  was  a  plantation  of  Owney  and  Arra, 
Kilnelougarty,  Ikerrin  and  Kilnemanagh.  He  concluded  by  enclosing  a 
list  of  the  ploughlands,  the  approximate  acreage,  and  a  map  of  the  whole. 
Throughout  all  this  dividing  of  the  bear's  skin,  little  notice  was  taken  of  the 
bear's  growl.  Walter  Earl  of  Ormond  complained  bitterly  that  his  family 
had  held  these  lands  since  "  Harry  the  Second's  time "  when  they  were 
granted  to  suppress  the  enemies  of  the  crown.  "I  hope,"  he  added,  "  I  shall 
not  be  the  first  of  the  English  to  be  ranked  with  the  Irish  and  to  be 
replanted  "  (0).  Similarly  Richard  Grace,  descended  from  a  branch  of  the 
family  of  Raymond  le  Gros,  settled  in  Tipperary  from  the  days  of  King 
John,  found  himself  in  1637  ousted  from  his  estate  by  legal  chicane.      He 

(I)  Lord  Deputy  and  Council  to  the  Privy  Council  6th  Feb.,  1620,  Ibid. 

(m)  The  State  Papers  of  the  period  are  full  of  notices  of  the  transport  of  Irish  to  foreign  service. 
(n)  "  Advice  concerning  the  Plantation  of  Upper  and  Lower  Ormond."    This  paper  belongs  to 
the  period  1629- 163 1,  and  is  misplaced  by  the  Editors  among  the  papers  of  James  I.,  pp.  378-9. 
(o)  Ormond  to  Dorchester,  Carrick,  Jan.  5th,  163 1.     State  Papers,  p.  597. 


History  of  Clonmel.  55 

appealed  to  the  king  for  redress.  Lord  Falkland,  he  said,  shortly  before 
death  was  about  petitioning  his  Majesty  in  his  (Grace's)  favour.  His  enemies 
are  all  powerful  and  he  cannot  "  wage "  law  against  them  and  therefore 
prays  the  king  to  order  the  Lord  Strafford  to  do  him  justice  (p).  But  instead 
of  justice  the  dispossessed  Irish  were  treated  to  playful  scorn.  In  August 
1637,  the  Deputy  came  to  Clonmel  in  connexion  with  the  plantation. 

"The  business  we  came  about  is  most  happily  ended  and  his  Majesty  now  entitled 
to  the  two  goodly  countries  of  Ormond  and  Clare,  and  which  beauties  and  seasons  the 
work  exceedingly,  with  all  possible  contentment  and  satisfaction  of  the  people.  In  all 
my  whole  life  did  I  never  see  or  could  possibly  believe  to  have  found  men  with  so  much 
alacrity  divesting  themselves  of  all  property  in  their  estates  and  waiting  to  see  what 
the  king  will  do  for  them.  They  have  all  along  to  the  uttermost  of  their  skill  and 
breeding  given  me  very  great  expressions  of  their  esteem  and  affection.  Oratory  hath 
abundantly  magnified  itself  through  these  excellent  pieces  we  have  heard,  one  at 
Carlow,  three  at  Kilkenny,  two  very  deadly  long  ones  at  Clonnmel.  Architecture  and 
invention  not  asleep  as  appeared  in  their  arch  triumphais  with  their  ornaments  and 
inscriptions  "  (q). 

But  loyal  addresses  and  triumphal  arches  had  as  little  effect  in  staying 
the  plantation  as  petitions  for  justice.  Strafford's  visit  only  deepened  the 
discontent,  and  left  to  the  people  the  sole  hope  of  the  sword  (r). 

We  have  now  reached  the  turning  point  in  the  history  of  Clonmel.  The 
Anglo-Norman  colony  of  William  De  Burgh  which  for  four  hundred  years 
amid  hostile  influences  had  preserved  "  English  habits,  customs  and  laws,"^^^ 
was  soon  to  give  way  to  another  colony  opposed  to  it  in  everything  except 
language.  It  is  well,  therefore,  to  note  a  few  aspects  of  the  old  town  which 
still  in  a  large  degree  retained  its  medieval  character. 

If  a  line  be  drawn  through  Dowd's  Lane,  Richmond  Street,  Charles 
Street,  William  Street,  Dispensary  Street  and  New  Street  it  will  roughly 
mark  the  site  of  the  ancient  fortifications.  They  may  be  still  traced  in 
several  places,  especially  in  St.  Mary's  churchyard  where  they  form  the  north 
and  west  boundaries.  At  the  end  of  Dowd's  Lane  on  the  river  edge,  stood  a 
circular  embattled  tower ;  two  other  towers  of  a  similar  character  stood  nearly 
opposite  the  present  Abbey  Street.  A  heavy  quadrangular  structure  called 
"  The  Bastion  "  at  the  Watergate,  a  circular  tower  on  the  old  Quay,  and  the 

(f)  Ibid. 

(q)  Strafford  to  Ix>rd  Conway,  21st  Aug.,  1637.      State  Papers. 

(r)  "  Philip  O'Dwyre  of  Dounedromore  a  gentleman  of  such  quality  and  estate  that  he  could  not 
brook  the  reviling  language  of  Sir  William  St.  I^ger  and  seeing  the  Irish  estates  exposed  to  men  of 
meane  birth  who  aimed  to  raise  estates  by  the  mine  of  innocents  so  that  Sir  W.  Parsons  and  the 
Earl  of  Corke  who  within  this  sixty  years  past  coming  as  naked  lads  here  without  either  friends, 
meanes  or  learning  were  glad  in  the  service  of  one  Kenny  the  Escheator  General  to  earn  their 
livelihood  in  his  menial  service  wherein  they  learnt  those  tricks  acquiring  by  hooke  and  crooke  lands, 
offices  and  livings  that  they  were  shortly  after  the  ablest  men  for  riches  in  the  kingdom." 

"Memorialls  of  the  Warr  begun  n  in  1641  wrote  by  Mr.  Kearney  in  the  Co.  of  Tipperary, 
Feby.  1657."    Carte  Papers,  Ixiv. 

(s)  Charter  of  James  I. 


56  History  of  Clonmel. 

South  Gate  at  the  extremity  of  Bridge  Street  formed  the  defences  of  the  town 
on  that  side  (t).  The  bridge  which  was  carried  in  three  sections  over  "  Great 
Island  "  and  "  Goat  Island  "  was  very  picturesque  with  its  bold  projecting 
piers  and  saw-shaped  battlements.  But  the  narrow  causeway  was  often 
negociable  only  by  means  of  the  pier  recesses  (u).  The  mills  and  mansions 
of  Suir  Island  were  represented  in  the  seventeenth  century  by  a  solitary  row 
of  houses.  The  east  and  north  suburbs  of  the  town  contained  together  about 
three  score  cabins,  the  great  majority  of  those  dwelling  outside  the  walls 
being  resident  in  the  Irishtown. 

The  most  important  thoroughfare  of  old  Clonmel  was  'The  High  Street ' 
which  extended  from  Bridge  Street  to  the  Main  Guard.  At  the  end  stood  the 
Town  Cross  where  proclamations  were  issued,  and  payments  "on  the  nail*' 
made  as  being  the  safest  place  (v).  From  Bridge  Street  to  the  West  Gate  a 
block  of  houses  known  as  'Middle  Row'  filled  the  present  street.  On  either 
side  of  this  were  narrow  lanes;  the  one  on  the  south  which  led  to  the  West 
Gate  being  called  'West  Street  or  'West  Gate  Street/  the  corresponding  one 
being  '  North  Lane.'  From  the  records  of  the  Palatine  court  it  appears  that 
two  'castles'  stood  in  West  Street;  these  probably  were  part  of  the 
fortifications  on  the  river  side.  Gordon  Street  had  no  existence,  and  Peter 
Street  which  at  the  period  contained  a  number  of  good  houses,  was  termed 
'Blind  Street'  from  the  fact  that  there  was  no  gate  in  the  town  wall  at  its 
western  extremity.  The  present  Mary  Street  was  known  in  early  times  as 
'Our  Ladye  Streete,'  'the  Street  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary'  or  more  simply 
'  St  Mary  Street '  (w).  Many  of  the  principal  burghers,  as  at  a  later  period, 
lived  there,  and  in  Our  Lady  Street,  Geoflfry  Barron  and  his  more 
distinguished  brother  Bartholomew,  first  saw  the  light.  The  original  name 
of  Gladstone  Street  was  'Lough  Street,'  the  gate,  which  stood  where  it 
narrows  at  the  north  end,  being  called  'Lough  Gate,'  and  after  the 
Cromwellian  assault  'Breech  Gate.'    It  would  seem  that  Market  Street  at 


(i)  John  le  BotiUer  Earl  of  Ormoiid  by  Charter  dated  at  Carrick  Tuesday  next  before  the  Feast 
of  the  Purification  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  1463  granted  to  the  sovereign,  provost,  burgesses  and 
commons  of  Clonmel,  licence  to  take  customs  of  all  merchandize  coming  for  sale  into  the  town 
provided  they  be  expended  on  the  diligent  care  of  the  Southern  Gate  and  the  repair  of  the  bridge 
and  walls. 

(u)  Through  the  development  of  the  milling  industry  at  the  close  of  the  i8th  century  the  river 
topography  underwent  several  changes.  The  branch  which  runs  from  the  Old  Bridge  by  the  side 
of  the  road  is  artificial.  The  southern  arm  consisted  of  two  branches  one  of  which  took  a  course 
further  south  through  the  present  "  blind  "  arches  thus  forming  the  "  Goaten  Island." 

(v)  The  Anglo-Irish  always  erected  crosses  in  the  market  place  to  remind  those  who 
resorted  there  to  be  conscientious  in  their  dealings.  Sometimes — e.g.,  Kilkenny — the  striicture 
consisted  of  a  large  lantern  on  which  rested  the  cross  proper.  That  of  Clonmel  seems  to  have  been 
a  plain  ashlar  plinth  surmounted  by  a  cap  bearing  the  cross.  The  cap  or  socket  may  still  be  seen 
close  to  its  ancient  location  adjoining  the  steps  at  Duncan  Street. 

(w)  Will  of  Laurence  Barron  1622,  and  Tipperary  Palatine  Fines,  P.R.O. 


'  I 


rl 


.    \  -V    .     I   ' 


\   t' 


<•!  '.'•". -1    .a* 


( »'  '  J 


•,:,••  '        .      \J 


History  of  Clonmel.  57 

that  time  3,  cul  de  sac,  was  originally  'Moreton  Street.'  Subsequent  to  the 
capture  of  Father  Kenrachtin  in  the  house  of  Victor  White  it  was  termed 
'  Martyr  Lane '  fx).  In  Lough  Street  on  the  east  side  lived  the  senior  branch 
of  the  White  family  represented  at  this  period  by  John  White  fitz  Bennet. 
The  narrow  street  leading  to  the  East  Gate  was  styled  '  Sheelane  Street/  a 
memorial  probably  of  the  old  connexion  of  the  town  with  Kilsheelan  as  the 
joint  property  of  Lord  Richard  De  Burgh.  There  is  however  a  spelling  of 
the  name  which  suggests  a  different  origin.  On  4th  May,  1602,  Edmond 
Bray  petitioned  for  the  enrollment  of  a  deed  whereby  Richard  Bray,  burgess, 
conveyed  to  Michael  Bray  eight  tenements  and  a  garden  in  'Zilane '  Street  6^/ 
On  the  south  side  of  High  Street,  the  short  wide  street  to  the  Water-gate 
was  styled  'Boate  Street' — a  common  appellation  in  old  English  towns;  the 
lane  parallel  with  it,  subsequently  called  '  Blue  Anchor  Lane '  after  a  tavern 
there,  was  'the  Shambles  lane.'  Where  Quay  Street  is  now  built  was  in  the 
seventeenth  century  mere  slobland  and  evil  smelling  at  that ;  for  the  town 
sewer — an  open  one,  was  carried  into  the  river  there.  The  section  of  Clonmel 
within  the  walls,  cut  off  by  Boat  Street  and  Sheelan  Street  was  originally 
the  'site,  circuit,  and  precinct'  of  the  Gray  Friars.  Having  been  granted 
at  the  dissolution  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond  and  the  Corporation  in  equal  shares, 
the  latter  during  the  reign  of  James  I.  leased  to  the  Pagans,  Whites  and 
Danills,  several  lots  in  Sheelan  Street  for  building.  The  south  side  of  that 
street  does  not  appear  to  have  been  previously  built  upon. 

Sir  John  Davis,  Attorney  General  for  Ireland  who  spent  some  days  in 
Clonmel  in  1606  describes  it  as  "  a  well  built  and  well  kept  town  "  (z).  Most 
of  the  houses  were  two  storied  and  roofed  with  slate  though  at  intervals  might 
be  seen  thatched  houses,  survivors  of  an  earlier  period.     Even  in  1666  the 

(xf  An  Inquisition  held  at  Cluntnd,  20  March  1622  before  John  Southwell,  found  James  Bray 
seized  inter  alia  of  one  garden  in  Marter  Lane  in  Lough  Street.  There  are  some  interesting 
references  to  this  locality  among  the  records.  An  Inquisition  held  in  Clonmel  1568  before  Edmund 
Butler  found  that  John  Cantwell,  once  Archbishop  of  Cashel,  was  seized  in  fee  of  a  messuage,  a 
garden  and  a  house  within  the  walls.  That  in  March  20,  Ed.  IV.  (1481)  he  granted  said  premises 
to  the  College  of  the  Church  of  Cashel  to  be  held  for  said  college  by  Robert  Sail  his  heirs  and 
assignes.  That  the  said  premises  are  held  in  free  burgage  of  the  Earl  of  Desmond  as  of  his  Manor 
of  Clonmel  for  the  yearly  service  of  2s.  3d.,  and  licence  for  alienation  was  obtained  neither  from  the 
Earl  nor  from  the  King.  That  the  Vicars  Choral  of  the  said  college  drew  the  profits  from  the  date  of 
the  feoffment  until  St.  Patrick's  Eve  1549  since  which  time  Edmund  Bray,  burgess  deceased,  and 
Michael  Bray  his  son  have  done  so  in  virtue  of  a  feoffment  made  by  the  said  vicars  contrary  to  the 
Statute  of  Mortmain.  On  the  5  May  1578  a  grant  of  the  whole  was  made  to  George  Moore  "  in 
consideration  of  his  services  during  the  wars  in  Scotland  and  Ireland."  Moore  seems  to  have 
reconveyed  the  premises  to  Bray.  In  the  grant  they  are  described  as  "  the  messuage  and  garden  lying 
between  the  holding  formerly  of  William  Pagan  on  the  north,  the  holdings  formerly  of  Richard  White, 
Walter  Wall,  Henry  White  and  Peter  Hanraghan  on  the  south,  Logh  Street  on  the  west,  and  the 
common  wall  of  the  town  on  the  east.  The  house  lying  between  the  street  late  of  Moreton  on  the 
north,  the  holding  formerly  of  Lawles  on  the  south,  Logh  Street  on  the  west,  and  the  holding 
formerly  of  Moreton  on  the  east." 

(y)  Morrin  Pat.  Rol.  II.  636. 

(z)  State  Papers  Jas.  I.  i  p.  475. 


58  History  of  Clonmel. 

High  Street  itself  contained  seven  (aa).  Several  houses  especially  in  Lough 
Street  and  Our  Lady  Street  had  gardens  to  the  rere,  while  a  few  of  the 
burghers  raised  edifices  which  in  size  and  character  made  pretension  to  feudal 
castles  (bb).  In  High  Street  to  the  right  of  the  Shambles  Lane  was  a  structure 
the  various  uses  of  which  are  quaintly  set  forth  in  the  Survey  of  1654.  "The 
stone  house  in  the  middle  of  the  Towne  in  the  South  side.  The  upper  part 
whereof  was  formerly  used  for  a  guard  house,  the  middle  part  thereof  was 
continually  used  by  Butchers  to  sell  meat  and  the  Loer  part  thereof  comonly 
used  for  a  Comon  Goale  which  was  alwayse  time  out  of  minde  property 
belonging  to  the  Corporation  and  imployed  to  the  uses  afForesaid."  Opposite 
Bridge  Street  and  forming  the  end  of  Middle  Row  stood  "  the  county  goale 
and  Town  hall  built  over  the  same,"  a  building  round  which  gathered 
many  painful  memories.  Hither  in  1 565 — to  go  no  farther  back,  was  brought 
in  triumph  by  Ormonde,  the  wounded  Earl  of  Desmond.  Two  years  later  by 
a  kind  of  Nemesis,  its  doors  closed  on  Edmund  Butler,  Ormond's  own  brother. 
Towards  the  end  of  1582  Eleanor  the  wife  of  the  ill-fated  Desmond,  entered 
it  and  only  in  January,  1 584  left,  to  suffer  more  extreme  want  and  misery  in 
Dublin  Castle.  From  it  the  following  year  was  led  out  to  execution  Father 
Maurice  Kinrechtan.  Peer  and  priest  alike,  the  champions  of  a  fallen  cause 
and  a  proscribed  religion  shared  its  horrors.  Ascending  St.  Mary's  Street  a 
few  buildings  of  a  different  character  were  to  be  met.  Adjoining  the 
church  was  the  'fFree  school'  where  in  the  early  seventeenth  century  an 
excellent  classical  education  was  given.  The  Jesuits  appear  to  have 
conducted  it  for  a  while,  and  when  distinguished  personages  visited  the  town 
florid  addresses  in  Latin  hexameters  were  read  by  the  pupil%  Straflford  was 
bored  in  1637  by  "  a  deadly  long  one  "  but  eight  years  before,  Falkland  and 
his  companion  Boyle,  Earl  of  Cork,  were  greatly  impressed  by  some  verses 
recited  by  Bartholomew  Barron.  Close  to  the  Free  School  was  "a  stone, 
slate  house,  built  about  1624  by  the  Commons  of  Clonmell,  upon  a  part  of 
their  Common  land,  and  sett  apart  for  an  Hospitall  for  old,  impotent,  decayed 
inhabitants  of  Clonmell."  This  owed  its  existence  to  the  charity  of  James 
White  fitz  Robert  whose  will  dated  29th  June,  1622  contains  the  bequest 
"  Item  I  will,  bequeath  and  demise  of  the  moneyes  due  to  me  of  John  fitz 
Gerald  of  Dromany  in  the  County  of  Waterford  Esqr  towards  the  building  of 
the  poore  house  or  hospitall  in  Clonmell  aforesaid  the  sum  of  fortie  pounds 
ster"^rrA  Nor  were  the  *  impotent  and  decayed'  inmates  forgotten  by  the 
citizens.    For  example,  Sir  James  Goeghe  of  Kilmanahan  in  1628  ordered  his 

(aa)  Ormond  Patent. 

(bb)  Remains  of  these  may  be  seen  to  the  rere  of  Quay  Street  and  Collets  Lane. 

(cc)  Prerogat.  Wills  P.R.O. 


History  of  Clonmel.  69 

executors  "  to  divide  six  barrells  of  good  conditioned  maite — three  of  oaten 
and  three  of  barley,  and  four  barrells  of  good  wheat  by  just  porcions  at 
Christmas  and  Easter  yearly  to  the  Master  and  poore  of  the  poore  house  of 
Clonmell."  Perhaps  among  the  quaint  charities  of  the  time  the  most 
noteworthy  is  that  contained  in  the  will  of  James  White : — 

Itm,  After  my  wife's  decease  I  doe  will,  leaue  and  devise  to  my  nephew  James  Bray, 
his  heirs,  assignes  for  ever,  my  dwellinge  house  in  Clonmell  with  all  the  shoppes,  sellers, 
and  roomes  thereof  and  the  furnass  of  the  said  house;  the  Garden  in  Our  La:  Streete 
now  John  Stritches  house  and  the  highe  Gardayne  in  the  west  suburbs.  The  said  James 
Bray  his  heirs  and  assignes,  maintayneing  a  light  in  a  fare  [fair]  lanteme  on  dark 
nyghtes,  in  the  comer  of  my  saide  house  for  my  perpetuall  memorie  and  remembraunce. 

Here  we  take  leave  of  Anglo-Norman  Clonmel  and  its  old  world 
inhabitants. 


Ohapxe^r  v. 


WAR   OF  1641  AND  SIEGE  OF  CLONMEU 

eARLY  in  November,  1641,  report  reached  Tipperary  that  the  Irish  of 
Ulster  were  up  in  arms,  and  the  planters  and  their  families  in  full 
flight  to  the  sea  ports  (dd).  When  two  weeks  later  it  was  learned 
that  the  Cavanaghs  in  Wexford  and  the  O'Farrells  in  Longford, 
had  re-possessed  themselves  of  their  old  homes,  the  news  stirred  many  a 
drooping  heart  throughout  the  two  baronies  of  Ormond.  Butlers  and 
O'Kennedys,  Graces  and  Mac  Egans,  rejoiced  that  plantations  were  at  an 
end  and  their  homes  were  now  secure.  Some  of  the  more  adventurous 
spirits  made  a  raid  on  the  cattle  of  one  William  Kingsmill  in  the  parish  of 
Ballysheehan,  north  of  Cashel,  where  he  and  his  brother-in-law  Sir  William 
St.  Leger  had  begun  a  little  settlement  on  their  own  account.  Sir  William 
pursued  the  raiders  with  two  troops  of  horse,  determined  to  create  a  salutary 
terror.  Four  labourers  were  hanged  at  Grange,  eight  at  Galbertstown,  six  at 
Ballymurren.  Captain  Peisley,  Sir  William's  lieutenant  burnt  houses  whole- 
sale and  shot  several  persons  at  Golden  and  Ardmaile.  These  proceedings 
lashed  the  country  into  fury  and  the  people  were  with  difficulty  restrained 


(dd)  The  venerable  historical  tiction,  "  the  Massacre  of  1641  "  is  finally  disposed  of  by  the  last 
volumes  of  the  State  Papers  Calendar,  Ireland,  Chas.  I.  Ed.  Mahafify.  Some  English  were  murdered 
in  Cashel  ;  the  original  Depositions  on  the  affair  were  published  by  J.  D.  White,  of  Cashel.  The 
bulk  of  the  new  settlers  in  Tipperary  were  sent  under  convoy  to  Carrick  and  Clonmel.  "  I  have 
been  present  in  Carrick  in  the  year  1641,  where  I  have  seen  in  the  said  house  of  Carrick  five 
families  men,  women  and  children,  relieved  by  the  Countess  of  Ormond  at  her  own  loss  and  chai'ge, 
being  after  losing  their  goods.  She  sent  for  me  and  employed  me  to  speak  to  those  I  trusted,  to 
conduct  her  to  Kilkenny,  but  altered  her  course  then  to  Clonmell  where  there  was  no  less  than  forty 
of  the  English  for  safeguard  of  their  lives  (which  absolutely  were  men  lost  but  for  her  great  care  of 
them)  and  brought  them  and  such  others  as  she  met,  safe  to  Kilkenny." — Attestation  of  Richard 
Comerford,  of  Dangin  More,  Ormonde  Papers,  2  ser.  ii.,  368. 


History  of  Clonmel.  6i 

from  bursting  into  open  rebellion.  Thomas  Butler  of  Kilconnell,  Richard 
Butler  of  Bansha,  Philip  O'Dwyer  of  Dundrum  and  others,  went  on  1st 
December  to  Clonmel  to  remonstrate  with  the  president.  They  were  told 
they  were  all  rebels  themselves,  that  none  of  them  could  be  trusted  and  that 
some  should  be  hanged  as  an  example  to  the  rest.  In  sullen  discontent  they 
retired  to  their  homes;  they  watched  the  gathering  storm  and  when  late  in 
December  Lords  Gormanstown,  Fingall,  Slane  and  Trimlestown  appeared  in 
arms  they  responded  to  the  call  and  put  themselves  at  the  head  of  the  people. 
The  scenes  that  followed  were  stirring  and  picturesque.  Word  was  sent 
round  the  tenantry  to  meet  the  master  in  the  castle  bawn.  Some  came  armed 
with  implements  of  husbandry,  some  with  Irish  skians,  a  few  retainers  had 
fowling  pieces,  and  a  brace  of  flint  locks  were  brought  out  of  the  house  where 
they  had  lain  in  rust  since  the  days  of  Elizabeth.  Ball  was  made  from  lead 
stripped  off  the  roof  but  powder  there  was  next  to  none.  The  commissariat 
arrangements  consisted  of  the  herd  of  cattle  which  was  driven  with  the  troop, 
while  for  camping  there  was  the  large  freize  caddow  or  blanket,  which  folded 
on  the  horse,  served  also  as  a  saddle.  Such  was  the  army  of  the  Confederates 
as  it  took  the  field.  One  of  the  English  refugees  thus  describes  the  first  acts 
of  war. 

This  part  remained  two  months  quiet  after  all  the  rest  had  revolted  and  we 
concluded  good  hopes  of  its  continuance  till  about  twelve  days  before  Christmas  when 
rebels  out  of  Leinster  came  in  and  disturbed  our  hoped  security.  The  Lord  President 
was  not  idle  all  this  while  but  having  secured  Cork  (the  most  remarkable  place  of  his 
province)  the  best  he  could  in  the  extreme  want  of  men,  money,  amunition  with 
three  troops  of  horse  and  fifty  musketters  (a  bold  attempt)  he  fell  upon  Waterford  and 
Tipperary  and  within  a  few  days  destroyed  about  6oo  of  the  rebels  without  the  loss  of 
one  man  and  having  visited  the  cities  of  Waterford  and  Cashel  with  the  towns  of 
Clonemell  and  Carrig  he  returned  to  his  house  at  Downeraile  Dec.  23.  But  ere  the 
holidays  were  half  spent  Richard  Butler  brother  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  Purcel  Baron 
Loghmoh,  Philip  O'Dwyer  great  men  in  Tipperary  revolted,  the  city  of  Cashel,  townes 
of  Clonemell  Fedder,  Carrig  etc.  did  the  like  and  suddenly  the  lords  of  Dunboine  and 
Cahir  with  that  whole  country  turned  rebels  (ee). 

It  was  not  without  misgiving  that  the  people  of  Clonmel  entered  upon  the 
war.  But  for  the  disabilities  for  office  and  the  occasional  outbursts  of 
religious  persecution  they  had  few  grievances.  Some  such  as  Henry  White, 
Pierce  Bray  and  James  Fennell,  regarded  with  suspicion  any  alliance  with 
the  native  Irish.  They  had  much  to  lose,  and  therefore  held  entirely  aloof. 
Others,  like  Geoflfry  Barron,  were  enthusiastic  in  the  cause,  and  swayed  by 
religious  motives  were  prepared  to  put  their  whole  fortune  at  hazard.  The 
great  bulk   of  the  citizens  apparently  were  passive  (ff).      And  so  in  the 

(ee)  Henry  Rugge  to  John  Smith,  Youghal  10  Aug.,  1642.  Cholmondeley  Papers,  Hist.  MSS. 
Comsn. 

(ff)  This  I  gather  from  a  report  of  John  Walsh  to  Ormonde,  Carte  Papers,  Bodleian  xljv, 


62  History  of  Clonmel. 

beginning  of  January,  1642,  the  keys  of  the  town  were  handed  over  by  the 
mayor,  John  White,  to  the  Irish  commander,  Richard  Butler,  of  Kilcash  (gg). 
One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  confederates  in  Clonmel,  as  in  the  other  towns, 
was  to  give  possession  of  the  old  churches  to  the  Catholics.  Thomas  White 
was  duly  instituted  Catholic  Vicar  of  St.  Mary's,  where  members  at  his  family 
had  long  ministered,  and  where  many  generations  of  them  lay  buried.  The 
Franciscans  entered  again  into  their  abbey,  and  people  wondered  at  seeing 
for  the  first  time  their  strange  habits  and  sandals.  The  civil  administration 
of  the  town  was  left  undisturbed,  but  the  citizens  were  applotted  according  to 
their  capacity,  for  the  carrying  on  of  the  war.  By  the  end  of  March  the  whole 
province,  with  the  exception  of  the  Earl  of  Cork's  territory  and  a  few  towns, 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  Irish,  yet  it  was  felt  that  without  foreign  aid  they 
could  neither  effectively  assault  the  towns  that  remained  hostile,  nor  even 
hold  what  they  had  conquered.  Accordingly  representatives  were  sent 
abroad  to  solicit  arms,  money  and  supplies.  Geoffry  Barron  who  had 
considerable  experience  in  public  affairs  and  was  a  skilled  linguist,  went  as 
envoy  accompanied  by  Fr.  O'Hartegan  to  Richelieu  and  the  French  court. 
His  mission  was  an  entire  success.  The  nuncio  in  Paris  furnished  large  sums 
of  money.  Richelieu  encouraged  the  Irish  officers  in  the  French  service  to 
return  to  the  help  of  their  country,  and  some  fourteen  ships  were  fitted  out  at 
St.  Malo,  Nantes  and  Rochelle  with  cannon,  small  arms,  ammunition  and 
military  stores.  On  the  24th  October,  1642,  the  confederate  parliament  met 
in  Kilkenny,  the  representatives  for  Clonmel  being  John  White  and  Geoffry 
Barron.  A  provisional  government  was  established  with  an  executive  and 
judicature ;  ambassadors  were  accredited  to  foreign  states,  a  mint  was  set 
up  and  a  broad  seal  struck — "  United  for  God,  King  and  Fatherland  "  (Pro 
Deo  Rege  et  Patria  Hiberni  Unanimes).  Meanwhile  the  quarrel  in  England 
between  Charles  and  the  Parliament  developed  apace ;  civil  war  broke  out 
with  the  battle  of  Edge  Hill,  23rd  October,  and  the  Irish  belligerents  were 
left  to  themselves  to  fight  out  their  own  issue.  Many  of  the  Anglo-Irish 
who  had  entered  reluctantly  into  the  struggle,  now  saw  in  the  King's 
difficulties  an  opportunity  to  escape,  if  only  some  guarantees  for  their  estates 
and  religion  could  be  obtained.  Accordingly  in  the  concluding  session  of 
the  General  Assembly  in  November,  1642,  a  petition  to  the  King  was  framed 
setting  forth  the  Puritan  schemes  for  the  extirpation  of  the  Irish  by 
plantations,  the  exclusion  of  the  natives  from  civil  and  military  employment, 
judicial  partizanship,  denial  of  education,  in  all  which  they  sought  redress. 

(g^)  He  was  brother  of  Ormond,  and  direct  ancestor  of  the  present  marquess.  '•  He  had  such 
influence  over  his  followers  that  he  kept  them  not  only  from  bloodshed  but  plunder,  and  his  noble 
disposition  was  acknowledged  even  by  his  enemies." — Gilbert,  History  of  Confederation. 


History  of  Clonmel.  63 

The  Queen  also  was  petitioned  to  use  her  influence  for  peace.  By  commission 
dated  January  nth,  1643,  Ormond,  Clanrickard,  Roscommon  and  others,  were 
empowered  to  treat  with  the  Irish.  The  great  part  of  the  year,  however, 
passed  in  alternate  war  and  negociation,  and  only  in  September  a  year's 
armistice  was  agreed  upon.  Immediately  commissioners  were  despatched  by 
the  Confederate  Catholics  to  Oxford,  where  the  King  was,  to  discuss  the  terms 
of  peace.  The  Puritan  party  on  the  other  hand  took  alarm  ;  two  deputations 
— one  from  the  Lord  Justices,  the  other  from  the  general  body — went  over, 
and  every  effort  was  made  to  defeat  the  proposals.  At  home,  in  order  "  to 
give  all  the  opposition  possible  to  the  mischievous  design  "  of  the  peace,  early 
in  July,  Inchiquin,  Broghill,  Fenton  and  Smith,  expelled  the  Irish  residents  in 
Cork,  Youghal  and  Kinsale,  and  broke  the  armistice.  As  this  drew  kn  angry 
remonstrance  from  the  Irish,  the  following  disingenuous  reply  was  sent : — 

To  our  worthy  freinds  the  Maior  Bailiffs  and  Commonalities  of  the  towne  of  Clonmel. 

The  intelligence  which  we  have  received  from  severall  good  hands  of  your  owne 
party  of  your  bad  intentions  towards  us  and  ye  new  levyes  of  souldiers  lately  made  in 
all  parts  of  the  province  and  ye  calling  back  of  part  of  your  army  lately  advanced 
northward  against  the  Scots  without  the  last  show  of  danger  towards  you  giveth  us 
just  grounds  to  apprehend  that  you  intend  to  ceaze  upon  our  garrison  towns  and 
consequently  (guessing  at  the  subsequently  your  former  proceedings)  to  cutt  us  off  and 
destroy  us  the  Protestants  of  this  province.  This  very  consideration  hath  prevayled 
with  us  to  draw  us  for  our  owne  defence  nott  with  a  purpose  to  offend  any  of  the  Irish 
quarters,.  [Meanwhile]  we  forbear  all  acts  of  hostility  on  both  sides  and  continue  that 
quiett  commerce  which  formerly  was  betwixt  us  and  by  allowing  you  to  buy  in  our 
townes  such  wares  as  you  please  (and  we  can  spare)  and  you  by  sending  to  our  marketts 
such  commodities  as  you  think  fitt  for  which  you  shall  receive  ready  money.  Thus 
expectinge  your  positive  answer  herein  wee  remayne  your  loving  friends  as  we  find 
you, 

Broghill,  W.  Fenton,  Percy  Smyth. 

The  discussions  which  arose  on  the  conduct  of  the  war,  and  more 
especially  the  peace  negociations,  brought  out  the  diverse  aims  of  the 
Confederates  and  eventually  broke  them  into  irreconcilable  factions.  The 
southern  or  Anglo-Irish,  by  tradition  and  blood  allied  to  England, 
merely  contended  for  security  in  their  estates,  political  equality  and 
religious  toleration.  The  northern  or  old .  Irish  owed  no  allegiance  to 
the  crown,  aimed  at  undoing  the  Ulster  plantation,  and  were  hostile  in 
principle  to  the  English  and  their  religion.  The  influence  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  especially  after  the  arrival  of  Rinuccini,  papal  nuncio,  was  almost 
entirely  on  the  side  of  the  north.  To  this  influence  we  may  trace  the 
support  which  the  people  of  Clonmel  gave  that  party  throughout  the  war.  Sir 
Richard  Bellings,  secretary  to  the  Confederate  Council,  complained  bitterly 
that  Clonmel  was  entirely  devoted  to  the  nuncio  and  "  the  rendevous  of  all 
the  turbulent  spirits  in  the  province  "  (hh).     When  in  August  1646  a  treaty 

(Ml)  Hiberniae,  Desiderata  Curiosa  \\.  436. 


64  History  of  Clonmel. 

was  concluded  between  Ormond  and  the  Anglo-Irish,  the  heralds  proclaiming 
the  peace  were  refused  admission  into  the  town  and  a  month  later  the  gates 
were  shut  against  Ormond  himself.  Only  two  prominent  citizens,  John 
White  fitz  Bennet  and  Thomas  White  fitz  Richard  declared  themselves  in 
favour  of  the  Treaty  (ii).  Nor  was  the  confidence  reposed  in  the  Ulstermen 
undeserved,  for  more  than  once  they  saved  the  town  from  pillage,  perhaps 
massacre.  "On  the  3rd  May"  [1647]  says  Cox  "Inchiquin  drew  out  1500 
horse  and  as  many  foot  and  took  Dromana  and  Cappoquin  and  on  the  lOth 
of  May  he  took  Dungarvan  and  if  his  provisions  had  lasted  he  designed  to 
besiege  Clonmell  but  the  want  of  victualls  and  carriages  which  has  been 
fatal  to  most  of  the  martiall  undertakings  in  Ireland  did  also  force  him  to 
return  to  Cork  "  (jj).  As  the  want  of  victuals  was  the  very  reason  Inchiquin 
should  establish  himself  in  a  fruitful  country,  the  account  given  by  Owen 
Roe  O'Neill's  secretary  appears  more  trustworthy.  "  The  Councell  did  send 
orders  vnto  the  Generall  [Owen  Roe]  to  relieve  Clonmell,  with  all  expedition 
in  obedience  hereof  [he]  marched  both  day  and  night  with  his  field  pieces 
untill  arriving  to  Ballinakelly  in  Leyse  upwards  of  24  miles  a  mightie  march 
of  a  great  armie  Insichuyne  advertised  hereof  raised  his  siedge  and  marched  to 
his  owne  quarters  though  30  miles  between  him  and  the  Catholic  Generall  "^tt/ 
Again  some  months  later  when  after  the  capture  of  Cahir  Castle  and  the 
sack  of  Cashel  all  Tipperary  lay  at  the  feet  of  Inchiquin,  Clonmel  was  safe 
for  within  it  was  a  regiment  of  1500  "red  shanks"  and  its  governor  the 
redoubtable  Alexander  McDonnell  (U), 

During  the  years  1648-9  as  the  English  Puritans  gained  the  ascen- 
dency, and  especially  after  the  execution  of  the  King,  the  sevisral  royalist 
parties  were  driven  to  make  common  cause,  and  so  we  find  Ormond 
received  in  Clonmel  with  the  honour  due  to  the  King's  representative. 
Stranger  still  in  November  1649,  Inchiquin  "  Murrough  the  Incendiary  "  spent 
several  days  in  the  town  concerting  measures  for  the  recovery  of  Carrick  from 
his  former  friends  the  puritans.  But  the  differences  between  Protestant  and 
Catholic  royalists  were  too  fundamental ;  there  was  no  loyal  co-operation, 
and  the  subsequent  campaign  against  Cromwell  is  a  painful  record  of 
treachery  and  disaster.  The  one  man  of  consummate  military  capacity  who, 
trusted  by  Ormond  and  the  Irish  alike,  might  have  led  the  forlorn  hope,  died 
as  the  campaign  opened — Owen  Roe  O'Neill. 

The  feeling  in  Clonmel  during  the  months  of  September  and  October, 
1649,  as  the  reports  of  Cromwellian  successes  were  brought  in,  must  have 

(ii)  Carte  Papers  xliv. 

(jj)  Hiberniae  Angltcana  I.  196. 

/**;  Aphorismical  Discovery,  Ed.  Gilbert. 

(II)  The  "  Colquitlo"  of  Sir  Waller  Scott's  Legend  of  Montrose. 


History  of  Clonmel.  66 

been  one  of  profound  despair.  But  there  was  no  panic ;  the  massacres  of 
Drogheda  and  Wexford  had  the  only  effect  they  could  have  on  brave  men — 
the  stern  resolve  to  sell  their  lives  dearly.  Early  in  November  having  learned 
that  Cromwell  was  across  the  Barrow  and  marching  south  through  county 
Kilkenny,  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  was  held  and  a  letter  despatched  to 
Ormond. 

May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

I  am  commanded  by  the  Counsel]  and  Commons  of  this  towne  to  represent  unto 
your  Excellency  their  apprehension  of  the  present  daunger  threatened  by  the  rebells 
and  that  your  Excellency  wilbe  pleased  to  look  upon  them  his  faythfull  subiectes,  resolued 
to  spend  their  blood  in  defence  of  their  religion,  Kinge  and  country,  and  being  of 
themselues  unable  to  withstand  the  fury  of  so  mercilesse  an  enemy,  your  Excellency 
wilbe  pleased  to  direct  a  present  reliefe  of  men  to  be  sent  into  them.  Understanding 
that  a  considerable  party  of  the  army  are  yet  in  this  province  and  in  their  march  to  the 
campe  I  made  bould  (being  thereunto  encouradged  by  John  Walshe  who  ioyned  with 
me  in  a  letter)  to  write  vnto  the  Major  general!  to  direct  them  hither,  undertaking  to 
procure  your  Excellencies  orders  for  him  to  that  purpose,  which  we  hope  the  necessity 
at  hand  will  in  your  Excellencies  favorable  construction  excuse  our  bouldness  and  be  a 
motive  to  grant  your  present  orders  according  our  engadgement. 

The  poverty  of  this  towne  is  well  knowen,  and  therfore  unable  to  ma3rteyne  any 
considerable  number.  It  is  therfor  ther  humble  request  your  Excellencie  wilbe  pleased 
to  direct  Martin  Laffan  the  receiver,  to  pay  them  from  tyme  to  tyme  and  upon  his 
fayler,  the  Collonell  to  be  employed  hither  to  have  power  to  raise  his  meanes  from  the 
adiacent  baronyes  or  where  he  may  in  the  country,  to  be  abated  vnto  them  in  their 
publique  dues  and  that  your  Excellency  wilbe  further  pleased  to  graunt  your  orders  for 
reimbursinge  vnto  the  inhabitaunts  of  this  tovme  whatever  they  shall  happen  to  be  out 
of  purse  for  the  mayntenance  of  that  partie  all  which  I  represent  to  your  Excellency 
and  humbly  take  leave  beinge 

Your  Ex.  most  faithfuU  servt. 
Clonmell  10  November  1649.  John  White,  Maior  of  Clonmell. 

They  humbly  desire  that  the  Collonell  or  Commander  of  the  party  may  with  300 
men  march  ymediatly  into  the  towne  and  that  the  rest  maybe  in  some  neere  guarrizons  to 
be  brought  in  if  necessity  shall  require  it.    John  White  B[ennet]  Maior  of  Clonmell  (mm). 

The  letter  had  the  desired  effect,  Colonel  Oliver  Stephenson's  regiment 
being  ordered  to  take  up  quarters.  But  though  Stephenson  and  his  soldiers 
had  formed  part  of  the  old  confederate  army,  they  were  not  altogether 
trusted;  Lord  Antrim,  who  was  in  the  town,  suggested  that  the  Ormond- 
Inchiquin  party  were  in  secret  alliance  with  the  puritans,  and  accordingly 
the  mayor  and  townsfolk  refused  to  keep  "  watch  and  ward  "  upon  the  walls 
and  gates  under  Stephenson  as  governor.  While  this  dispute  was  going  on 
Reynolds  had  seized  Carrick  for  Cromwell.    The  mayor  wrote  to  Ormond : — 

May  it  please  your  Excellencye 

Being  assured  by  the  testimonie  of  divers  witnesses  of  the  sudden  takinge  of 
Carricke  for  want  of  vigilancie  by  a  partye  of  Cromwells  horse,  havinge  acted  some 
bloddye  execution  upon  some  of  the  townsmen  and  garrison  there  whereof  some  came 

(mm)  Endorsed  to  his  Excel!,  the  Marquesse  of  Ormond  Lord  Lieutanant,  generaU  of  Ireland 
These  present— Carte  Papers,  Bodleian,  Oxford,  vol.  26. 

F 


66  History  of  Clonmel. 

into  this  towne,  having  further  intimated  (whereof  some  scouts  employd  from  this  towne 
brought  mee  intelligence)  that  a  partye  of  Cromwells  foot  have  likewise  advanced  as 
far  as  Carricke  the  afternoon  of  the  date  hereof,  the  horse  having  come  thither  in  the 
morning ;  of  all  which  I  thought  fitt  to  give  your  Excellencye  notice  being  not  as 
stronge  as  I  could  wish  yett  I  hope  in  God  that  the  townsmen  and  garrison  having  this 
day  joyned  by  a  solemne  protestation  and  oath  in  a  union  for  God,  Kinge  and  countrye, 
and  defense  of  this  towne  to  the  uttermost  of  their  power,  will  be  able  to  oppose  and 
meete  the  enemyes  designes  if  the  bodye  of  your  Excellencyes  armie  be  uppon  their 
backe,  which  is  expected  with  all  expedition  (no  lesse  being  your  Excellencyes  care)  by 

Your  Ex.  most  humbl  servt. 
Clonmel  the  20th  of  November,  1649  (nn),  John  White  B.  Maior  of  Clonmell. 

The  following  day  the  mayor  again  wrote  to  Ormond, 

May  it  please  your  Excellencye 

I  have  understood  that  Collonell  Stephenson  writt  vnto  your  Excell :  for 
commaunding  the  keys  of  this  corporation  into  his  own  hands  and  giving  the 
wathword  and  engaginge  the  townsmen  at  his  disposall  upon  service,  I  thought  fitt  to 
intimat  vnto  your  Excellencye  that  if  your  Excellencye  had  sent  the  Collonell  orders  to 
be  factotum  in  these  partes,  that  it  may  begett  a  rupture  between  the  townsmen  and  the 
garison,  I  shall  therefore  humbly  desire  that  your  Excellencye  may  be  pleased  that  I 
may  enjoye  my  Keys,  joyne  in  the  wathword  and  that  the  captains  of  the  towne  together 
with  the  Collonell  and  his  chiefe  officers,  may  by  their  joynt  adveise  dispose  the 
townsmen  and  garison  uppon  service  which  is  the  humble  suite  and  sense  of  your 
Excellencyes 

Most  humbl  servt. 
Clonmell  21  Novr  1649.  John  White  B.  Maior  of  Clonmell  (00). 

At  the  end  of  the  month,  Ormond  came  to  Clonmel  to  arrange  winter 
quarters  for  the  royalist  forces ;  the  townsfolk  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing 
Stephenson  and  his  pseudo  garrison  of  Clare  peasants  removed  to  make  way 
for  men  whose  fighting  qualities  were  beyond  question.  These  were  two 
regiments  belonging  to  the  old  army  of  Owen  Roe  O'Neill,  and  commanded 
by  one  of  his  ablest  lieutenants,  Hugh  Duff  O'Neill.  In  their  train,  however, 
came  two  troops  of  horse  under  Colonel  Edmund  Fennell,  of  Ballygriffin,  who 
were  destined  to  play  a  sinister  part  in  subsequent  events.  Perhaps  there 
was  some  instinctive  suspicion  of  the  new  comers,  for  a  few  days  later  the 
mayor  wrote  complaining  of  the  additional  burthen  they  imposed  on  the  town. 
Ormond  replied : — 

After  our  harty  commendacons,  wee  have  receaved  your  letter  of  the  llth  of  this 
instant  and  doe  hereby  assure  you  that  as  it  was  the  necessitie  that  appeered  vnto 
us  for  placeinge  horse  in  that  place  being  a  frontier,  occasioned  our  sendinge  Lt. 
Collonel  Fenell  thither  with  the  horse  you  mention  so  shall  wee  speedily  imploy  our 
best  endeavours  for  the  ease  of  the  corporation  to  their  satisfacion  and  have  herewith 
written  to  Major  generall  Hugh  0*Neale  to  afford  thereunto  what  ease  he  possibly  may . 
And  soe  wee  bid  you  hartily  farwell  from  Kilkenny  this  19th  of  December  1649  your 
very  lovinge  freind 

Maior  of  Clonmell  Ormonde  (pp), 

(tin)  Carte  Papers,  vol.  26. 

(00)  Ibid. 

(pp)  Carte  Papers  vol.  142. 


History  of  Clonmel.  67 

On  the  same  date  O'Neill  was  written  to. 

Having  receved  a  letter  of  the  i  Ith  of  this  month  from  the  Maior  of  that  corporacion 
expressinge  their  greevances  by  reason  of  the  multiplicitie  of  the  souldiers  there,  wee 
think  fitt  heerby  to  pray  you  to  afford  them  what  ease  you  may  by  manning  the  castles 
adjacent  with  some  of  the  foote  now  engarrisoned  there,  wee  intendinge  as  soone  as  it 
shalbe  possible  to  ease  them  to  their  satisfaccon  And  so  we  bid  you  hartily  farewell 
from  Kilkenny  Castle  the  19th  of  December  1649,  your  lovinge  freind 

Major  genall  Hugh  O'Neal.  Ormond  (qq). 

In  accordance  with  these  instructions  O'Neill  certified  as  follows : — 

Imprimis,  sent  100  souldiers  to  the  garrison  of  Kilkash  out  of  Colonel  Realyes 
regiment.  Sent  out  of  Col.  Tirlagh  O'Neyll's  regiment  to  Ballydine  14  souldiers  and  a 
Lieut,  with  a  Corporall.  Sent  out  of  the  sd  regmt.  to  Castle  Kaonagh  [Mountain  Castle] 
guarrison  the  number  of  30  souldiers  and  a  Lieut,  and  Sargent  with  two  corporalls. 

Hugo  O'Neill  (rr). 

Throughout  the  winter,  complaint  after  complaint  poured  in  upon  Ormond 
of  the  troubles  of  the  townspeople.  They  had  quartered  in  their  houses  not 
merely  the  Ulster  soldiers,  but  very  often  the  wives  and  families  who  had 
followed  them  from  the  north.  They  had  to  pay  besides  to  Richard  Burke, 
of  Borrisoleagh,  and  Theobald  Butler,  of  Ardmayle,  the  weekly  assessments 
for  carrying  on  the  war.  Terence  Coughlan,  head  of  the  commissariat, 
moreover  levied  his  applotment  of  corn  on  them ;  in  short,  the  impositions 
and  oppression  were  so  grievous  that  it  was  apprehended  many  of  the 
inhabitants  would  flee  the  town  altogether  (ss).  A  few  illustrations  will 
suffice.    On  23rd  January,  1650,  the  mayor  wrote  : — 

May  it  please  your  Excellencye. 

That  this  poore  Corporacion  altogether  exhausted  with  the  supemumerous 
garrison  of  two  regiments  consist inge  of  1300  shouldiers  26  captins  with  theire  respective 
under  officers  and  neere  soe  many  woemen  and  garzons,  as  alsoe  5  troopes  of  horsse  are 
growen  soe  burdensome  that  many  of  the  poore  inhabitauntes  have  deserted  the  said 
towne  and  that  your  Excell.  orders  graunted  att  Thurles  for  the  removeinge  of  300  of 
the  said  number  is  noe  way  observed  but  rather  more  numbers  brought  in  to  reinforce 
theire  companyes  and  for  want  of  having  carefull  men  whoe  may  be  sensible  of  the 
sufferings  of  the  said  towne  appoynted  to  see  them  mustered,  many  false  billets  are  forced 
from  our  quartermasters  uppon  the  relacon  of  the  mustermaster  which  breeds  more 
confusion  then  if  the  very  shouldiers  were  effective  amonge  us  which  may  be  prevented 
if  your  Excell :  were  pleased  to  graunt  your  Comison  unto  able  men  of  the  sayd  towne 
for  mustering  the  said  officers  troopers  and  shouldiers  and  to  give  them  power  to  muster 
them  as  oft  as  neede  requireth  and  to  prevent  theire  usuall  practice  of  false  mustering 
that  you  commande  the  severall  garrisons  to  be  mustered  in  one  day  together  and  to 
send  your  orders  for  removeall  of  as  many  of  the  said  numbers  as  your  Excell :  will 
thinke  fitt  with  theire  unserviseable  woemen  and  garzons  whoe  not  being  provided  from 
the  countrey  begins  to  force  away  what  they  can  light  uppon,  to  the  great  discouradgments 
of  the  said  inhabitauntes.  Like  wise  I  must  intymate  unto  your  Excell :  howe  destitute 
of  amunicion  and  come  is  the  comon  magazin  of  this  towne  which  may  prove  fatall  if 

(qq)  Ibid. 

(rrj  Archives  Kilkenny  Castle. 

fss)  Carte  Papers,  vols.  26  &  142. 


68  HISTORY   OF  CLONMEL. 

not  tymelie  furnished  or  provided  for.  I  have  given  in  chardge  unto  my  agent  to 
peticion  unto  your  Excell :  for  some  healpes  for  the  rayseinge  of  our  fortificacons  soe 
much  conduceing  to  the  saftie  both  of  towne  and  countrey  and  though  I  knowe  your 
Excell :  to  be  very  sensible  of  the  particulars  yett  a  tymelie  redresse  of  the  former 
abuses  and  a  speedie  graunt  of  all  these  requests  as  humbly  desired  by, 

Your  Excell :  most  humble  servt 

John  White  B.  Maior  of  Clonmell. 

Instead  of  the  relief  which  he  sought,  a  week  later  the  following  missive 
was  received  from  Ormond  : — 

After  our  hearty  commendacons.  Wee  understand  that  without  our  speciall  orders 
in  that  behalfe  the  moneyes  charged  on  that  corporacion  for  the  supply  of  his  Maiesties 
navy  commanded  by  Prince  Rupert  is  denyed  to  be  payd  to  Richard  Butler  Esqr  the 
Receaver  thereof,  which  hath  added  to  the  delay  to  the  bringing  those  moneys  and 
payinge  the  same  to  Lieut  Coll.  Morley  who  stayes  for  it.  Wherefore  wee  pray  and 
require  you  imediatly  to  cause  the  monyes  to  be  leavyed  in  that  corporacion  for  the  use 
afforsayd  to  be  payd  to  the  proper  receaver  and  there  maybe  noe  more  cause  of 
complaint  in  that  behalfe.  And  soe  we  bid  you  farewell, and  remain  at  our  Castle  of 
Kilkenny  the  28  of  January  1649  [50] 

Your  very  loveing  friend, 

Ormonde. 

In  vain  also  did  White  urge  on  Ormond  considerations  of  high  policy ; 
corporations,  he  said,  would  be  rendered  "  disserviceable "  by  excessive 
impositions,  whereas  they  should  be  cherished  for  the  use  of  the  publicke  and 
furthermore  without  their  helpe  a  Commonwealth  may  not  subsist. 


The  Siege  of  Clonmel. 

The  month  of  December  had  been  unusually  severe  with  much  snow  and 
frost ;  it  was  followed  by  the  mildest  January  in  the  memory  of  man.  As  an 
early  campaign  would  take  the  Irish  at  a  great  disadvantage,  and  growing 
troubles  in  England  required  his  presence  there,  Cromwell  left  his  winter 
quarters  in  Youghal,  Tuesday,  29th  January.  Tipperary  and  Kilkenny  were 
the  theatre  of  war,  and  thither  his  army  was  to  advance  in  two  divisions. 
One  under  the  command  of  Ireton  and  Reynolds,  marched  directly  through 
Carrick ;  the  other  led  by  Cromwell  himself,  crossing  the  Blackwater  at 
Kilworth,  thence  to  Kilbehenny,  returned  through  the  rough  country  south  of 
the  Galtees.  In  this  way  the  small  hostile  garrisons  which  might  cut  him  off 
from  Youghal,  his  base,  were  all  taken  in.  Bumtcourt  and  Rehill  castles 
were  surrendered  without  a  shot  fired ;  the  following  morning,  Saturday,  2nd 
February,  amid  a  wild  storm  of  wind  and  rain  he  set  out  from  Rehill,  and 
passing  the  Suir  by  the  ford  at  Rochestown,  was  under  the  walls  of  Fethard 
that  night  Tired  and  sodden  as  his  troops  were,  he  offered  favourable 
terms,  and  Butler  the  governor  after  some  objections  as  to  the  etiquette  of 


History  of  Clonmel.  69 

summoning  a  town  so  late  at  night  handed  over  the  keys  (tt),  A  few  days 
after  the  inhabitants  of  Cashel  with  Kearney  their  mayor  hastened  to 
Fethard  to  throw  themselves  on  Cromwell's  mercy.  The  following  Sunday 
morning,  David  Fitz  Gibbon,  after  a  slight  pretence  at  resistance, 
surrendered  Ardfinnan  Castle — ^the  only  point  from  which  the  Cromwellian 
communications  might  be  cut  Such  was  the  tale  of  treachery  and  cowardice 
which  day  by  day  reached  O'Neill  in  Clonmel. 

The  old  soldier,  however,  was  busily  preparing  to  give  the  Cromwellians 
a  hot  reception.  Only  a  few  days  after  his  arrival,  on  lOth  December,  he 
wrote  to  Ormond  requiring  a  free  hand  as  governor.  Ormond  replied  : — "  It 
is  our  full  and  cleere  intention  by  the  words  of  our  comission  that  on  all 
occasion  you  should  dispose  of  all  the  souldiers  in  these  partes  as  you  thinke 
fitt  for  his  Maties  service  and  as  for  the  possession  of  the  Keys  of  the  towne 
of  Clonmell  wee  desire  you  apprehend  noe  danger  and  (avoyd  any 
inconveniency  that  may  present  happen  thereabouts)  to  leave  in  the  Mayor 
it  being  in  your  power  to  assume  it  when  you  shall  judge  it  necessary  for  the 
preservation  of  the  place  "  (uuj.  After  this  "  the  experimented  warriour,"  a 
contemporary  assures  us,  "  was  not  idle,  previdinge  the  f uturition  of  a  hearde 
siedge  and  builded  braue  workes  for  the  defence  of  the  towne  "  fw).  His 
soldiers,  however,  were  in  arrears  of  pay,  and  piteous  complaints  were  made 
to  Ormond  as  to  their  condition.  Ormond  replied  on  i8th  January  that  he 
had  sent  orders  to  the  Commissioners  of  Assessment  for  Tipperary  to  make 
some  payments.  But  the  Commissioners,  Burke  and  Butler,  refused  pending 
the  settlement  of  their  dispute  with  the  mayor  as  to  the  liability  of  Clonmel 
for  applotments.  Ormond  on  31st  January  cut  the  matter  short  by  ordering 
£150  to  be  paid,  and  bade  O'Neill  to  rest  satisfied  until  "  there  was  tyme  to 
wade  to  a  determination  of  the  dispute  "  fww).  There  was  another,  and,  at 
this  juncture,  a  more  imperative  want.  This  was  the  want  of  ammunition 
and  arms.  In  his  first  letter  on  taking  the  governorship  of  the  town,  O'Neill 
urged  this  on  Ormond ;  the  latter  replied  "  wee  daily  expect  a  quantity  of 
ammunition  from  Portumna  whereof  a  good  proportion  shall  be  sent  unto 
you  "  fxxj.  The  following  month,  in  answer  to  fiuther  entreaties,  Ormond 
wrote — "  We  are  in  preparacon  for  makinge  up  of  a  magazeen  out  of  which 

(tt)  The  Fethard  tradition  of  a  stubborn  resistance  is  ludicrous ;  the  garrison  were  all  local 
recruits  who  would  not  stand  a  second  volley.  There  were  three  companies — Colonel  Pierce 
Butler's,  Captain  John  Butler's,  and  Captain  Theobald  Hackett's— consisting  of  82,  76  and  91  men 
respectively.  Colonel  Walter  Butler  was  governor,  James  Butler  quartermaster,  Teige  O'Barry 
surgeon,  Fathers  Edmond  Ryan  and  Redmond  Comyn  chaplains— Ormonde  Papers,  Kilkenny 
Castle. 

(uuJ  Ormond  to  O'Neill,  T3th  December,  1645. — Carte  Papers,  vol.  26. 

(w)  Aphorismical  Discovery.    Edit.  Gilbert. 

fww)  Carte  Papers,  vol.  142. 

(xxj  Ormond  to  O'Neill,  13th  December,  1649.— Carte  Papers,  vol.  26. 


70  History  of  Clonmel. 

we  hope  to  be  enabled  reasonably  to  supply  the  want  of  arms  you  complain 
of "  (yy).  Preston  was  appealed  to,  to  furnish  some  ammunition  from 
Waterford,  but  Preston  had  none  to  spare.  In  the  event  O'Neill  could  not 
obtain  an  ounce  of  powder  (zz).    Good  advice  he  obtained  in  abundance. 

After  our  hearty  commendations.  In  regard  we  may  presume  by  the  enemyes 
faceinge  that  way  that  he  intends  to  distresse  the  guarrison  in  Clonmell  and  that  we 
understand  you  are  like  to  fall  into  some  wants  by  reason  of  the  want  of  come  which 
yet  wi  understand  to  be  stored  upp  in  great  plenty  in  that  towne  wee  therefore  on  such 
an  exigencie  have  thought  fitt  and  wee  doe  hereby  authorize  you  or  anyone  of  you  to 
search  the  garners  and  store  houses  in  towne  and  thereout  to  take  uppon  ticket  equally 
so  much  of  the  said  come  as  from  time  to  time  shall  supply  that  guarrison  untill  we 
shall  take  further  order  for  the  relief  of  it.  And  soe  etc  from  Lymericke  24  February 
1650. 

Your  loveinge  freind 
Governor  and  Mayor  Clonmell.  Ormonde,  (a)- 

And  promises  were  bestowed  as  freely  as  advice. 

After  our  harty  commendacons.  Wee  received  your  letters  of  the  23rd  this  instant 
and  have  by  our  letters  heere  inclosed  desired  our  very  good  Lord  the  Earle  of 
Castlehaven  to  furnish  you  with  what  men  and  provisions  hee  can,  ourselves  beinge 
at  present  unable  to  furnish  you  with  any  at  this  distance.  And  soe  we  bid  you  heartily 
farwell  from  Lymerick  the  25th  day  of  February  1649  [50]. 

Your  loveinge  friend 
Governor  of  Clonmell.  Ormonde  (b). 

By  this  time  the  Cromwellians  were  closing  round  the  town  ;  three  days 
later  some  of  Axtell's  dragoons  captured  a  patrol  of  the  garrison  under  the 
very  walls,  and  Cromwell  himself  came  over  from  Kiltinan  to  view  the  place 
and  its  defences  (c).    O'Neill  made  an  urgent  appeal  for  help. 

fyy)  Orinoiid  to  O'Neill,  i8th  January,  1650.     Ibid,  vol.  142. 

(zz)  •*  Lately  Hugh  O'Neill  after  making  a  name  for  himself  withdrew  from  Clonmel  as  the 
Marquis  and  pseudo  Commissioners  of  Trust  did  not  send  him  an  ounce  of  powder  nor  anything 
else  he  wanted  ;  yet  he  made  a  gallant  Bght,  two  thousand  of  the  enemy  are  said  to  have  fallen  in 
the  siege."     Kev.  P.  Lynch  to  Dionysius  Massario,  Galway,  14th  June,  1650.     Spicilegium  Ossoriense 

I-,  p.  343. 

(a)  Carte  Papers,  vol.  142.  Among  the  Carte  Papers  is  a  long  correspondence  l)etween 
Cromwell,  Ormond  and  O'Neill  relative  to  the  exchange  of  prisoners.  William,  fifth  Baron 
Charlemont,  commonly  called  "  Captain  Caulfield,"  was  a  prisoner  with  O'Neill  in  Clonmel.  On 
5th  January  Cromwelf  proposed  to  exchange  General  Richard  Butler,  of  Kilcash,  Ormond's  brother, 
for  Caulfield.  The  latter  attempted  to  escape.  About  5  o'clock  on  26th  January  he  walked  cooly 
into  an  apothecary's  shop  and  said  "  I  came  out  of  Forde's  unknown  to  the  sentries.  I  would  not 
care  said  the  apothecary,  Patrick  Roche,  you  were  in  your  own  quarters.  By  God  said  Caulfield  I 
would  give  twenty  pounds  to  any  that  would  convey  me  out  of  the  gates.  At  this  tiiiie  came  running  in 
Lizzie  Mun  maid  servant  to  Lionel  Forde  the  good  man  of  Caulfield's  lodging  and  said  Gods  Leddy, 
Captain  Caulfield  why  didn't  you  come  back  to  the  company,  they  are  inquiring  for  you.  Upon 
that  Captain  Caulfield  (calling  this  deponent  some  bad  name)  said  God's  wounds  you  have  betrayed 
me  only  for  you  I  were  in  Carrick  by  this  time."  (Examination  of  Calin  McKernan,  sentry).  An 
agreement  was  come  to  between  Ormond  and  Cromwell,  and  on  i6th  February  O'Neill  was  written 
to,  that  Caulfield  and  the  other  Cromwellians  who  had  been  taken  since  lOth  February  should  be 
convoyed  to  Carrick,  and  the  Irish  garrison  withdrawn  from  Kilcash.  Three  djiys  later  Ormond 
countermanded  the  order,  but  the  release  of  his  brother  was  finally  obtained  on  29th  April  on 
payment  of  a  sum  of  money. 

(b)  Carte  Papers,  26. 

(c)  State  Papers,  Commonwealth,  p.  657. 


History  of  Clonmel.  71 

May  it  please  your  Excellencie. 

This  day  I  receivd  your  letter  of  the  25th  of  this  instant.  Since  my  last  letter  to 
your  Excie  I  have  not  to  intymate  more  then  that  Cahir  was  yealded  without  shott  or 
blowe  upon  what  condicons  I  knowe  not,  which  I  believe  your  Excie  knowes  ere  nowe, 
likewise  Kiiteenan  was  beseedged  eare  yesternight  and  yealded  yesterdaye  mominge 
about  nyne  of  the  clocke.  All  their  armye  is  within  a  myle  to  the  towne  and  the  rest 
are  cominge  to  them,  in  great  hast  they  have  sent  a  number  of  horses  and  oxen  for  more 
cannons.  Wee  expect  nothinge  else  but  bee  beesiged  every  houre  they  having  nowe  noe 
other  place  to  ayme  att  but  this.  Your  Excie  may  knowe  in  what  condicon  wee  are  and 
the  consequence  of  this  place  to  the  Kingdom  which  requires  a  speedye  succour  all 
which  I  humbly  referre  to  your  Lordshipps  grave  consideracon  I  humbly  take  leave  and 
remayne 

Your  Excies  most  humble  servt, 
Clonmell  ultimo  February.  Hugo  O'Neill  (d). 

Ormond  replied : — 

Sir — Your  letter  of  the  last  of  February  intimating  your  expectation  of  being 
suddainly  beseiged  I  received  not  till  about  nine  of  the  clock  this  morning.  In  answeare 
whereunto  I  thinke  fitt  to  assure  you  by  these  that  rather  then  that  towne  should  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  rebells  I  shall  draw  all  the  forces  of  the  Kingdome  into  a  body  for 
its  reliefe  which  I  shall  endeavour  soe  to  effect  as  in  ten  dayes  to  be  in  a  readines  to 
advance  to  towards  you,  relying  on  your  uttermost  endeavours  to  defend  that  place 
during  that  tyme  though  you  should  as  you  expect  be  closely  beseiged  and  soe  deseiring 
to  heare  as  frequently  from  you  as  possibly  you  may,  I  remaine 

Your  very  affectionate  freind 

Ennis  3  March  about  12  in  the  fomoone  Ormond. 

The  task  that  now  lay  before  O'Neill  might  well  have  filled  him  with 
dismay.  Day  after  day  his  scouts  reported  the  steady  advance  of  the 
Cromwellians.  Soon  with  his  own  eyes  he  could  observe  them  massing,  north 
of  the  town.  Twenty  troops  of  cavalry  overran  the  country,  and  their 
ubiquity  made  them  appear  a  countless  host.  He  might  have  learned,  too, 
that  the  Cromwellians  "  were  in  a  gallant  posture,  well  armed,  well  clothed 
and  for  bread,  corn  and  other  things  plentifully  provided  "  fej.  By  the  end 
of  March  some  9,000  men  had  set  themselves  down  in  the  entrenchments  (f). 
And  these  were  for  the  most  part  veterans  seasoned  in  the  civil  wars  and 
filled  with  religious  and  political  fanaticism.  They  had  heard  for  years  of 
the  massacre  of  their  fellow  Protestants  in  Ulster  and  now  their  preachers 
exhorted  them  to  crush  "  the  vessels  of  wrath  foredoomed  by  God."  Within 
the  town  O'Neill  mustered  about  1600  men,  of  whom  one-fourth  were  armed 
only  with  pikes  while  some  200  had  no  arms  whatsoever  ^^A  His  artillery 
consisted  of  a  few  cannon  and  these  even  he  could  only  use  sparingly  for 
want  of  powder.    But  the  little  garrison  with  the  exception  of  Fennell's  two 

(dj  Carte  Papers,  Vol.  26. 

(c)  Whitlocke  Memorials,  p.  434. 

ff)  Cromwell's  army  after  the  junction  with  Heweston  at  Kilkenny  numbered  20,000  men  according 
to  Borlase.     The  bulk  of  these  were  brought  to  Clonmel  as  Ormond  threatened  to  raise  the  siege. 

(gj  The  muster  roll  of  3rd  January,  1650,  published  by  Gilbert  shows  about  1400,  of  these  150  were 
in  out  garrisons  Kilcash,  Ballydine  and  Castle  Coonagh. 


72  History  of  Clonmel. 

troops  of  horse,  were  absolutely  reliable.  They  were  all  Cavan  and  Tyrone 
men,  the  hardy  northerns  described  by  Rinuccini  who  living  on  butter  and 
milk,  had  few  wants  and  fewer  desires,  and  were  more  careful  of  their  swords 
and  muskets  than  of  their  own  bodies  (h).  Besides  they  were  well  officered. 
Colonels  Turlough  O'Neill  and  Philip  O'Reilly,  Captains  McDonnell,  Brady, 
McArdle,  O'Hanlon  and  others  had  been  through  many  a  hard  fight  in 
Flanders  and  elsewhere.  And  if  the  Cromwellians  were  steeled  by  religious 
fanaticism,  these  men  also  had  memories  to  avenge  and  a  religion  to  fight  for. 
On  the  19th  of  March,  Cromwell  came  to  direct  the  siege  operations  in 
person  (i).  The  customary  demand  for  the  surrender  of  the  town  was  made, 
good  quarters  and  conditions  being  offered.  "To  which  answer  was  made 
by  Hugh  Duff  that  he  was  of  another  resolution  than  to  give  up  the  town  on 
quarters  or  conditions  till  he  was  reduced  to  a  lower  station  and  so  wished 
him  to  do  his  best.  On  which  Cromwell  fell  to  his  work  and  planted  his 
cannon  "  (j).  As  the  defence  was  likely  to  be  long  and  stubborn  and  affairs  in 
England  were  pressing  another  method  was  adopted. 

My  Lord  Cromwell  by  the  enformation  of  some  of  Insicuynes  partie  or  other  proper 
surmishes  lited  upon  a  fitt  instrument  of  treacherie.  Major  Fennell  an  ambitious  and 
covetous  traytor  was  sued  vnto  to  be  actor  of  the  tragedie  of  betrayinge  both  men  and 
towne  and  for  his  paines  was  offered  £500.  The  time  of  the  performance  on  Fennell's 
parte  was  the  verie  next  night  after  the  covenant  was  indorsed  about  12  aclocke  that 
he  with  such  as  were  of  that  conspiracie  guiltie,  would  guarde  such  a  gate  and  would 
open  the  same  at  the  said  peremptorie  hower  for  the  intringe  of  500  men  of  my  Lord 
Cromwell  and  then  to  simulate  an  opposition  to  the  rest. 

That  night  O'Neill  "by  some  inspyringe  good  angell "  was  making  the 
rounds  and  finding  Fennell  and  the  "  natives  "  on  guard  at  one  of  the  gates, 
had  his  suspicions  aroused.  For  he  had  given  stringent  orders  that  two-thirds 
at  least  of  the  guards  at  each  gate  should  consist  of  Ulstermen.  Sending 
privately  for  a  body  of  500  of  his  Ulster  forces,  he  at  once  put  Fennell  under 
arrest.    Fennell  on  promise  of  life  confessed  the  whole,  O'Neill  and  his  officers 

advicinge  therefore  what  best  to  doe  in  that  extreamitie  resolve  to  open  the 
gate  the  peremptorie  time  according  the  former  covenant.  The  enemie  was  watching 
his  opportunitie,  obsearvinge  the  signall  marched  towards  the  gate,  500  did  inter,  the 
rest  nolens  volens  were  kept  out  and  all  that  intred  were  putt  to  the  sworde 
thus  did  God  discover  this    treasonable   plott    under   Major    Huigh    O'Neylle  (k), 

(h)  Rinuccini  Embassy  in  Ireland  p.  495. 

(i)  Whitelock  p.  430. 

(j)  Warr  of  Ireland.    By  a  British  Officer  of  Sir  J.  Clotworthy's  Regiment. 

(k)  This  episode  rests  on  the  sole  authority  of  the  writer  of  the  "  Aphorismical  Discovery." 
But  as  there  had  been  treachery  in  Drogheda,  Wexford  and  Duncannon,  the  affair  is  more  than 
probable.  Whitelock  (p.  434)  has  an  echo  of  it  "  April  19,  1650  From  Chester,  that  Hugh  O'Neale 
\sic)  chief  in  Clonmel  offered  to  yield  the  place  for  a  sum  of  money."  Fennell  "  with  more  than 
ordinary  justice  "  says  Lord  Castlehaven  was  hanged  by  Ireton  at  Limerick  though  he  helped  to 
betray  that  city  also.    Clonmel  was  not  forgiven. 


History  of  Clonmel.  73 

Hopes  were  now  entertained  that  the  typhus  raging  in  the  town  as  well 
as  the  shortness  of  provisions  would  soon  bring  about  a  surrender  (I), 
Meanwhile  the  war  correspondents  on  both  sides  were  as  usual  engaged  in 
the  work  of  slaughter.  "  20  March  letters  from  Ireland  that  about  80  of  the 
enemies  foot  and  lO  horse  of  the  garrison  of  Clonmel  went  forth  to  fetch  in 
provisions  but  were  fallen  upon  by  some  of  the  parliament's  horse  who  killed 
23  of  them  and  took  seventeen  prisoners  and  their  horses  "  (m),  "  23  March 
letters  that  the  Lord  Lieutenant  had  taken  Clonmel  and  slain  2000  of  the 
enemy  there  and  was  marched  towards  Waterford  "  (n).  On  the  other  hand 
Cromwell  by  reason  of  CNeill's  "  many  valiant  sallies  and  martiall  stratagems 
did  loose  some  dales  200,  other  dales  300,  other  400,  other  500  men  ;  this  losse 
was  so  often  and  common  that  he  was  wearie  of  the  place  and  if  his  honor 
did  not  impede  his  Lordship  would  quitt  the  place  and  raise  the  siedge  "  (0), 
The  fall  of  Kilkenny  in  the  end  of  March  left  Cromwell  free  to  devote  himself 
altogether  to  the  siege  of  Clonmel,  and  thither  he  returned  on  14th  April  (p). 
Reinforcements  from  England  arrived,  consisting  of  a  regiment  of  foot,  two 
hundred  and  sixty  horse  and  a  supply  of  money,  but  bringing  at  the  same 
time  the  momentous  news  of  war  preparations  in  Scotland.  Clonmel  had  now 
to  be  taken  at  any  cost,  and  so  on  the  Tuesday  following,  l6th  April,  the 
cannon  to  open  a  breach  were  got  into  position  (q).  Shortly  after,  O'Neill 
and  the  Mayor  managed  to  get  through  the  Cromwellian  lines  a  last  appeal. 

May  it  please  your  Excellencye. 

Beinge  at  the  writinge  hereof  closelye  beseidged  by  the  enemye  wee  thought  it  our 
dutye  to  give  your  Excellencye  notice  thereof  though  wee  have  receaved  your 
Excellencies  answer  unto  our  laste  dispatches  representing  the  dangers  wee  hourlye 
feared  which  are  nowe  come  in  our  sight.  Wee  are  heere,  God  be  praysed  of  good 
couradge  and  resolution  and  will  endeavour  to  defend  this  place  as  longe  as  may  be  in 
annye  reason  expected  if  the  present  advance  of  the  armye  towards  us  or  the  late 
promised  releefe  by  your  Excellencye  will  not  fayle  us  for  the  defence  of  this  place 
wherof  the  safety,  of  the  Kingdom  maynelye  depends  which  is  in  hast  humblye 
submitted  unto  your  Excellencyes  grave  consideracon  to  prevent  annye  bloddie 
tragedye  to  be  acted  heer  as  in  other  places  for  want  of  tymely  releefe.  What  comfort 
may  be  possiblye  sent  us  we  humblye  desire  that  the  bearer  may  be  posted  away  night 
and  day  therewith  it  being  of  great  concernment  unto 

Your  Excellencys  most  humble  servts. 

Hugo  O'Neill       John  Whyte 
Clonmel  the  27th  of  Aprill  1650.  Maior  of  Clonmell. 

(I)  "  From  Chester  19  March.  That  the  Lord  Lieutenant  was  before  Clonmel  and  the  plague 
was  very  hot  in  the  Irish  quarters." — Whitelock,  p.  430.  In  December  fortunately,  White,  the 
Mayor,  had  impounded  the  corn  applotments  of  Co.  Tipperary  against  the  protests  of  Commissary 
Coughlan,  but  by  this  time  the  supplies  were  running  out. 

(m)  Whitelock,  p.  430. 

(n)  Ibid,  p.  431. 

(0)  Aphorismical  Discovery. 

(p)  Whitelock,  p.  434. 

(q)  "  Mr.  Lloyd  informs  that  his  Excellency  intended  to  fall  upon  the  place  very  suddenly  and 
thence  come  to  England.  On  Saturday  was  sevennight  he  came  before  Clonmel  and  the  Tuesday 
following  the  great  guns  were  brought  down  before  it." — Perfect  Diurnal,  May  6-13,  1650. 


74  History  of  Clonmel. 

May  it  please  your  Excellencye  it  is  our  humble  suite  that  the  armye  if  in  annie 
reasonable  condicion  may  march  night  and  day  to  our  succor  and  in  the  meane  tyme 
that  the  promised  releefe  may  be  sent  us  accomodated  with  provisions  for  themselves 
and  the  guarison  together  with  the  necessaries  mencioned  in  your  Excellencye's  late 
letters  (r). 

Ormond  in  the  meantime  was  making  fruitless  efforts  to  get  together  an 
army.  Lord  Castlehaven  did  not  hold  out  much  hope.  "Seeing  we  are  not 
like  soone  to  be  in  a  condisione  to  nieete  Cromwell  in  his  strength  I  knowe 
no  other  waie  to  helpe  Clonmell  but  to  endeavour  by  strong  divertions  to 
divide  his  forces  to  which  purpose  I  am  labouring  what  I  may  to  have  a 
partie  together  heere  by  tuesdaie  nexte  with  fourteen  daies  meanes.  I  have 
this  morning  dispatched  an  express  to  the  Bishop  of  Clogher  who  I  hear  is 
soon  to  have  a  rendevouse  that  if  he  be  not  readie  for  his  greate  designes  in 
Ullster  to  joine  his  forces  with  mine."  (s)  Castleconnell  being  appealed  to, 
called  the  gentry  together  at  O'Brien's  Bridge  where  it  was  agreed  to  raise 
1 100  foot  and  300  horse.  Ormond  promised  ammunition  as  soon  as  possible 
but  this  project  also  came  to  nothing,  (t)  Finally  Lord  Roche  assembled  a 
considerable  force  in  County  Cork,  Broghill  was  sent  against  him  by  Cromwell 
with  1500  foot  and  500  horse.  On  lOth  May,  Roche's  forces  were  defeated 
near  Macroom,  the  Bishop  of  Ross  who  accompanied  them  being  hanged  at 
Carrigdrehid  Castle,  (u)  When  Broghill  appeared  before  Clonmel  with  the 
news  of  his  victory  and  the  last  hope  of  relieving  the  town  was  cut  off,  the 
whole  Cromwellian  army  received  him  with  acclamations,  crying  out 
A  Broghill !  A  Broghill !  (v) 

Still  the  spirit  of  the  garrison  was  unbroken,  but  it  was  the  courage  of 
despair ;  they  expected  no  quarter  and  they  would  give  none.  One  day  they 
had  a  stern  object  lesson  in  Cromwellian  justice.  An  inoffensive  man.  Father 
Nicholas  Mulcahy,  parish  priest  of  Ardfinnan,  who  had  refused  influencing 
the  garrison  to  surrender,  was  brought  forth  in  front  of  the  walls  and  there 
his  head  was  struck  off.  Such  an  episode  was  little  calculated  to  intimidate 
men  who  had  arms  in  their  hands  and  knew  how  to  use  them  (w). 

The  town  at  this  period,  regarded  from  a  strategic  standpoint,  was  a 
parallelogram,  lying  east  and  west  with  its  base  on  the  river,  the  sides  being 
roughly  500  by  400  yards  long.  The  enclosing  walls  originally  built  in  the 
fourteenth  century  were  from  25  to  30  feet  high  and  5  feet  in  thickness. 
They  were  pierced  by  four  gates  and  strengthened  at  intervals  of  about  70 

(r)  Carte  Papers,  vol.  27 

(s)  Castlehaven  to  Ormond,  Ballimorc,  17th  April.    Carte  Papers,  vol.  27. 

(t)  Castleconnel  to  Ormond,  25th  April.     Ibid. 

(u)  Lord  Roche  to  Ormond,  14th  May.    Ibid. 

(v)  Boyle  Memoirs,  Dublin,  1759  p.  41. 

(w)  Propugnaculum  Catholicae  Veritatis,  Bruodin,  Prague,  1669. 


History  of  Clonmel.  75 

yards  by  turrets.  The  south-east  quarter  of  the  town  was  occupied  by  the 
old  Franciscan  church  and  monastery  which  had  been  kept  in  repair  and 
partly,  in  the  time  of  James  L,  devoted  to  military  purposes.  In  the  north-west 
corner  was  the  churchyard  of  St.  Mary's,  lying  around  the  parish  church,  a 
massive  pile  having  battlemented  roofs  and  two  flanking  towers — a  fortress 
which  manned  by  a  resolute  guard  could  be  taken  only  with  cannon.  The 
streets  adjoining  the  gates  were  exceedingly  narrow,  with  one  exception. 
Lough  Street,  which  led  to  the  North  Gate.  This  fact  determined  Cromwell 
to  open  the  breach  at  that  point.  For  through  the  breach  and  the  neighbouring 
gate  when  captured,  an  overwhelming  force  of  horse  and  foot  could  be  poured 
by  way  of  Lough  Street,  into  the  town;  whereas  the  prolonged  conflict  in  the 
narrow  streets  with  an  enemy  well  posted  would  entail  terrible  loss. 
Accordingly  the  battery  was  planted  at  the  foot  of  Gallows  Hill,  being 
protected  from  a  sally  of  the  Irish  by  the  camp  which  occupied  the  declivity 
behind.     Here  also  it  would  appear  Cromwell's  headquarters  were  situated  (x). 

From  about  the  middle  of  April  when  the  battery  first  began  to  'speak,' 
onward  through  the  month  of  May,  the  air  was  vibrant  with  the  thunder  of 
cannon.  The  garrison  could  only  reply  feebly  and  at  lengthening  intervals, 
for  the  ammunition  was  failing,  and  every  ounce  of  powder  had  to  be 
economised.  The  walls  bravely  stood  the  shock ;  but  their  old  time  builders 
little  dreamt  of  cannon  that  would  carry  balls  of  42  pounds  weight  (y).  Amid 
the  awful  gloom  and  strain  of  those  terrible  weeks  the  energy  of  O'Neill  fired 
the  whole  population.  His  practised  eye  saw  every  danger,  and  his  resource 
was  equal  to  every  emergency.  One  incident  of  this  time  put  the 
townsfolk  into  high  spirits.  "Within  two  hours  after  night  fall  the 
Major  generall  sent  out  two  hundred  chosen  men  and  officers  with  a  good 
guide  through  bye  ways  from  a  place  of  the  wall  next  the  river  that 
was  neglected  by  the  besiegers,  and  fell  on  the  backs  of  those  in  a  fort  not 
fully  finished  and  cut  them  all  off  before  any  relief  came;  on  which 
immediately  the  next  gate  was  opened  for  them,  and  they  got  in  safe  with 
the  loss  of  half  a  dozen.  The  number  killed  in  the  fort  was  about  sixty,  being 
one  of  their  companies  "  (z). 

The  siege  was  now  entering  on  its  last  phase.  By  the  middle  of  May 
the  cannon  had  done  their  work  and  a  large  stretch  of  the  wall  was  falling. 

(x)  The  strategy  was  that  by  which  Cromwell  (and  indeed  every  17th  century  leader)  gained 
his  victories — ^always  to  seize  the  occasion  when  horsemen  could  be  launched  forward  with  powerful 
effect,  holding  a  reserve  to  follow  up  and  assure  success.  O'Neill  as  "  an  old  surly  Spanish  soldier  " 
was  quite  familiar  with  it  an  laid  his  plans  accordingly. 

(y)  Cromw^ell  marched  from  Gowran  with  horse  and  foot  having  "3  peeces  of  artillery  the 
bullet  of  the  leastc  of  which  weighed  31  lb  " — Sir  W.  Butler  toOrmond3rd  April  1650 — Carte  Papers 
vol.  26.     Some  balls  have  been  found  which  weighed  42  lbs. 

(z)  Warr  of  164 1.    By  a  British  Officer  of  Clot  worthy's  Regiment. 


76  HISTORY   OF   CLONMEL. 

On  Thursday  the  l6th  both  parties  knowing  that  another  day  would  decide 
the  issue,  nerved  themselves  for  the  final  struggle.  The  Cromwellians  made 
ready  for  a  sharp  encounter  and  a  merciless  battue.  The  Irish  on  the  other 
hand  in  spite  of  the  overwhelming  forces  against  them,  were  not  less  confident 
For  they  believed  that  Cromwell  was  outgeneralled ;  the  plan  of  seizing  on 
the  North  Gate  from  the  inside  and  thus  through  the  two  inlets  rushing  the 
town  with  an  irresistible  mass  of  horse  and  foot,  had  been  taken  advantage 
of  by  O'Neill  for  a  purpose  of  his  own.  He  provided  for  the  attacking  party 
a  convenient  passage  from  the  breach  to  the  Gate.  "  Hugh  Duff  did  set  all 
men  and  maids  to  work,  townsmen  and  soldiers,  only  those  on  duty  attending 
the  breach  and  the  walls — to  draw  dung  hills,  mortar,  stones  and  timber  and 
made  a  long  lane  a  man's  height  and  about  eighty  yards  length  on  both  sides 
from  the  breach  with  a  foot  bank  at  the  back  of  it  and  caused  to  be  placed 
engines  on  both  sides  of  the  same  and  two  guns  at  the  end  of  it  invisible 
opposite  to  the  breach  and  so  ordered  all  things  against  a  storm  "  (aa).  Behind 
this  lane  stood  some  houses  forming  the  extremity  of  Lough  Street.  These 
also  were  made  to  serve  for  purposes  of  defence. 

On  the  morning  of  Friday,  May  l/th,  the  cannonade  began  again ;  through 
the  day  the  breach  was  made  more  and  more  accessible  and  about  three  in 
the  afternoon  the  battery  was  silenced  (bb).  The  Cromwellians  now  advanced 
singing  a  Scriptural  battle  hymn  (cc).  As  they  approached  they  were  received 
with  a  well  directed  fire.  Entering  the  breach,  the  Ulster  pike  men  engaged 
them  in  a  fierce  hand  to  hand  encounter,  whilst  the  marksmen  placed  in  the 
earthworks  behind,  steadily  shot  them  down.  Every  inch  of  the  ground  was 
stubbornly  contested  until  at  length  the  Cromwellians  reeling  under  the 
terrible  onslaught,  after  heavy  losses,  turned  and  fled  (dd).  The  utter  rout  of 
the  storming  party  spread  consternation  among  the  Puritan  forces ;  it  looked 
as  if  the  invincible  Ironsides  were  going  to  be  beaten  at  last.  There  was  an 
immediate  call  for  another  and  a  stronger  force,  but  the  infantry  in  a  state  of 
mutiny  complained  that  the  horsemen  should  take  their  share  of  the 
fighting  (ee).    The  picked  men  of  the  army  were  now  got  hastily  together,  the 


(aa)  Warr  of  1641.     By  a  British  Officer  of  Sir  John  Clotworthy's  Regiment. 

(bh)  "  The  guns  had  performed  their  business  very  well  so  that  about  three  of  the  clock  in  the 
afternoon  the  soldiers  stood  safe  on  the  breach." — History  of  Irish  Rebellion,  Dublin,  1743,  p.  20. 

(cc)  History  of  Ireland,  McGee. 

(dd)  The  Cromwellian  accounts  state  "Our  men  kept  close  to  the  breach  which  they  had 
entered,  all  the  time  save  only  one  accidental  retreat  in  the  storm  "  (Whitelock)  "  We  had  with  our 
guns  made  a  breach  in  the  walls  where  after  a  hot  fight  we  gave  back  a  while  "  (Several  Proceedings 
in  Parliament)  "  The  drawing  the  men  to  the  breach  was  somewhat  offensive  which  caused  some 
loss  "(Cliff,  Ireton's  secretary).  The  Irish  account  is  "Then  began  the  assaulte  verie  fierse  and 
courageous,  the  defendants  opposed  so  manly  that  three  severall  times  they  beat  the  enemie  backe  " 
(Aphorismical  Discovery). 

(ee)  "  The  foot  not  being  so  well  satisfied  that  the  horse  especially  in  storms  did  not  run  equal 
hazards  with  them  "—History  of  Irish  Rebellion,  Dublin  1743. 


History  of  Clonmel.  77 

bulk  of  them  belonging  to  Ireton's  regiment,  the  leaders  being  Colonels 
CuUam,  Grey  and  Leigh,  Captains  Jordan,  Humphreys  and  others.  A  British 
ofl&cer  of  Sir  John  Clotworthy's  regiment  graphically  describes  what  followed. 

They  entered  without  any  opposition  and  but  few  were  to  be  seen  in  the  town  till 
they  so  entered,  that  the  lane  was  crammed  full  with  horsemen  armed  with  helmets, 
back  breastswords,  musquetoons  and  pistols.  On  which  those  in  the  front  seeing 
themselves  in  a  pound  and  could  not  make  their  way  further  cryed  out  *  Halt !  Halt '  I 
On  which  those  entering  behind  at  the  breach  thought  by  those  words  that  all  those  of 
the  garrison  were  running  away  and  cryed  out  *  Advance !  Advance  * !  as  fast  as  those 
before  cryed  out  *  Halt  I  Halt '  I  and  so  advanced  until  they  trust  forward  those  before 
them,  till  that  pound  or  lane  was  full  and  could  hold  no  more. 

Then  suddenly  rushes  a  resolute  party  of  pikes  and  musqueteers  to  the  breach  and 
scoured  off  and  knocked  back  those  entering.  At  which  instance  Hugh  DufiTs  men 
within  fell  on  those  in  the  pound  with  shotts,  pikes,  scythes,  stones  and  casting  of  great 
long  pieces  of  timber  with  the  engines  amongst  them  and  then  two  guns  firing  at  them 
from  the  end  of  the  pound,  slaughtering  them  by  the  middle  or  knees  with  chained 
bullets,  that  in  less  than  an  hour's  time  about  a  thousand  men  were  killed  in  that 
pound,  being  a  top  one  another. 

The  Irish  writer  of  the  " Aphorismical  Discovery"  gives  a  similar  account. 

Cromwell  determined  to  loose  all  at  once  or  win  the  garland.  Commandinge 
therefore  both  horse  and  foot  pell  mell  that  such  a  heape  in  such  an  occasion  was 
seldome  scene  that  by  the  very  thronge  severall  of  them  perished,  advancinge  forwarde 
unawares  (both  opposition  and  assaulte  being  soe  furious  and  hott)  not  observinge 
either  ditche  or  counterscarfe  fell  headlonge  into  the  said  ditche  from  whence  there  was 
no  redemption  or  possibilitie  of  recoverie  but  there  were  massacred  and  butchered. 
Their  seconds  and  comrades  seinge  what  hapned,  retired,  neither  the  threats  of  the 
Generall  nor  the  bloudie  sworde  of  inferiour  officers  was  sufficient  enough  to  keepe 
them  from  turning  tayle  to  the  assaulte  and  turned  to  the  campe  leavinge  Major 
generall  O'Neylle  in  the  possession  of  a  bloudie  wall. 

The  second  division  of  the  storming  party  with  Cromwell  himself  was  at 
the  North  or  Lough  gate  "  expecting  the  gates  to  be  opened  by  those  entered 
untill  he  saw  those  in  the  breach  beaten  back,  and  heard  the  cannons  going 
off  within  then  he  fell  off  as  much  vexed  as  ever  he  was  since  he  first  put  on 
a  helmet  against  the  King  for  such  a  repulse  he  did  not  usually  meet -with  "  (ff). 

Night  was  now  coming  on,  and  even  if  the  disheartened  soldiers  could 
be  got  together  for  another  assault,  Cromwell  judged  it  would  be  sheer 
madness  (gg). 

Victory  was  with  the  Irish,  but  it  was  a  victory  that  could  have  no  issue. 
O'Neill  had  no  reserves  by  which  in  the  panic  and  unpreparedness  of  defeat, 
he  might  have  stormed  the  camp  and  destroyed  in  detail  the  besiegers'  army 
spread  as  it  was  over  a  line  of  three  miles. 

(ff)  Warr  of  1641-52.    By  a  British  Officer,  etc. 

(ti)  1^^^  ^^  \t\^  in  Cromwell's  opinion  could  not  be  dislodged  by  any  storming  party,  is  clear 
from  his  resolve  to  bring  cannon  into  the  breach  itself  next  day.  (History  of  Irish  Rebellion, 
Dublin,  1743).  Such  a  step  in  the  presence  of  a  strong  garrison  could  only  end  in  disaster  but  then 
he  knew  that  by  this  time  O'Neill's  men  were  thinned  and  his  resources  spent. 


78  History  of  Clonmel. 

Consulting  with  his  officers  and  seeing  that  their  ammunition  was  gone  he 
concluded  to  leave  the  town  without  Cromwell's  leave  and  so  at  nightfall  he  imparted 
the  same  to  the  Mayor,  one  Whyte,  and  advised  him  after  he  was  gone  half  a  dozen 
miles  off  as  he  might  guess,  to  send  privately  out  to  Cromwell  for  licence  to  speak  to  him 
about  conditions  for  the  town  ;  but  not  to  make  mention  of  himself  on  any  account  till 
he  had  done.  After  which  advice  to  the  Mayor  he  marches  away  with  his  men  about 
two  hours  after  nightfall  {hh)  and  passed  over  the  river  undiscovered  by  a  guard  of 
horse  that  lay  on  the  other  side  of  the  bridge  and  he  made  no  great  halt  till  he  reached 
to  a  town  called  Ballynasack  where  he  refreshed  his  men.  Then  the  Mayor  according 
as  he  was  advised  about  twelve  o'clock  at  night  sent  out  to  Cromwell  very  privately 
for  a  conduct  to  wait  upon  his  Excellency ;  which  forthwith  was  sent  to  him  and  an 
officer  to  conduct  him  from  the  wall  to  Cromwell's  tent  who  after  some  course 
[customary]  compliments  was  not  long  capitulating  when  he  got  good  conditions  for 
the  town. 

After  which  Cromwell  asked  him  if  Hugh  O'Neill  knew  of  his  coming  out,  to 
which  he  answered  he  did  not  for  that  he  was  gone  two  hours  after  nightfall  with  all 
his  men,  at  which  Cromwell  stared  and  frowned  at  him  and  said  "  You  knave  have  you 
served  me  so,  and  did  not  tell  me  so  before."  To  which  the  Mayor  replied  that  if  his 
Excellency  had  demanded  the  question  he  would  tell  him.  Then  he  asked  him  what 
that  Duff  O'Neill  was,  to  which  the  Mayor  answered  that  he  was  an  over  sea  soldier 

born  in  Spain ;  on  which  Cromwell  said  "  God  d n  you  and  your  over  sea" !  and 

said  in  a  fury  By  G above  he  would  follow  that  Hugh  Duff  O'Neill  wheresoever 

he  went. 

Then  the  Mayor  delivered  the  Keys  of  the  gates  to  Cromwell  who  immediately 
commanded  guards  on  them  and  next  morning  himself  entered  where  he  saw  his  men 
killed  in  the  pound  notwithstanding  which  and  his  fury  that  Hugh  Duff  went  off  as  he 
did,  he  kept  his  conditions  with  the  town  (//). 

Articles  made  between  the  Lord  Leifetenant  and  the  Inhabitants  thereof 
touching  the  rendition  thereof,  May  the  1 8th,  1650. 

It  is  graunted  and  agreed  by  and  betwixt  the  Lord  Lieut.  Genii.  Cromwell  on  the 
one  part  and  Mr  Michael  White  and  Mr  Nicholas  Betts  Comrs.  entrusted  in  the  behalfe 
of  the  towne  and  guarrison  of  Clonmel  on  the  other  parte  as  follows. 

1st  The  said  towne  and  guarrison  of  Clonmel  with  the  arms  ammunicon  and  other 
furniture  of  warr  that  are  now  theirin  shall  be  rendered  and  delivered  up  into  the  hands 
of  his  Excellency  the  Lord  Left,  by  eight  of  the  clock  this  morninge. 

2nd  That  in  consideracon  thereof  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  towne  shall  be 
protected  their  lives  and  estates  from  all  plunder  and  violence  of  the  souldiery  and 
shall  have  the  same  rights  libertye  and  proteccon  as  other  subjects  under  the  authoritie 
of  the  Parliament  of  England  have  or  ought  to  have  and  injoy  within  the  dominion  of 
Ireland. 

VeraCopia  O.  Cromwell  0>V. 

Thus  ended  the  siege  of  Clonmel  after  five  weeks  of  close  investment  and 
nearly  three  months  since  the  Cromwellians  first  appeared  before  the  walls. 
It  cost  the  besiegers  between  2000  and  2500  men  and  many  officers — in  one 
regiment  alone,  Ireton's,  they  were  nearly  all  slain  (kkj.     From  the  first  the 


(hh)  Eighty  wounded  men  were  left  behind  who  were  unabje  to  travel — Carv's  Memorials  II., 
218. 

(ii)  Warr  of  1641-53.     Bv  a  British  Officer,  etc. 

(jj)  MS.  R.I.A. 

(kkJ  Sir  Lewis  Dyves,  Borlase  and  Carte  state  'near  2500.'  Cox  and  some  contemporary 
authorities  'over  2000.'  'Nearly  all  the  officers  of  Ireton's  regiment  arc  wanting  and  you  may 
shrewdly  guess  at  Hercules  by  his  foot  '—Gary's  Memorials  II.  218. 


History  of  Clonmel.  79 

Cromwellians  clearly  realized  the  difficult  task  before  them  as  is  evident 
from  the  protracting  of  the  siege  in  order  to  wear  out  the  garrison.  But  that 
they  could  be  beaten  in  a  stand  up  fight,  they  never  dreamt.  Whitelock 
acknowledges  "they  found  in  Clonmel  the  stoutest  enemy  that  ever  was 
found  by  the  army  in  Ireland,  and  there  was  never  seen  so  hot  a  storm  of  so 
long  continuance  and  so  gallantly  defended  neither  in  England  nor  Ireland 'YW. 
Cromwell  himself  confessed  that  the  defence  of  Clonmel  "  nearly  brought  his 
noble  to  ninepence  "  (mm).  It  is  not  altogether  idle  to  observe  that  had  the 
garrison  been  a  few  thousand  stronger,  the  subsequent  history  of  Ireland 
would  have  to  be  written  differently  (nn). 


(U)  Memorials  p.  457. 

(mm)  Cox,  Hibernia  Anglicana  II.  16. 

(nu)  Long  after  there  were  echoes  of  the  siege.  1654  November  6,  Theobald  Bolton  linen 
draper  St  Peter's  Parish,  Cornhill  petitions  parliament  for  relief  in  his  necessities.  His  only  brother 
Major  Charles  Bolton  was  wounded  at  the  taking  of  Clonmel  of  which  he  is  since  dead,  (State  Papers, 
Domestic.)  1655  October  13,  Nicholas  Jordan  petitions  the  Admiralty,  the  State  stands  indebted  to 
him  and  his  brother  in  the  sum  of  ;f  300  for  debentures ;  the  latter.  Major  Thomas  Jordan  was  slain 
at  Clonmel  etc.,  (Ibid.)  "The  ancestor  of  the  present  Langtie  of  Lisnebruck  proprietor  of  the 
coUeries  near  Killenall  in  the  county  of  Tipperar>'  had  his  hand  choped  off  above  the  wrist  when 
scaleing  the  walls.  I  had  this  fact  from  his  own  lips  one  night  I  slept  at  his  house,  in  confirmation  of 
which  a  hand  with  a  glove  on  it  and  the  colours  he  carried  at  the  time,  are  hung  up  to  this  day  as  a 
record  of  that  transaction  in  Mary's  Church,  Clonmel.  I  have  seen  them  there  many  a  time  " — Paper 
of  Philip  son  of  Nicholas  Comins  of  Clonmel,  1786.  The  Langley  referred  to  was  Lieut.  Henry 
I^ngley  of  Capt.  Thomas  Ask's  troop  in  the  regiment  of  horse  commanded  by  Col.  Jerome  Sankey. 
The  old  Lough  Gate,  or  as  it  was  sometimes  called  the  North  Gate,  was  subsequently  known  to  the 
people  of  Clonmel  as  the  **Bre«ich  Gate."  Even  in  legal  documents  this  name  superseded  the 
former  ones.  4  March  1708  Fine  by  Joseph  and  Sarah  Dennison  to  John  Marshall  of  "  a  waste  plot 
of  ground  etc.  being  part  of  the  former  holding  of  Thomas  Elwell  and  Henry  Ansel  1  situate  outside 
the  Breach  Gate  of  Clonmell  "  (Records  of  the  Tipperary  Palatinate  P.R.O.)  Many  years  ago  when 
the  houses  lying  between  SS.  Peter  and  Paul's  Church  and  Gladstone  St.  were  being  erected,  numerous 
evidences  of  the  assault  were  obtained.  The  late  John  Dowsley  M.D.  of  Mary  St.  long  kept  a  small 
museum  of  bullets,  fragments  of  matchlocks,  helmets,  breastplates,  buckles  and  the  like.  The  latest 
souvenir  was  a  portion  of  a  cannon  ball,  about  one-third.  It  weighed  14  lbs.  and  was  foimd  when 
laying  a  waterpipe  into  Dwyer's  premises  [Clonmel  Chronicle^  16th  Jan.,  1895). 


Oh  AFTER  VI. 


CROMWELLIAN  CLONMEL. 

ON  the  surrender  of  the  town,  Cromwell  at  once  left  for  England,  and 
Colonel  Jerome  Sankey  was  made  governor  of  Tipperary  with  head 
quarters  in  Clonmel.  As  Sankey  was  a  characteristic  product  of 
the  period,  his  career  deserves  notice.  He  was  now  29  years  of 
age,  a  native  of  Shropshire,  and  educated  at  Cambridge.  He  graduated 
doctor  of  laws  and  subsequently  took  orders  in  the  Church  of  England. 
Whether  his  experience  policing  the  University  as  proctor  or  (as  evil  tongues 
suggested)  his  narrow  curate's  stipend  of  £8  a-year  prompted  him,  he  threw 
off  the  clerical  gown  and  took  a  commission  in  the  Chester  horse.  Being 
known  to  some  members  of  the  Parliamentary  Committee  for  the  Affairs  of 
Ireland,  he  became  in  rapid  succession  major  and  colonel  of  that  regiment 
which  accompanied  Cromwell  to  Ireland.  His  ecclesiastical  training  now 
stood  him  in  good  stead,  for  the  whole  army  of  the  saints  did  not  contain 
(except  Major  Tomlinson)  a  more  acceptable  preacher.  As  a  zealous 
anabaptist  he  constantly  divided  the  Word  and  had  "  great  bickerings  with 
the  devil."    On  occasion  even,  he  undertook  to  exorcise  evil  spirits  (ao). 

It  is  true  his  enemies  accused  him  of  buying  land  debentures  fronv  his 
own  soldiers  for  a  few  shillings ;  of  cheating  Captain  Godfrey  and  others 
out  of  Lismalin  Park  while  acting  as  their  trustee.  It  was  noted  moreover 
(holy  man  that  he  was)  he  rejected  the  3,000  acres  which  the  Lord  had  by 


(00)  "  One  Mr.  VVadman  being  in  a  fit  of  melancholy  reflecting  on  the  death  of  his  wife.  Here- 
upon Sir  Jerome  would  needs  undertake  to  cast  out  the  Divel.  At  the  end  of  every  period  in  the 
course  of  his  Conjurations  hee  would  ask  Mr.  Wadman  how  he  did  ?  who  alwaies  answered  with  a 
sigh  'All  one.*  Inasmuch  as  at  length  Sir  Jerome  was  fain  to  say  that  Wadman's  Divel  was  of  that 
sort  which  required  Fasting  aswel  as  Prayer  to  expell  it.  Whereupon  the  Spectators  observing 
how  plentifully  Sir  Jerome  had  eaten  and  tipled  that  evening,  did  easily  conceive  the  cause  why  the 
Divel  did  not  stir." — Reflections  upon  Some  Persons  and  Things  in  Ireland,  by  Dr.  Petty,  p.  loi. 
London,  1660. 


History  of  Clonmel.  si 

lot  predestined  unto  him,  and  carnally-minded,  choose  land  of  greater 
fertility  (pp).  But  the  high  spiritual  conversation  of  the  governor,  and  his 
zeal  in  the  cause  of  the  Commonwealth  made  him  .proof  against  all  attacks. 

Naturally,  the  first  measures  of  Sankey  were  directed  against  the  Catholic 
clergy.  A  few  of  the  priests  had  fled  with  O'Neill,  the  rest  remained  in 
hiding  (qq).  The  parish  priest  of  Clonmel,  Thomas  White,  long  lay 
concealed.  At  length  when  the  storm  had  partly  spent  itself  he  ventured 
out.  Though  known  to  hundreds  his  secret  was  never  betrayed,  and  he 
passed  as  a  servant  in  the  house  of  James  Brennock  in  the  Irishtown  (rr). 
Others  were  not  so  fortunate;  Father  Miles  McGrath  was  seized  while 
ministering  to  a  sick  man ;  he  was  immediately  taken  and  executed  (ss). 
The  following  April,  165 1,  Father  O'Higgins  was  hanged  at  the  Main 
Guard  (it),  and  the  same  year  Father  William  O'Connor  was  beheaded.  The 
latter  with  fiendish  contempt  was  stripped  stark  naked  at  the  execution  (uu). 
"  I  meditated,"  said  Sankey,  "  upon  the  severe  justice  of  Grod  against  Saul, 
Jehosophat,  courting  those  they  should  have  trampled  upon  and  for  sparing 
where  the  Lord  commanded  destroying,  and  the  end  for  .which  I  herin 
ingaged  at  first  was  sealed  upon  my  heart "  (w). 

Though  Cromwell  left  Ireland  29th  May,  1650,  the  war  was  not  over  for 
more  than  three  years  after.  The  Irish  beaten  in  the  towns  took  to  the  bogs, 
the  woods  and  the  mountains.  Colonel  Edmond  O'Dwyer  under  the  King's 
commission,  long  carried  on  a  guerilla  war  in  Tipperary.  He  had  under  him 
portions  of  five  regiments — Col.  Walter  Butler's,  Donough  O'Dwyer's,  Stephen 
White's,  Edmond  O'Meagher's  and  his  own.  In  the  first  terror  of  the  invasion, 
the  people  fled  with  their  stocks  and  belongings,  leaving  the  country  desolate. 
The  Cromwellians,  therefore,  unable  to  levy  contributions,  and  fearing  that 
if  the  land  were  untilled,  there  would  be  famine  and  they  themselves  perish 
with  the  rest,  invited  the  farmers  to  return ;  certain  districts  around  the 
garrisons  were  "protected  quarters,"  within  which  they  might  dwell  and 
grow  their  crops  without  molestation  (ww).  Outside  these,  a  war  of 
extermination  was  carried  on  against  O'Dwyer's  troops  and  the  Irish  generally. 

iff)  Ibid,  pp.  34,  69,  90. 

(qq)  A  Dominican,  James  O'Reilly,  was  overtaken  in  the  pursuit  and  forthwith  despatched. — 
Hibernia  Dominicana,  p.  566. 

(rr)  **  James  Brenocke,  Yeoman  and  Catherine  his  wife  ....  Thomas  White  servant  " — 
Poll  Money  Returns,  Appendix,  infra, 

(ss)  Ibid. 

fit  J  Spicilegium  Ossoriense  I.,  378.     Hib.  Domin.  329,  etc 

(tut)  Sufferers  for  the  Catholic  Faith  in  Ireland.    Myles  O'Reilly,  p.  245.    London,  1868. 

(w)  Sankey  to  Cromwell,  Clonmel,  27th  March,  1652. — Severall  Proceedings  in  Parliament. 

(ww)  The  parts  within  the  mountains  and  the  Suir,  all  the  villages  upon  the  mountains  .  .  . 
the  barony  of  Comsy  .  .  .  the  parts  within  the  mountains  called  the  Galtyes  .  .  .  the  vale 
between  the  mountains  and  Clanwilliam  ...  all  the  houses  and  villages  in  the  Comrae  and  in 
the  glyns  were  all  exempted  from  protection. — Proclamation,  3rd  Feb.,  27th  Feb.,  etc.,  1650.  Council 
Books,  P.R.O. 

G 


82  History  OF  Clonmel. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  winter  we  spent  much  time  in  burning  and  d^troying  the 
non  protected  quarters  especially  about  the  great  bogg  of  Monely  [Eliogarty]  where 
Colonel  Axtel  and  Colonel  Abbot  met  me  according  to  appointment,  when  (through  the 
benefit  of  the  hard  frosts  which  are  unusual  in  this  land)  we  burned  and  consumed 
most  of  their  substance  and  store  in  three  or  four  days  time  (xx). 

Forced  by  hunger  the  Irish  sometimes  ventured  into  the  protected  quarters 
and  were  disposed  of  according  to  the  orders  of  the  "  general!  counsell  of 
warr  "  sitting  at  Kilkenny. 

"  Being  harboured  by  the  protected  people  after  publication  of  those  orders,  we  have 
put  them  in  execution,  and  hanged  fifty  and  odd  since*' (yy). 

Probably  the  Irish  account  is  not  much  wide  of  the  truth.  "  No  less  than 
five  hundred  poor  labourers  and  women  were  hanged  at  Clonmel  and  other 
garrisons  in  this  county,  guilty  of  no  other  crime  but  being  found  within  the 
imaginary  lines  drawn  by  the  governors  of  the  several  garrisons 'Y««A 
The  general  character  of  the  warfare  carried  on  by  Sankey  may  be  understood 
from  a  few  instances. 

A  soldier  bemg  killed  by  some  of  the  Irish  army  Colonel  Jeremy  Sankey  summoned 
all  the  inhabitants  of  the  parish  wherein  he  was  killed  (being  under  his  protection)  to 
come  to  Fethered  where  he  put  them  to  the  dice  and  hanged  five  of  them.  One 
Lieutenant  McGrath  of  his  Majesty's  army,  being  taken  prisoner  by  Capt.  John  Godfrey 
was  five  days  after  hanged  in  the  town  of  Fethered  by  Colonel  Sankey  notwithstanding 
the  said  Godfrey's  promise  to  have  given  him  quarter  (a). 

And  Sankey's  subalterns  in  the  several  garrisons  were  alike  active  in  the 
work  of  massacre.  Maurice  English  the  representative  of  an  Anglo-Norman 
family  settled  in  Rochestown  for  centuries,  was  dragged  out  of  his  castle  by 
Captain  Godfrey  and  hanged  in  Cahir  (bj.  Philip  Purcel  kinsman  of  the 
baron  of  Loughmoe,  found  within  protected  quarters  near  Thurles,  was  killed 
by  Major  Bolton.  David  Walsh  whose  ancestors  since  the  first  conquest 
held  Powerstown,  was  mercilessly  slaughtered  by  Major  Morgan  on  the  road 
to  Carrick,  Similarly  with  others.  No  wonder  if  traditions  of  hanging  and 
murder  cling  round  every  ruin  in  the  county,  and  the  "  Curse  of  Cromwell "  is 
still  on  the  lips  of  the  peasant  (c). 

Nor  could  it  be  said  that  the  Cromwellians  were  merely  retaliating  on  an 
enemy  faithless  and  truculent.  During  two  years  Sankey  had  lost  only  one 
officer  and  five  men, while  he  reported  that  O'Dwyer  was  "exact  and  punctual! 
in  the  performance  of  his  word  in  al!  ingagements."   In  April,  165 1,  the  Irish 

fxx)  Sankey  to  Cromwell,  27th  March,  1652. 

(yyj  Ibid. 

(zzj  "  A  collection  of  some  of  the  Massacres  and  Murthers  Committed  on  the  Irish  since  the  23rd 
of  Octot>er  1641,  London  1662. 
(a)  Ibid. 

(bJ  Godfrey's  tomb  may  still  be  seen  within  the  ruined  church  of  Knockgraffon. 
(c)  Ibid. 


History  OF  Clonmel.  83 

commander  captured  two  troops  and  a  company,  with  Captains  Cuffe,  Godfrey 
and  others  (d).  He  at  once  released  them  on  equal  terms ;  it  were  better  he 
had  kept  them  as  hostages  for  the  good  conduct  of  the  saints. 

But  the  greatest  difficulty  of  the  pious  governor,  was  the  making  peace 
with  O'Dwyer.  "  Truly  this  business  from  their  first  offer  hath  been  more 
formidable  and  distracting  to  me  than  any  undertaking  that  ever  yet  befell 
me."  For  he  feared  lest  sparing  the  lives  of  the  Irish  was  an  act  of  infidelity 
to  the  Lord  and  a  snare  of  the  evil  one.  Then  he  recalled  the  good  works  of 
O'Dwyer  "  and  having  this  principle  that  rewards  and  punishments  are  for 
good  and  evill  works,  whatever  the  workers  are,  and  this  hath  its  foundation 
upon  a  scripture  rule  Mat.  6,"  he  resolved  in  favour  of  the  treaty.  And 
he  acted  with  the  safer  conscience  for  "the  treaty  should  extend  to  no 
condition  for  persons  guilty  of  murther ;  no  mention  of  any  toleration  for 
religion  or  priests  and  no  capitulation  for  reall  estates  "  (e).  Accordingly  on 
the  23rd  March,  1652,  at  Cahir  Castle  articles  were  signed  by  Colonels 
Edmond  O'Dwyer,  Donough  O'Dwyer  and  Walter  Butler  on  the  one  part,  and 
Colonels  Jerome  Sankey,  Solomon  Richards  and  Adjutant  Allen  on  the  other, 
bringing  the  war  to  an  end. 

Yet  not  the  end.  For  on  the  following  8th  November,  a  high  commission 
was  opened  in  Clonmel  before  Judges  Donnelan  and  Cooke  and  Commissary 
general  Reynolds,  to  try  for  murder  those  who  in  1641  on  the  first  outbreak 
.  had  slain  any  English.  While  the  great  mass  of  evidence  showed  that  the 
English  and  Protestants  had  been  sheltered  by  Lady  Thurles,  John  Cantwell 
of  Ballymakeedy,  Sir  Richard  Everard,  Thonias  Tobin  of  Clorine,  Geoffry 
Mockler  of  Mocklerstown,  James  Sail  of  Meldrum  and  others,  there  was 
proof  that  several  non-belligerents,  including  some  women,  were  killed  at 
Golden,  Cashel  and  Silvermines.  If  it  were  ascertained  that  any  tenantry 
or  followers  of  a  particular  gentleman  were  present  on  these  occasions,  he 
himself  was  held  by  the  court  parficeps  criminis  and  condemned  accordingly. 
In  this  way  Pierce  Butler  of  Shanballyduff,  and  his  eldest  son  Thomas, 
James  Butler  of  Boytonrath,  Thomas  Kent  of  Lough  Kent,  and  James  Butler 
of  Ruscoe,  were  hanged  for  the  attack  on  Golden  Castle  at  which  not  one  of 
them  was  present  Similarly  Colonel  Teige  O'Meagher,  Colonel  Donough 
O'Dwyer,  Theobald  Butler,  Hugh  Ryan,  Ullick  Burke  of  Lismacue,  Bryan 
Kearney  of  Ballybeg,  James  Burke  of  Scartfield,  and  several  others  were 
hanged  for  the  murders   at  the   Silvermines  and  Cashel  (f).    The  more 


(d)  Sankey  to  Cromwell  sufray  also  Borlace  p. 

(e)  Ibid. 

(f)  Memorialls  of  ye  Warr  begun  in  164 1  wrote  by  Mr.  Kearney  in  the  Co.  of  Tipperary,  Feby. 
1657.    Carte  Papers,  Bodleian,  \oU\x\\. 


84  History  of  Clonmel. 

dangerous  of  the  Tipperary  gentry  being  thus  disposed  of,  it  remained  only 
to  deal  with  their  disbanded  soldiers.  These,  trained  in  the  use  of  arms  and 
seasoned  in  guerilla  warfare,  might  subsequently  disturb  the  Cromwellian 
settlement,  if  not  frustrate  it  altogether.  Hence  the  Commissioners  of 
Parliament  early  determined  to  send  as  many  as  possible  into  foreign  service. 
In  the  summer  of  1651,  a  party  of  IIO  taken  by  Sankey  was  transported  to 
Spain.  These  were  followed  by  several  others,  and  in  July,  1654,  3,500  under 
O'Dwyer  himself  went  to  serve  the  Prince  de  Cond6. 

Now  that  the  leaders  were  executed  or  banished  and  the  "  swordsmen  " 
transported  beyond  seas,  the  people  at  large  were  to  hear  their  fate,  and  in 
particular,  the  citizens  of  Clonmel  were  to  learn  the  Cromwellian  interpretation 
of  the  articles  of  surrender :  "  Ye  inhabitauntes  of  ye  said  town  shall  have  ye 
same  rights  libertye  and  proteccion  as  other  subjects  under  ye  authoritie  of  ye 
Parliament  of  England  have  or  ought  to  have  and  inioye  within  ye  dominion 
of  Ireland."  On  the  26th  September,  1653,  the  estates,  farms  and  houses  of  the 
people  of  Ireland  were  declared  by  Parliament  to  belong  to  the  Adventurers 
and  the  Army  of  England.  Connaught  was  reserved  for  the  Irish,  and  thither 
they  with  their  wives  and  families  must  remove  before  the  first  of  May 
following.  If  found  on  this  side  of  the  Shannon  they  were  to  be  reputed  spies 
and  enemies,  and  to  suffer  death.  Proclamation  of  this  was  forthwith  made  in 
the  several  precincts  or  military  districts  throughout  the  kingdom.  What 
must  have  been  the  feelings  of  the  old  burghers  of  Clonmel — Whites,  Brays, 
Barrons,  Brennocks,  all  of  o\ji  English  lineage,  when  summoned  to  the 
market  place  by  "  beate  of  drumm  "  they  heard  the  sentence  of  their  doom. 
Everyone  who  had  been  mustered  on  the  Irish  side ;  everyone  who  had  kept 
watch  and  ward — that  is  to  say  almost  every  adult  male — fell  under  the  ban. 
The  only  exceptions  made  were  boys  under  fourteen  and  girls  under  twelve 
in  the  service  of  Protestants.  Preparations  for  the  clearing  of  the  town  were 
at  once  made.  And  first,  in  accordance  with  instructions  issued  by  the 
Commissioners  of  Ireland  on  9th  November,  Colonel  Jerome  Sankey  doubtless 
lifted  up  prayers  with  strong  crying  and  tears  to  Him  to  whom  nothing  is 
hard,  that  he  might  not  be  wanting  to  His  servants.  After  this  the  great 
work  of  driving  forth  the  Amorrhites  and  bringing  in  the  people  of  God 
proceeded  apace.  Early  in  December  the  Commissioners  of  Transplantation — 
Colonels  Charles  Blount,  Solomon  Richards,  Henry  Paris  and  Francis 
Vaughan — opened  sessions  in  Clonmel.  Heads  of  families  appeared  before 
them,  and  having  stated  their  abode,  age,  stature,  colour  of  hair  and  eyes, 
and  the  like  particulars  of  their  family  and  dependents  together  with  the 
number  and  description  of  their  cattle  and  other  substance,  certificates  were 
thereupon  issued.    With  these  they  proceeded  before  30th  January,  1654,  to 


History  of  Clonmel.  85 

the  Connaught  Commissioners  sitting  at  Loughrea,  who  assigned  temporary 
allotments.  On  them  the  transplanted  persons  erected  cabins  so  that  all 
might  be  in  readiness  for  their  wives  and  families  who  were  to  arrive  not 
later  than  the  first  of  May.  The  following  are  a  few  examples  of  the 
Clonmel  certificates : — 

(No.  27)    By  the  Commissioners  of  the  Revenue  within  the  Precinct  of  Clonmell. 

Wee  the  said  Commissioners  doe  hereby  certifye  that  Uliicke  Burke  of  Monecannane 
in  the  countye  of  Tipperary,  hath  ye  l8th  day  of  January  1653U]  in  pursuance  of  a 
Declaration  of  the  Parliament  of  England  for  the  affairs  of  Ireland  bearinge  date  the 
14th  day  of  October  1653,  delivered  vnto  us  in  writing  a  particular  containing  therein 
the  names  of  himselfe  and  of  such  other  persons  as  are  to  remove  with  him  with  the 
quantities  and  qualities  of  their  respective  stockes  and  tilladge,  the  contents  whereof 
are  as  followeth  (viz.) 

1.  Uliicke  Burke  of  Monecannane  freeholder,  adged  sixty  nine  yeares,  middle 
stature  balde  pated,  his  substance  two  cows,  two  garrons,  one  quarter  part  acker  of 
Winter  corne. 

2.  Mary  Burke  his  wife  adged  fortie  eight  yeares,  tall  stature,  brownish  hare. 

3.  John  Burke  his  son,  adged  sixteen  years,  low  stature,  black  hare. 

4.  Nell  Burke  his  daughter,  adged  eighteen  yeares,  middle  stature,  brownish  hare. 

5.  Margaret  Burke  his  daughter,  adged  seventeen  yeares,  low  stature,  brownish 
hare. 

6.  William  Rian  his  servant,  adged  twenty  seaven  yeares,  bald  pate. 

The  substance  whereof  we  believe  to  be  true.  In  witness  whoeof  we  have  hereunto 
sett  our  hands  and  seales  the  day  and  yeare  afforesaid 

FFRANCIS  VAUGHAN,  CHARLES  BLOUNT,  SOLOMON  RICHARDS. 

But  if  the  bald-pated  man  of  sixty-nine  was  not  spared,  neither  was  the 
young  widow  with  her  flaxen-haired  children. 

(No.  5)    By  the  Commissioners  etc. 

We  the  said  Commissioners (videlicet). 

1.  Mary  Nugent  the  Relict  of  Richard  Nugent  of  Cloncoskraein  adged  twentie 
seaven,  blacke,  lowe. 

2.  John  Nugent  of  the  same  sonn  and  heire  to  the  said  Richard  adged  nine  yeares, 
flaxen  haired,  freeholder. 

3.  Mary  Nugent  daughter  of  the  said  Richard  adged  seaven  yeares,  white  hare, 
lowe. 

4.  Elinor  Nugent  daughter  to  the  said  Richard  adged  five  yeares,  flaxen  hare,  lowe. 
The  substance 25  January  1653  [4]    (g). 

And  in  the  great  exodus,  we  note  the  passing  of  the  historic  families  of 
the  town. 


fg)  This  John  Nugent  who  a  boy  of  nine  was  transplanted  to  Connaught,  was  ancestor  of  the 
Nugent-Humbles  of  Cloncoskran,  Co.  Waterford.  On  9th  May,  1656,  Mary  Nugent  as  mother  and 
guardian  of  John,  obtained  a  Decree  in  the  Court  of  Athlone  for  365  acres.  They  returned,  however, 
at  the  Restoration  and  unlike  most  of  the  old  Irish  landowners,  succeeded  in  having  their  case  heard 
in  the  Court  of  Claims.  On  Thursday,  13th  August,  1663,  John  Nugent  was  decreed  an  "Innocent 
Papist,"  and  as  such  restored  to  674a.  3r.  24p.  part  of  the  estate  of  his  father  Richard.  The  pedigree 
of  the  family  as  found  in  Lodge's  Peerage  I.,  p.  221,  is  at  this  period  hopelessly  incorrect. 


86  History  of  Clonmel. 

(No.  129)    By  the  Commissioners  of  Revenue  fbr  the  Precinct  of  Clonmell. 

Wee  the  said  Commissioners  doe  hereby  certifie  that  Thomas  White  fitz  Richard 
of  Clonmell  aiforesaide,  in  the  county  of  Tipperary,  freeholder,  hath  upon  the  seaven  and 
twentieth  day  of  January  l653[4]  in  pursuance  of  a  Declaration  of  the  Commissioners 
of  the  Parliament  of  the  Commonwealth  of  England  for  the  affairs  of  Ireland  bearing 
date  the  14  day  of  October  1653  delivered  unto  us  in  writing  a  particular  containing 
therein  the  names  of  himself  and  of  such  other  persons  as  are  to  remove  with  him,  with 
the  quantitie  and  qualitie  of  their  respective  stockes  and  tillage,  the  contents  whereof 
are  as  foUoweth,  seaven  persons  one  cowe,  one  yearlinge  two  swine.  The  substance 
whereof  we  conceive  to  be  true.  In  witness  whereof  we  have  hereunto  sett  our  hands 
and  seals  the  seaven  and  twentie  day  of  January  1653. 

Sol.  Richards    Chs.  Blount    Hen.  Paris. 

(No.  10)    By  the  Commissioners    .... 

Margaret  Bray  alias  Corr  ....  forty  eight  persons,  twenty  ackres  summer 
come,  six  cowes  one  yearling,  eleven  garrons,  nine  sheep  six  goates,  thirty  swine. 

—30  January  16S3U]. 

(No.  138)  ....  Patrick  Donnoghow  of  Clonmell  ....  twelve  persons, 
two  cowes,  two  swine    ....     19  December  1653. 

(No.  139)  ....  James  Brenocke  of  Clonmell  ....  one  hundred  and 
thirtie  persons,  iforty  four  ackres  of  sommer  corne,  iforty  four  cowes,  one  yearlinge 
iforty  and  one  garrons  one  hundred  and  twentie  sheep 

....    31  January  I653U]- 
(No.  109)    ....    John  (Dorr  of  Toberhaney  [Tubberaheena]    ....    one 
hundred  and  forty  four  persons,  eighty  six  acres  sommer  corne,  forty  eight  cowes, 
eleven  yearlings,  forty  eight  garrons,  three  hundred  and  forty  eight  sheep,  sixteen 
goates,  fifteen  swine. 

....    30  January,  1653(4]. 

Petitions  from  the  wretched  people  went  forth  to  the  Council  in  Dublin 
to  be  dispensed  from  transplanting.  Some  pleaded  their  age ;  many  were 
infirm  ;  some  had  never  borne  arms  against  the  Parliament  of  England  ;  some 
had  shown,  in  fact,  a  constant  good  affection  towards  it.  Several  already 
convinced  of  the  errors  of  Popery,  were  earnestly  seeking  (Jod.  John  Walsh 
of  Lisronagh  (upon  the  certificate  of  Colonel  Richards)  had  performed  many 
good  and  acceptable  services  to  the  Commonwealth,  and  was  on  the  17th 
March  dispensed  from  transplanting  until  further  notice.  George  Mathew 
of  Rehill  (uncle  and  guardian  of  Lord  Cahir),  upon  the  certificate  of  Colonel 
Jerome  Sankey,  having  lived  civilly,  and  given  intelligence  on  divers 
occasions  to  the  Cromwellian  soldiers,  was  also  dispensed.  The  petitions  of 
John  Bray  and  Thomas  White  were  referred  to  the  Athlone  Commissioners. 
James  Kearney  of  Fethard,  was  on  5th  May  dispensed  for  twelve  months 
on  proof  he  had  not  appeared  in  arms  against  the  Commonwealth  in  the  first 
year  of  the  war.  Walter  Butler  of  Cloughbreedy,  had  given  evidence 
against  James  Butler  of  Roosca,  of  the  attack  on  Golden  in  1641.  Wherefore 
(he  said)  he  could  not  without  hazard  of  his  life  live  amongst  the  said  James' 
kindred  in  Connaught.  There  was  so  great  resort  of  the  Irish  to  divine 
worship  in  the  liberties  of  Clonmel  (so  reported  Major  Stanley)  that  Mr. 


History  of  Clonmel.  87 

Gelatius  Hickey  who  was  well  qualified  to  instruct  them  in  Protestant 
principles  had  his  salary  doubled  (h).  But  this  awful  period  will,  perhaps, 
be  best  realized  from  an  individual  case. 

The  Whites  had  been  for  centuries  rulers  of  Clonmel.  Proud  of  their 
old  English  blood,  they  from  time  to  time  victualled  the  royal  forces  operating 
against  the  Irish,  and  entertained  the  representatives  of  English  authority 
who  visited  the  town.  At  this  period  the  head  of  the  senior  branch  was 
Nicholas  White.  His  father  Henry  had  been  member  for  the  borough  in 
the  parliament  of  1634,  ^^^  ^^^  grandfather  Nicholas  in  that  of  161 3. 
Educated  abroad,  on  the  death  of  his  father  in  1642  he  came  into  the 
inheritance  of  a  considerable  portion  of  the  town  (i).  In  1641  when  the  war 
broke  out  he  had  not  returned,  and  throughout  all  the  troubles  maintained  a 
strict  neutrality — "  lived  indifferentlie,"  as  was  stated.  After  the  siege  of 
Clonmel  Ireton  took  compassion  on  him.  "  Nicholas  White  sonne  of  Henry 
White  late  of  Clonmell  Esqre.  deed.,  whom  being  in  his  Minority,  and  residing 
in  France  in  the  beginning  of  the  late  rebellion,  the  late  Lord  Deputy  Ireton 
ordered  30  li  per  annum  to  be  allowed  out  of  his  father's  estate  "  (j).  But  as 
he  had  lived  in  the  Irish  quarters  he  was  unable  to  prove  "  constant  good 
affection  "  to  the  Parliament  which  was  at  war  with  his  King  and  proscribed 
his  religion.  So  on  the  19th  December,  1653,  he  appeared  before  the 
Cromwellian  commissioners. 

(No.  130)    By  the  Commissioners  of  Revenue  for  the  Precinct  of  Clonmell. 

We  the  said  Commissioners  doe  hereby  certify  that  Nicholas  White  of  Clonmell 
aforesd.  in  the  county  of  Tipperary  esquier,  hath  upon  the  nineteenth  day  of  December 
1653  in  pursuance  of  a  Declaration  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  Commonwealth  of 
England  for  the  Affairs  of  Ireland  bearinge  date  the  fourteenth  day  of  October  1653 
delivered  unto  us  in  writing  a  particular  containing  therein  the  names  of  himself  and 
of  such  other  persons  as  are  to  remove  with  him,  with  the  quantitie  and  qualitie  of  their 
respective  stockes  and  tillage,  the  contents  whereof  are  as  followeth,  thirty  one  persons 
twenty  nine  ackres  of  winter  come,  seventeen  cowes,  three  yearlings,  twenty  garrons. 
The  substance  whereof  we  conceive  to  be  true.  In  witness  whereof  we  have  herewith 
sett  our  hands  and  Seales  the  nineteenth  day  of  December  1653. 

Sol.  Richards    Chas.  Blount    Hen.  Paris. 

A  few  days  after  Christmas  Nicholas  White  on  his  way  to  Connaught 
took  a  last  look  from  the  heights  of  Ardgeeha,  at  the  town  and  fields, 
the  home  of  his  fathers  over  which  he  roamed  as  boy  and  ruled  as  man. 
Having  got  his  allotment  de  bene  esse  or  temporary  assignment,  from  the 

(h)  Commonwealth  Books,  P.R.O.,  Dublin  A.,  85,  86,  91,  &c.,  &c. 

(i)  John  Walsh,  Ormond's  agent,  estimated  it  at  >f300  a  year.  At  present  about  ten  times  that 
sum.    Carte  Papers,  xliv.  40. 

(j)  Return  of  the  Revenue  of  Clonmel  31st  October,  1653-4,  P.  R.O.  The  Commissioners  at 
Dublin  ordered  a  pension  of  £%  a  year  to  "  Beale  Leynagh  an  Orphant  of  William  Leynagh  late  of 
Clonmell  now  vnder  the  tution  of  Colonel  Blount."     Ibid. 


88  History  of  Clonmel. 

Commissioners  at  Loughrea  and  built  his  cabin,  he  there  waited  until  the 
25th  March,  1656,  when  by  decree  of  the  Court  at  Athlone  he  was  granted 
1,004  acres  amid  the  desolate  rocks  of  West  Clare.  Here  he  pined  during 
the  four  following  years,  until  on  the  news  of  the  King's  restoration  he  made 
his  way  back  to  Tipperary.  As  the.  Cromwellians  in  possession  would  not 
admit  him  into  the  town,  and  there  was  a  proclamation  ordering  the  escaped 
Irish  back  to  Connaught,  he  took  a  small  farm  on  the  slope  of  Slievenamon 
whence  he  might  behold  his  old  home.  From  there  he  addressed  several 
petitions  to  the  Duke  of  Ormond  to  be  restored.  The*  only  reply  he  received 
was  official  sympathy,  and  so  step  by  step  he  sank  into  pauperism.  The 
following  is  the  last  we  learn  of  this  broken  gentleman  of  Clonmel : — 

To  his  Grace  the  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland.  The  humble  Petition  of  Nicholas 
White  Esqr. 

Humbly  sheweth.  That  your  Grace  on  your  petitioners  severall  former  addresses 
was  pleased  to  declare  a  tendemes  of  your  petitioners  condition  in  regaid  that  your 
petitioners  Estate  (formerly  belonginge  vnto  him)  in  the  towne  of  Clonmell  and  libertie 
thereof  is  conferred  vpon  your  Grace,  and  your  petitioner  having  no  place  to  Hue  in  was 
forced  to  take  the  ferme  of  Garrangibbon  att  a  greate  Rent  which  your  petitioner  by 
the  fale  of  stocke  and  scarcetie  of  monies  is  noe  way  able  to  pay  (without  takeing  your 
petitioners  five  melsh  Cowes  being  the  onely  reliefe  of  himselfe  and  his  famelie).  Your 
grace  may  be  therefore  pleased  out  of  your  greate  pyetie  and  pittie  to  give  orders  to 
your  Receiver  to  Remitt  four  and  fortie  pound  Rent  due  for  this  last  yeare  and  a  halfe 
and  this  present  year  to  your  Grace  out  of  the  said  ferme.  Your  petitioner  being 
destitute  of  all  meanes  to  pay  the  same  or  any  way  to  subsist. 

And  your  petitioner  will  ever  pray  etc  (k) 

There  is  no  reference  from  Ormond  on  the  petition ;  it  is  probable  that 
the  "  five  melch  Cowes  "  the  only  relief  of  himself  and  his  family  were  taken 
from  him  also. 

Through  the  winter  of  1653-4  the  outcast  landowners  and  towns  folk 
with  their  tenants  and  dependents,  their  stock  and  household  goods  passed 
in  endless  cavalcade  westwards.  In  vain  did  they  pray  that  their  flight 
might  not  be  in  winter  and  on  the  Sabbath.  Yet  even  by  the  following  May 
all  were  not  '  removed.' 

Upon  consideration  had  of  the  petition  of  such  of  the  Inhabitauntes  of  the  County 
of  Tipperary  as  are  comprehended  within  the  Act  of  Transplantation,  and  of  the  Report 
of  the  Standing  Committee  of  Officers  thereupon.  It  is  ordered  that  the  Officer 
commandinge  in  cheife  at  Clonmell  be  and  hee  is  hereby  impowered  to  graunt  Lycense 
to  such  of  the  Petitioners  as  hee  shall  think  fitt,  for  the  space  of  six  weeks  from  the 
date  hereof  while  they  are  building  their  cabbins  in  (Donnought  to  passe  to  and  from 
between  Connought  and  Clare  and  the  place  where  they  nowe  respectively  reside. 
Provided  they  act  nothing  to  the  preiudice  of  the  Commonwealth.  And  it  is  further 
ordered  that  their  wives  and  families,  such  as  have  not  been  engaged  against  the 
Parliament  interest,  be  dispensed  with  from  their  transplantation  for  the  space  of  sixe 
weeks  aforesaid  and  hereof  all  whom  it  may  concern  are  desired  to  take  notice.  Dublin 
I  May  1654  Thomas  Herbert  Secretary  (I), 

(k)  Carte  Papers,  Bodleian  Ix.  No.  280.    No  date  but  among  the  papers  for  1663. 
(I)  A  85,  p.  314,  PRO.  Dublin.    . 


History  of  Clonmel.  89 

Towards  the  beginning  of  July  the  town  had  been  so  cleared  of  inhabitants 
that  it  was  foreseen  there  would  be  want  of  artizans  and  labourers  before 
the  new  settlers  could  arrive  from  England.  Representations  were  accordingly 
made  to  the  Council  in  Dublin  by  the  Cromwellian  garrison. 

Artificers  etc.  at   ^  Upon  consideracon  had  of  the  Report  of  Coll  Sankey,  Coll  Abbot  and 
Clonmell  >  Coll  Richards,  concerninge  a  Dispensation  to  be  graunted  to  the  forty 

)  three  persons  in  the  paper  hereunto  annexed  menconed  (being 
artificers  and  workmen)  to  stay  for  some  certaine  time  within  the  Towne  of 
Clonmell.  It  is  ordered  that  the  Commaunder  in  cheife  for  the  time  being 
and  Commissioners  of  Revenue  at  Clonmell,  doe  dispense  and  give  Lycense  to 
the  forty  and  three  persons  aforesaid  or  to  as  many  of  them  as  they  shall  thinke  fitt,  to 
stay  within  the  said  garrison  of  Clonmell  for  such  time  as  they  shall  judge  convenient 
Provided  the  whole  time  granted  to  the  said  persons  doe  not  exceed  the  twentie  fifth 
day  of  March  next.    And  hereof  all  whom  it  may  concern  are  to  take  notice. 

Dated  at  Dublin  8  July  1654  fm). 

For  some  there  was  a  more  terrible  fate  than  transplantation.  In  January 
1654,  Colonel  Jerome  Sankey,  governor  (among  others),  had  orders  to  arrest 
and  deliver  to  Captain  Thomas  Morgan,  Dudley  North  and  John  Johnson, 
English  merchants,  all  such  Irish  men  and  women  within  the  precinct  of 
Clonmel  as  should  not  prove  they  had  a  settled  means  of  livelihood,  all  children 
in  hospitals  or  almshouses,  all  prisoners,  the  said  persons  to  be  conveyed 
under  military  escort  to  the  nearest  ports  thence  to  be  shipped  for  Barbado^s. 
To  such  dire  purpose  had  these  Puritans  read  their  Bibles  (one  copy  of  which 
was  served  out  to  each  troop)  "If  you  will  not  kill  the  inhabitants  of  the  land 
they  that  remain  shall  be  unto  you  as  nails  in  your  eyes  and  spears  in  your 
sides  and  they  shall  be  your  adversaries  in  the  land  of  your  habitation" 
(Numbers  xxxiii.  55). 

The  town  now  presented  a  scene  of  awful  desolation.  The  ten  years' 
war,  the  siege  and  bombardment,  the  plague  of  1650,  the  suspense  of  the 
four  following  years  and  the  final  clearances,  left  it  almost  in  ruins.  Even 
in  1666,  twelve  years  subsequent,  the  Ormond  patent  shows  in  the  principal 
streets  "  waste  tenements  "  "  a  house  slated  ruinous  "  "  a  house  and  back  side 
waste  "  "  a  decayed  castle."  To  this  place  which  had  become  in  great  part 
the  habitation  of  the  bat  and  the  owl  it  was  now  sought  to  attract  English 
settlers.  By  the  Act  of  26th  September,  1653,  adventurers  and  soldiers  were 
enabled  to  purchase  a  moiety  of  the  houses  within  the  town  at  the  rate  of  six 
years  of  their  letting  value,  provided  such  purchase  was  effected  before  the 
24th  June,  1655.  The  other  moiety  was  reserved  to  satisfy  the  arrears  of  the 
soldiers  of  Inchiquin  and  others  who  had  fought  for  the  Parliament  in  Ireland 
previous  to  the  5th  June,  1649.    Further,  the  Commissioners  for  the  Affairs  of 

(m)  A.  85,  p.  479. 


90  History  of  Clonmel. 

Ireland  were  to  grant  vacant  places  and  waste  ground  within  the  town  to 
persons  professing  the  Protestant  religion  on  condition  that  they  erected 
good  and  substantial  houses  thereon  within  three  years  after  the  date  of  such 
grant  (n).  But  in  vain  were  these  inducements  held  out ;  soldiers  would  not 
turn  their  swords  into  ploughshares  and  the  tradespeople  of  Bristol  and 
Exeter  had  heard  evil  reports  of  Teig  and  Phelim.  Appeals  were  made  in 
England.  The  Popish  recusants,  it  was  said,  were  now  cleared  out  of  the  towns 
and  not  allowed  within  a  distance  of  two  miles  (o).  But  in  vain  ;  only  a  few 
came.  The  original  scheme  therefore  of  setting  down  an  entirely  new 
population  of  English  had  to  be  abandoned. 

Alone  perhaps  in  the  case  of  Clonmel,  we  are  able  to  judge  how  far  the 
"Cromwellian  Settlement"  was  carried  out  in  the  towns  of  Ireland.  The 
poll  money  returns  for  l66o,  still  existing,  afford  a  detailed  picture  of  the 
place  in  that  year,  the  last  of  the  Commonwealth.  First,  as  to  population ; 
the  number  of  adult  persons  resident  within  the  walls  or  town  proper  amounted 
to  some  394.  Outside  were  476  of  whom  204  were  in  Irishtown,  1 10  in  the 
north  suburbs,  86  in  the  east,  and  76  beyond  the  bridge.  As  the  total  870 
included  about  300  married  women  and  widows  the  gross  population  would 
be  approximately  lOOO.  If  all  these  were  God  fearing,  and  proof  against  the 
corruption  which  the  Lord  had  so  eminently  witnessed  against  in  their 
predecessors  (as  General  Fleetwood  pointed  out)  the  Cromwellian  conception 
of  a  city  of  God  might  be  ultimately  realized.  But  judging  from  the  names 
the  new  settlers  did  not  constitute  quite  a  fifth  of  the  whole.  The  Irish  were 
still  in  an  overwhelming  majority  though  reduced  to  utter  impotence,  social 
and  municipal.  All  merchants,  shopkeepers  and  artizans  of  the  birth  of 
Ireland,  such  as  had  escaped  Connaught  or  the  Barbadoes,  were  banished 
outside  the  walls.  There  were  two  exceptions,  due  probably  to  the  character 
of  their  trade,  one  Edward  Comerford  of  Bridge  Street,  who  imported  Spanish 
wines,  the  other  Walter  Brennock  an  apothecary  in  High  Street  (p).  Servants, 
domestics,  and  unskilled  labourers  in  the  employment  of  Protestants  were 
suffered  to  remain.  Outside,  the  population  was  exclusively  Irish,  some 
remnants  of  the  old  burgher  families,  Whites,  Wails  and  Barrons  being  still 
distinguishable  in  the  common  mass.  Further,  not  only  were  the  new 
settlers  small  in  number  but  fewer  still  belonged  to  the  mercantile  class. 
There  were  Commonwealth  officials,  disbanded  soldiers,  younger  sons  of 
good  families  and  mere  adventurers.  John  Booker,  the  first  name  on  the  list, 
had  been  a  drysalter  in  London,  and  joining  the  Parliament  army  eventually 


(n)  Scobell's  Acts  and  Ordinances,  C.  xii. 

(0)  Cromwellian  Settlementf  2  Edition  p.  285. 

(p)  He  lived  in  a  house  on  the  site  of  the  present  theatre. 


History  of  Clonmel.  9i 

obtained  command  of  a  regiment  which  in  1646  he  brought  over  to  Ireland 
to  aid  Inchiquin.  As  one  of  the  "49  officers"  (those  who  served  the 
Parliament  in  Ireland  before  5th  June,  1649)  he  was  allotted  in  payment  for 
his  services,  certain  houses  in  North  Lane,  the  former  property  of  Nicholas 
White.  Another,  Samuel  Foley,  the  younger  son  of  an  iron  founder  in 
Stourbridge,  who  held  the  rank  of  captain,  made  his  abode  in  the  old  home 
of  John  White  fitz  Bennett  in  Boate  Street.  Here  he  had  three  sons  born  to 
him,  the  eldest  of  whom,  Samuel,  became  Protestant  bishop  of  Down  and 
Connor.  A  third,  Charles  Blount,  raised  a  regiment  in  Gloucestershire  for 
service  under  Inchiquin.  When  on  the  beheading  of  the  King,  Inchiquin 
deserted  the  Parliament,  Blount  held  on,  and  in  1649  helped  to  betray  Youghal 
to  Cromwell.  Subsequently  he  was  Commissioner  of  Revenue  for  Clonmel, 
for  which  and  other  services  his  arrears  of  pay  amounted  in  1663  to  £2,200. 
At  his  death  in  High  Street  in  the  April  of  that  year  he  bequeathed  the 
whole  to  his  wife,  Valentine,  in  "confidence  that  she  would  be  a  tender  mother 
to  his  children  and  improve  the  estate  for  her  owne  and  their  advantage 
carefull  of  their  breeding."  But  more  notable  than  the  military  settlers  were 
the  small  body  of  active,  enterprising  traders  who  followed  in  their  wake. 
One,  Richard  Carleton,  from  Cambridge,  set  up  as  wine  merchant  in  High 
Street  whence  in  1676  he  retired  a  country  gentleman  at  DarlinghilL  His 
descendants  in  the  next  century  clambered  into  the  peerage  (q).  Richard 
Perry  (or  Perryman  as  he  was  sometimes  called)  Mayor's  sergeant  under  the 
Cromwellian  corporation,  subsequently  turned  to  trade  and  accumulating 
wealth  founded  the  well-known  county  family  (r),  Richard  Hamerton  who 
piu'chased  woods  and  exported  pipe  staves,  eventually  established  himself 
at  Ballyneale.  William  Vaughan  began  the  banking  business  which  his 
descendants,  the  Ryall)5,..carried  on  for  three  generations.  Richard  Kellett, 
another  successful  trader,  was  able  to  purchase  Cloghnacody  and  Jossestown 
in  1703  for  the  sum  of  £1,371.  By  far,  however,  the  most  noteworthy  of  the 
new  comers  was  Richard  Moore.  Originally  a  glover  in  Barnstaple,  he  took 
up  residence  in  Clonmel  in  1655.  Here  he  prospered  exceedingly,  mostly  in 
the  capacity  of  land  broker  and  general  property  agent  At  his  death,  at 
his  house  in  Lough  Street  in  1690,  he  was  possessed  of  estates  in  Kilworth 
(Cork),  Chancellorstown,  Garrinlea,  Hore  Abbey,  Barne  and  elsewhere.  His 
descendants  in  the  junior  line  still  flourish  in  the  neighbourhood ;  in  the 
senior  they  became  ennobled  as  Earls  of  Mountcashel.  The  part  which  they 
played  in  Clonmel  aflfairs  he  could  not  have  foreseen  in  the  wildest  dreams  of 


(q)  Baron  Carleton,  of  Anner,  created  1789. 

(r)  "  The  first  day  of  October  1660.  .  .  .  Henry  Waynewright  was  sworne  one  of  the 
Sergeants  at  Mace  for  this  Corporation  in  the  Place  of  Richard  Perry  who  desired  to  quitt  himself 
from  the  Employment" — Corporate  Minute  Book  quoted  in  Commons'  Journal. 


92  History  of  Clonmel. 

ambition.  But  among  the  more  obscure  settlers  who  arrived  then  or  shortly 
after  were  some  who  attained  a  prominence  only  little  less.  These  were  the 
Marshalls,  Gordons  and  Bagwells  (s). 

By  the  middle  of  1655  the  new  colony  had  made  such  progress  that  an 
inquiry  was  held  into  the  municipal  property  and  franchises,  preparatory  to 
re-establishing  the  corporation.  For  since  the  surrender  of  the  town  the 
charters  and  other  muniments  had  disappeared,  and  only  by  gathering 
together  a  number  of  the  old  inhabitants,  some  of  them  possibly  from 
Connaught,  could  evidence  be  obtained  (t).  The  original  report  signed  by 
the  members  of  the  court  of  inquiry  is  still  extant,  and  is  in  some  respects 
the  most  valuable  record  we  have  relating  to  the  town  (u).  The  charter  of 
James  L  which  was  referred  to  in  evidence,  was  not  adopted  as  the  basis 
of  the  new  corporation.  The  Act  of  Barebones'  Parliament  "  For  the 
Satisfaction  of  Adventurers,"  etc.,  enacted  that  "  the  town  of  Clonmel  shall 
have  equal  privileges  franchises  and  immunities  with  the  city  of  Bristol  in 
England  and  charters  granted  vnto  the  inhabitants  thereof  under  the  great 
seal  of  England  to  that  effect "  (v).  Though  no  such  charter  ever  appears 
to  have  passed  the  seal,  the  Cromwellian  inhabitants  in  1656  erected  them- 
selves into  a  corporation  and  proceeded  to  exercise  all  rights,  municipal  and 
parliamentary.  In  conjunction  with  Waterford  they  returned  Captain 
William  Halsey  as  their  representative  to  the  Commonwealth  parliaments  of 
1654-6-8.  Owing  to  the  smallness  of  their  number  they  admitted  to  the 
corporate  freedom  a  considerable  body  of  outsiders,  mostly  soldiers, 
utterly  unconnected  with  the  town  (w).  The  calamitous  effects  of  the 
precedent  thus  created,  were  seen  only  in  the  following  century. 

Having  "  come  to  possess  houses  they  had  not  built  and  vineyards  they 
had  not  planted,  they  might  not  forget  the  Lord  and  His  goodness  to  them 
in  the  day  of  their  distress  "  (x).  Accordingly  one  of  the  first  acts  of  the 
Cromwellians  was  to  bring  over  a  preacher  and  endow  him  with  a  liberal 
salary  (y).    This  was  Samuel  Ladyman,  a  graduate  of  Oxford,  who  took  up 

(s)  Particulars  gleailed  from  State  Papers,  Wills,  Pleadings  in  Palatine  Court,  etc. 

(t)  The  transplantation  of  Tipperary,  particularly  Eliogarty,  was  so  thorough,  that  Petty 's 
surveyors  were  unable  to  ascertain  the  townland  boundaries.  Some  persons  had  to  be  brought  back 
from  Connaught  to  point  them  out. — Crom.  Sett.,  p.  202. 

(u)  Quit  Rent  Office,  Dublin.    Printed  in  full  in  Appendix. 

(v)  26th  September,  1653.    Scobetl's  Acts  and  Ordinances  xii. 

(w)  Clonmel  ff,  January  11,  1658.  At  an  assembly  of  the  Maior  Bailiffs  and  ffree  Burgesses  the 
persons  whose  names  ensue  were  admitted  and  sworn  free  of  the  said  Corporation  viz.  : — Major 
Francis  Bolton,  Lieutenant  Colonel  William  Candler,  etc. 

(x)  Letter  of  Col.  William  Allen,  April  6th,  1654.    Thurloe  II.,  214. 

(y)  A  schoolmaster,  a  schoolmistress,  and  a  surgeon  also  formed  part  of  the  establishment. 
"  Mr.  Edward  Bainebrigge  Schoolemaster  of  Clonmell  40  li  per  annum,  Mrs.  Spencer  Schoolmss 
att  Clonmell  10  li  per  ann.,  Mr.  John  Gosling  Chirurgion  to  the  Hospitall  at  Clonmell  40  li  per 
aunum."    State  of  the  Revenue  for  the  Precinct  of  Clonmel  1653-4.     P.R.O.,  Dublin. 


History  of  Clonmel.  93 

residence  towards  the  end  of  1652.  Pure  religion,  free  from  all  carnal 
accretions,  was  to  be  practised,  and  so  the  church  of  St.  Mary's  was  to  be 
henceforward  styled  "  The  Public  Meeting  House,"  and  thither  every  Lord's 
day  (for  there  was  no  Sunday  now)  all  householders,  their  man  servants  and 
maid  servants  were  to  come  to  hear  the  Word  (z).  If  Ladyman  sowed  Colonel 
Sankey  appa^-ently  watered,  and  there  was  a  great  increase. 

Whereas  Mr.  Samuel  Ladyman  was  by  an  Order  of  the  i8th  October  1652  appointed 
to  preach  the  Word  at  Clonmell  and  at  such  other  places  thereabout  as  Coll.  Sankey 
and  the  Commissioners  of  Revenue  there  should  thinke  most  convenient.  It  is  upon 
the  petition  of  the  inhabitants  of  Clonmell  thought  fltt  and  ordered  That  the  said  Mr. 
Ladyman  doe  preach  the  Gospell  at  Clonmell  aforesaid  and  such  other  places  within 
that  precinct  where  he  shall  concieve  his  peines  therein  may  be  most  for  the  advance- 
ment of  the  same.  And  for  his  peines  and  care  therein  to  receive  the  former  allowance 
settled  upon  hjm  out  of  the  publique  Treasury  of  that  precinct.  Dublin  the  23  of 
febbruary  1653U]. 

Chas.  Fleetwood,  Miles  Corbett,  John  Jones  (aa). 

Soldiers,  however,  will  be  soldiers,  and  some  evil  reports  began  to  reach 
the  saints  in  Dublin. 

Information  has  been  made  that  Lieut  Peter  Flower  of  Capt.  James  Stopford's 
company  is  a  common  tippler  and  has  been  seen  often  in  drink  and  leads  a  scandalous 
life.  We  certify  that  during  the  three  years  he  has  been  quartered  in  Clonmel  we  have 
hot  known  him  to  live  under  any  such  scandal  but  have  known  him  to  be  a  person  of 
very  civil  deportment  and  a  constant  frequenter  of  the  public  worship  of  God. 

Js :  Booker  sheriff,  Richard  Lehunt,  Tho :  Batty,  Maior,  Robert  Lovelace  and 
Richard  Perrott  bailiffs,  Charles  Blount,  S.  Foley,  Ja.  Halsey,  William  Almons,  Richard 
Moore.    Clonmel  30  Sept  1659  (hb) 

Worse  still.  Colonel  Solomon  Richards,  one  of  the  Commissioners  of 
Transplantation,  treated  the  elect  of  Clonmel  as  fanatics.  His  conduct 
scandalized  London  itself. 

.  Col :  Richards  behaviour  at  Clonmell  to  those  whose  judgment  leads  them  to  sing 
psalms,  makes  a  very  loud  noise  here,  and  seems  not  to  be  relished  (cc). 

Among  the  most  godly  members  of  the  congregation  was  Major  Thomas 
Stanley  who  succeeded  Sankey  in  the  governorship  of  the  precinct.  He  is 
described  in  the  Carte  correspondence  as  a  "  phanatique  officer."      He  was 

(z)  Declaration  by  Commissioners  for  the  Affairs  of  Ireland.    Brit.  Museum,  Grenville. 

(aa)  A  85,  p.  141.  From  the  list  of  the  "Civil  Officers  imployed  in  this  Precinct  1654  "  we 
find  "Mr.  Samuel!  Ladyman  Preacher  of  Clonmel  130 li  o  o  Mr.  Robert  Carr  Preacher  at  Clonmel 
and  the  Garrisons  adjacent  100  li  per  ann." — P.RO.,  Dublin. 

(bb)  State  Papers,  Commonwealth,  p.  691. 

(cc)  John  Percivale  to  Sir  Paul  Davis,  London,  July  4th,  1654.  Egmont  MSS.  IL,  546.  Yet 
Richards  was  not  altogether  without  grace.  "  Upon  the  information  of  Colonel  Solomon  Richards, 
that  Captain  William  Williamson  is  now  a  prisoner  in  Dublin  upon  suspicion  of  committing 
fornication,  in  the  county  of  Tipperary  during  the  time  of  his  service  there  ;  and  that  the  said 
Colonel  has  entered  into  a  recognizance  to  prosecute,  and  as  the  said  offence  is  alleged  to  have  t>een 
committed  within  the  precinct  of  Clonmel,  Ordered  that  said  Williamson  be  sent  from  Dublin  to 
Clonmel  in  order  to  his  tryal,  and  that  recognizances  be  cancelled.  Dublin  Castle,  17th  March,  1654." — 
Crom.  Settlement,  p.  233. 


94  History  of  Clonmel. 

one  of  the  representatives  of  the  soldiers  whose  lots  fell  in  Munster  and  as 
such,  made  a  prominent  figure,  while  the  Dublin  Council  books  testify  that 
he- 
Was  free  of  every  spiritual  order 
To  preach  and  fight  and  pray  and  murder. 
Such  as : — 

"  Ordered  that  James  Standish  Esquier  Receiver  Generall  doe  out  of  the  publique 
money  in  his  hands  iissue  forth  and  pay  unto  Major  Thomas  Stanley  the  summe  of  Tenn 
pounds  upon  account  the  same  to  bee  by  him  distributed  amongst  those  souldiers 
and  others  that  did  the  late  execution  upon  the  Tories  that  were  killed  in  the  County 
of  Waterford  for  payment  whereof  this  etc.  Dated  att  'Dublin  Castle  the  1st  of  Aprill 
1656. 

H.  Cromwell,  Miles  Corbetf,  Mathew  Tomlinson  (dd). 

Again. 

"  Ordered  etc.  Five  pounds  on  the  certificate  of  Major  Thomas  Stanley  to  Thomas 
Gregson,  Evan  Powel  and  Samuel  Alley  (being  three  souldiers  of  Coll  Abbots  regiment 
of  dragoons),  for  the  arrest  of  Ekjnogh  Hagerty  a  Popish  priest  by  them  taken  and 
now  secured  in  the  county  gaol  of  Clonmell  to  be  equally  distributed  between  them 
10  August  1657  f^^J- 

The  following  year  he  showed  renewed  activity  in  the  pursuit  of  Tories 
but  out  of  the  fifty  pounds  he  claimed,  the  Commissioners  of  Revenue 
disallowed  forty  "  because  they  were  slain  in  the  field."  Stanley  pleaded 
that  "  his  disbursments  were  warranted  and  there  was  no  other  way  for  the 
conviction  (sic)  of  those  Toryes  who  were  guilty  of  murther  and  roberyes  and 
could  not  be  taken  alive"  (ff).  On  the  setting  up  of  the  Cromwellian 
corporation,  he  presented  them  with  a  sword  of  state.  It  was  an  appropriate 
gift  from  the  butcher  fanatic.  But  all  the  Cromwellians  had  not  so  steeled 
their  hearts  by  perverted  scripture.  Amid  the  terrible  records  of  confiscation 
and  massacre  rises  one  gleam  of  kindly  human  nature.  Colonel  John  Booker 
in  1665,  while  bequeathing  five  pounds  to  the  necessitous  English  of  Clonmel, 
left  twice  that  sum  to  the  "  poore  Irishe  inhabitauntes  of  the  said  towne  "  (ggj. 


(dd)  A.  2, 95. 

(ee)  Treasury  Orders  p.  9.  It  would  be  instructive  to  know  whether  among  these  Tories 
(i.e.,  outlawed  gentlemen  and  their  followers)  were  any  of  the  Powers  whose  home  in  Tickencor 
Stanley  now  occupied. 

(ff)  Historical  MSS.  Commission  8th  Report. 

(^)  Wills  dated  1665  and  1668.  In  latter  he  left  to  the  Salters  Company  of  London  "tenn 
pounds  to  buy  a  peece  of  plate  (my  executrix  to  see  it  bought  and  my  coat  of  arms  ingraven)  for 
them  to  keepe." 


Oh  AFTER  VH. 


CLONMEL  FROM  THE  RESTORATION  TO   THE  REVOLUTION. 

DURING  the  closing  months  of  1659  there  was  withering  fear  and 
suspense  in  many  a  Cromwellian  home  in  Tipperary.  Regicides 
like  Isaac  Pennington,  Andrew  Boughton  and  Francis  Allen,  or 
members  of  the  Long  Parliament  such  as  William  Brereton  and 
Thomas  Barnadeston  prepared  for  the  worst.  Or  again  puritan  republicans 
as  Colonels  William  Moore  at  Lismalin,  Henry  Pretty  at  Killboy,  Richard  Le 
Hunte  at  Cashel,  John  Godfrey  at  Knockgraffon  sullenly  looked  out  of  their 
castles,  ready  to  maintain  with  the  sword  what  they  had  won  by  the  sword. 
On  the  other  hand  the  royalist  Butler  or  Burke  who  for  ten  years  had  followed 
the  fortunes  of  Charles  abroad,  made  feverish  preparation  to  return  "  being 
consumed  with  an  infinite  longing  to  see  the  smoke  of  their  own  chimneys 'Y/r/rA 
Meanwhile  Sir  Charles  Coote  and  Lord  Broghill,  having  deserted  the 
Commonwealth  and  allied  themselves  with  the  King's  party  in  England, 
were  securing  the  cities  and  garrison  towns.  A  few  days  before  Christmas 
Broghill  seized  Clonmel  in  the  name  of  "  a  free  parliament,"  and  Major  Stanley 
(now  doubtless  armed  with  the  text  "  fear  Grod,  honour  the  King  ")  was  sent  to 
besiege  Cork  where  Colonel  Phair  held  out  for  Fleetwood  and  the  Common- 
wealth. Lest  Ludlow  should  rally  the  fanatical  sections  of  Cromwell's  dis- 
banded army  a  volunteer  force  was  formed  in  the  royalist  interest.  A  company 
of  foot  was  raised  in  Clonmel,  of  which  Colonel  Booker  took  the  captaincy, 
Richard  Perrott  and  Ralph  Chadcraft  being  lieutenant  and  ensign 
respectively.  There  was  however  no  need  for  their  services.  A  secret 
assurance  as  to  estates  was  given  by  Charles,  and  so  Cromwellians  and  Irish 
alike  welcomed  his  accession  to  the  throne.     The  King's  Declaration  for  the 

(hh)  Bishop  Bramhall  to  Ormond,  Carte  Papers  xxiv. 


96 


History  of  Clonmel. 


Settlement  of  Ireland  on  the  following  30th  November  helped  to  keep  up  the 
deception,  for  while  it  expressed  great  care  for  the  interests  of  the  Adventurers, 
Officers  and  others,  the  Irish  were  equally  reassured  in  consideration  of  the 
treaty  of  1648  and  their  services  beyond  the  seas.  As  however  the  months 
wore  on,  the  fact  became  more  and  more  evident  that,  with  the  exception  of 
the  Protestant  royalists,  there  was  to  be  no  restoration  of  the  Irish  to  their 
homes.  In  Clonmel  the  Cromwellian  authorities  still  ruled,  Thomas  Batty 
being  mayor  and  Major  Francis  Foulkes  governor,  though  to  put  themselves 
right  they  obtained  an  "  Exemplification  "  of  the  charter.  The  old  burghers 
who  had  returned  from  Connaught  and  elsewhere  were  neither  permitted  to 
trade  nor  dwell  within  the  walls.  In  vain  did  the  King's  letter  of  22nd  May, 
1661,  authorize  them  to  peaceably  inhabit  and  trade,  and  confirm  to  them  their 
former  corporate  privileges.  In  vain  did  they  petition  the  Lord  Lieutenant 
Ormond  to  re-enter  the  town.  John  Walsh  of  Kilmore,  Ormond's  agent, 
recommended  certain  of  their  number  for  favourable  consideration,  but  to  no 
purpose. 


Those   who  submitti^  and  constantly 
adhered  to  the  Peace  of  '48 


Those  who  by  their  early  repentance 
redeemed  their  former  failings  by  sub- 
mitting to  the  cessation  in  '43,  to  the 
peace  in  '46  to  the  Cessation  with  the 
Bade  of  Inshiquin  and  uppon  all  other 
occasions  manifested  their  good  affection 
to  his  Maties  service 

Those  who  from  the  beginning  lived 
indiiferentlie  and  were  of  knowne  good 
affection  to  his  Maties  service  and  dyed 
before  the  Cessation  in  '43 


ffrancis  White  fitz  Patricke 
John  White  fitz  Thomas 
Michael  Oge  White 
Michael  White  fitz  Thomas 
John  Stritch 
William  Leynagh 
William  Conry 
James  Walle 

James  White  fitz  Nicholas 
Thomas  donoghow 
John  White  fitz  Michell 
Heire  of  John  Walle 
Heire  of  Thomas  Roche 
Michael  Bray  fitz  Piers 
James  Brennock 
William  Swyny 
William  Morroghow 
Nicholas  Betts 
Walter  Mulrony 
John  English 

John  White  fitz  Bennett  of  Clonmell 
200  li  per  ann.  [estimated  property.] 

Thomas  White  fitz  Richard  of  Clon- 
mell 70  li  per  ann. 


Henry  White  of  Clonmell  and  Nicholas 
White  his  sonne,  300  li  per  ann. 

Piers  Bray  of  Clonmell  and  Edmund 
his  Sonne  came  to  Carricke,  lOO  li 
per  ann.  («). 


(ii)  Carte  Papers,  vol.  xliv.,  No.  46. 


History  of  Clonmel.  97 

All  hope  was  cut  off  by  the  Act  of  Settlement  of  1662  which  enacted  that 

"the  Corporations  of  Ireland   are   now   planted   with  English  who   have 

considerably   improved    at    their    own    charges,  and    brought    trade    and 

manufacture  into  that  our  kingdom,  the  disturbing  or  removing  of  which 

English  would  in  many  respects  be  very  prejudicial,  wherefore,"  etc.  (Section 

15  of  Declaration).    And  the  Act  of  Explanation,  1665,  forbade  even  the  sale 

of  houses  in  Corporations  to  "  Papists  or  Popish  recusants  "  (jj),     A  few 

instances  will  illustrate  the  working  of  these  Acts.     Patrick  Fleming  was 

fortunate  enough  to  have  his  case  heard  by  the  "  Court  of  Claims  "  before 

the  closing  of  that  court  through  Cromwellian  clamour.    By  decree  dated  23rd 

June,   1663,  he  was  declared  an    "Innocent  Papist,"   and  therefore  to  be 

restored  to  all  his  estate.    In  the  event,  he  was  deprived  of  three  houses  and 

an  orchard  in  Lough  Street,  and  nine  houses  and  a  garden  without  the  walls 

near  the  river  Suir.     In  mockery    a    "reprize  of    equal  value"  in   lands 

adjoining  said  Corporation  was  ordered.      But  as  a  London  adventurer 

named  Radcliff,  and  the  Duke  of  Ormond  already  divided  these  lands  between 

them,  there  was  nothing  left  for  Fleming  fkk).    Lady  Morris  who  had  been 

previously  married  to  Bennet    White    fitz  Geoffry,    was    transplanted    to 

Connaught  in  1654  with  her  three  young  children.  Sir  John,   Harry  and 

Edmond.    On  the  22nd  August,   1655,   the  Cromwellian   court  at  Athlone 

assigned  the  wretched  woman  354  acres.    After  the  restoration  she  obtained 

on  1st  August,  1663,  a  decree  of  innocence  and  an  order  to  enter  upon  the 

estate.    She  could  not  be  restored  to  the  houses  in  Clonmel,  being  a  Papist, 

and  no  reprise  in  lands  elsewhere  would  be  granted  her,  having  accepted 

from   the  Cromwellians   lands    in    Connaught.      So  read  the   decree   (UJ. 

Further,   not  only   were   the  Irish   excluded   from   inheriting  or  acquiring 

property  within  the  town,  but  such  English  as  intermarried  with  them  fell 

under  the  ban. 

Court  of  Claims. 

12  August  1663  \     James  Mortimer  and  his  wife  Pltffs. 

[    James  adjudged  Innocent  Protestant 
J     Ellen  his  wife  Innocent  Papist 

Nota. 

James  is  a  Protestant ;  Ellen  a  Papist.  They  claim  in  right  of  Ellen,  and  the 
question  is  whether  they  shall  be  restored  to  what  is  in  the  Corporation  of  Clonmell. 

Adjudged  they  shall  not  be  restored  in  specie  for  what  is  in  corporations. 

Qu.  If  he  had  been  a  Papist  and  she  a  Protestant — and  he  had  claimed  in  her 
right  (mm), 

(jj)  Exposition  of  Clause  relative  to  '49  security. 

(kkj  Decrees  for  Innocents,  Roll  VI.,  Skin  i,  P.R.O.,  Dublin. 

(11)  Ibid,  Roll  IX.,  Skin  82. 

(mm)  Minutes  of  Sir  Edward  Deering,  Judge  of  Court  of  Claims.     Carte  Papers,  Ixvii. 

H 


08  History  of  Clonmel. 

In  the  patent  rolls  of  Chancery  are  enrolled  the  grants  of  lands,  houses 
and  other  tenements,  under  the  Acts  of  Settlement  and  Explanation.  These 
aflford  a  graphic  picture  of  the  town  as  it  was  ultimately  settled  (nn)  ;  they 
exhibit  Clonmel  street  by  street  and  house  by  house ;  we  can  read  on  the 
signboards  as  if,  the  names  of  the  new  settlers  and  the  dispossessed  Irish. 

While  the  restoration  brought  to  his  countymen  but  the  extinction  of 
their  hopes,  it  raised  Ormond  to  the  pinnacle  of  wealth  and  honour.  To  his 
Irish  dignities  was  added  an  English  peerage  and  the  stewardship  of  the 
royal  household.  Among  the  numerous  grants  made  to  him  was  one  of  almost 
the  entire  town  of  Clonmel.  As  lord  of  the  manor  he  previously  derived 
certain  chief  rents  from  the  burgesses.  Now  all  feudal  tenures,  fee  farm 
grants  and  leaseholds  were  declared  forfeited,  and  the  town  at  its  full  improved 
value  became  his.  The  estate,  for  example,  of  John  White  was  held  by  suit 
of  court  and  a  yearly  rent  of  twenty-two  shillings.  Its  value  now  may  be 
estimated  from  the  fact  that  it  consisted  of  thirty-four  houses  within  the  walls, 
and  twenty-one  without;  three  corn  mills,  one  tucking  mill  with  several 
gardens  and  parks.  When  however  there  was  question  of  adventurers'  or 
soldiers'  interests  the  Duke  did  not  get  so  easy  possession.  The  burgagery 
lands  which  lay  in  Co.  Tipperary,  containing  718  plantation  acres,  had  been 
distributed  to  Hugh  RadclifFe,  Charles  Alcock  and  others.  Before  they  could 
be  removed  lands  of  equal  value  had  to  be  found  for  them  elsewhere.  This 
presented  such  difficulties  that  Ormond  after  prolonged  negociation  advised 
his  agent  Walsh  to  compound  for  the  chief  rent  of  three  pence  an  acre  fooj. 

The  Cromwellians  -and  Protestant  royalists  being  now  in  peaceable 
possession  and  all  fear  of  the  Irish  removed,  religious  differences  began  to 
assert  themselves.  Episcopalianism  returned  in  full  flood  with  the  restoration, 
and  crown  and  mitre  became  convertible  terms.  The  Cromwellians  who 
were  independents,  baptists,  or  presbyterians,  had  either  to  accept  the  new 
creed  or  lie  under  the  suspicion  of  disloyalty.  In  Clonmel  as  elsewhere  there 
was  much  vexation  of  spirit.  On  learning  the  King's  intention  to  erect  a 
new  Protestant  hierarchy  Majors  Stanley,  Le  Hunt  and  others  in  1660  sent 

(nnj  Appendix. 

(00}  The  problems  which  arose  in  the  administration  of  the  Acts  were  perplexing.  Here  is  a 
local  case,  "  Bennett  White  of  Clonmell  in  the  Countie  of  Tipperarie  long  before  the  rebellion  did 
mortgage  vnto  Richard  Earle  of  Corke  the  castle  towne  and  lands  of  Maylarstowne  [Milerstown] 
for  to  pounds  and  dyed  long  before  the  Rebellion.  John  White  his  sonn  and  heire  entred  and 
continued  possession  paying  thintrest  of  the  mortgage  vntill  ousted  by  the  vsurpers.  Sithence  which 
time  the  same  is  disposed  of  by  the  now  Earle  of  Corke  it  being  not  allotted  to  Adventurers  or  Souldiers. 
The  said  castle  and  town  are  houlden  of  James  Duke  of  Ormond  as  of  his  Manor  of  Clonmell.  John 
White  is  a  forfeiting  person." 

The  question  is  whether  the  Duke  of  Ormond  may  pay  the  said  mortgage  money  to  the  Earle 
of  Corke,  whether  the  said  Earle  be  bound  to  accept  thereof.  And  whether  the  said  Duke  may 
enter  by  virtue  of  the  King's  Declaration  and  Act  of  Settlement  which  gives  him  the  forfeiture  of  all 
lands  held  of  him  ?    Carte  Papers  xxiii.  157. 


History  of  Clonmel,  99 

round  for  signature  a  petition  that  the  "  godly  ministers  of  the  Gospel  who 
had  so  long  laboured  among  them  might  be  continued  and  countenanced." 
They  were  peremptorily  ordered  to  desist  (pp).  Two  years  later  the  conflict 
had  grown  so  angry  that  it  was  seriously  proposed  to  remove  the  "phanatiques" 
out  of  the  town  as  had  been  done  with  the  Irish  (qq).  Wholesale  arrests  were 
made  and  George  Baker,  Protestant  Bishop  of  Waterford  came  to  St.  Mary's 
on  Sunday,  31st  May  to  preach  submission.  The  dissenters  nothing  daunted 
met  at  Innislounaght  in  the  house  of  Thomas  Batty  who,  on  the  Wednesday 
preceding,  had  been  lodged  in  gaol  ^rr/  Information  was  conveyed  to  Sir 
Francis  Foulkes  governor  of  the  town,  and  a  company  of  soldiers  surrounded 
the  house  and  marched  the  whole  body  into  the  town  Marshalsea.  Zephanii 
Smith,  one  of  those  arrested,  being  asked  by  a  soldier  "why  he  was  not  att 
church  then  to  hear  the  Bishop  preach  and  he  replyed  that  he  did  preach  him- 
selfe  in  church  before  now  and  hoped  to  preach  there  again  in  Grod's  due  time, 
and  if  he  had  been  at  Masse  or  at  an  Ale  house  amongst  a  company  of  Drunkards, 
swearers  or  heathens  he  doth  suppose  that  he  should  not  have  been  tormented." 
Thomas  Little,  another  soldier,  heard  the  wife  of  John  Foster  of  Abbey  say 
"  that  there  must  be  another  boute  or  blowe  for  it  and  that  very  suddenlie  "  (ss). 
In  the  event  many  accepted  the  episcopacy,  the  most  notable  being  Samuel 
Ladyman  the  preacher,  who  on  24th  February,  1666,  took  orders  in  the 
established  church  and  thereby  retained  the  living  of  Clonmel.  Others,  as 
William  Vaughan,  Phineas  Riall  and  Richard  Perry,  held  out  and  formed  the 
first  dissenting  congregation  in  Clonmel,  under  one  Mr.  Wood  as  minister. 
Amid  the  war  of  sects  we  discern  the  first  beginning  of  a  body  which 
afterwards  attracted  no  little  notice,  and  whose  connection  with  the  town  was 
entirely  beneficent — the  Quakers. 

May  it  please  yr  Grace 

I  haveing  been  prisoned  in  this  town  for  the  space  of  three  monthes  past  for  sheepe 
of  Sir  Hardress  Waller  taken  by  me  for  his  Maties  service  (as  sheriff  for  the  Countie  of 
Tipperarie)  in  July  l66o. 

Yesterday  being  Sunday  seuerall  Quaquers  being  in  this  prison  together,  the 
enclosed  printed  paper  was  discouered  being  in  the  hands  of  one  George  Sharpe  a 
Quaquer  by  one  Edmond  Prendergast  who  is  likewise  a  Prisoner  for  Prosecuteing  his 
Estate  and  Claime  of  his  father  deceased  formerly  Maior  of  Clonmell.    Whereupon  I 


(pp)  Stanley  fell  foul  of  the  authorities  and  went  to  England.  The  following  year  he  came 
back  blearing  a  letter  under  the  King's  sign  manual  "  that  he  was  returning  to  plant  and  therefor 
was  to  be  favoured  and  encouraged."  (Carte  Papers  xli.,  331.)  He  was  elected  member  for 
Clonmel  and  subsequently  Co.  Louth .  He  passed  a  patent  for  Tickencor,  Kilganey,  Ballymacarbery, 
Batlymakee,  Ardpadden,  Castleconnagh,  etc.  in  all  9,155  acres  in  1666.  He  was  subsequently  made 
privy  councillor  and  dying  in  1694  was  buried  in  St.  Michan's,  Dublin. 

(qq)  Carte  Papers  xxxii.  172. 

f^rr)  Richard  Perrot,  Mayor  to  Ormond,  27th  May,  Carte  Papers. 

(ss)  Carte  Papers  xxii. 


100  History  of  Clonmel. 

examined  the  said  George  Sharpe  who  confessed  he  had  the  said  paper  from  one  John 
ffennell  who  lives  near  Cahir  whereupon  I  issued  a  warrant  against  the  said  ffennell 
who  upon  his  examinacon  etc. 

J.  Booker  (//). 

Enclosure  was  "  A  Word  of  Remembrance,  Reproofe  and  Counsell  to 
England  and  London  put  fforth  by  One  that  loues  and  longes  for  their 
Prosperity.  M.  C."  But  John  Fennell  on  examination,  denied  he  gave  it  to 
George  Sharpe,  or  ever  saw  or  heard  of  the  document. 

Throughout  this  troublous  period  a  strong  garrison  was  maintained  in 
Clonmel  (uu).  As  there  were  no  barracks,  the  soldiers  (save  a  few  who 
occupied  the  fort  and  the  turrets  in  the  town  wall)  were  billeted  on  the 
inhabitants.  This  gave  rise  to  much  discontent.  On  28th  November,  1662, 
Ormond  wrote  to  the  Mayor. 

Fforasmuch  as  we  are  informed  that  there  are  not  in  the  town  of  Clonmell,  inns  or 
alehouses  sufficient  for  the  reception  of  the  troop  of  horse  and  two  foot  companies  that 
are  in  garrison  there,  we  therefore  hereby  require  and  authorize  the  Mayor  of  the  said 
town  to  take  effectual  order  that  the  said  troop  and  companies  be  quartered  as  well  in 
private  houses,  as  in  inns  and  alehouses  in  the  said  town,  equally  and  indifferently  as 
the  severall  inhabitants  thereof  are  able  to  beare  them  (w). 

Soldiers  then  as  now  were  somewhat  absent-minded,  and  among  the 
Ormond  papers  are  several  petitions  for  payment  of  their  debts.  William 
Thwaytes  who  "  kept  a  marchant's  shoppe  *'  commiserating  the  condition  of 
sergient  Brewer,  Drummer  Williams  and  others  in  the  years  1663-4  supplied 
them  with  cloth,  victualls  and  other  goods.  Richard  Whitehand,  shoemaker, 
petitioned  for  boots  supplied  Captain  Richard  Smith ;  Nathaniel  Carr  for 
goods  furnished  to  William  Tuksbury,  and  so  on  (ww).  At  length  the  burthen 
became  intolerable.  Following  the  example  of  Dublin  shortly  before,  several 
citizens  resolved  to  billet  them  no  longer  (xx).  The  military  appealed  to 
Ormond. 

The  humble  petition  of  Captaine  Richard  Smith,  Captaine  Randolph  Taylor, 
Ensigne  Robert  Meredith  and  Ensigne  Garret  Foulke  sheweth.  That  the  officers  and 
souldiers  of  the  foote  companyes  to  which  your  petitioners  belong  commanded  by  Sir 
Francis  Foulke  and  Captaine  John  Botiler  and  guarrisoned  in  the  towne  of 
Clonmel  have  till  of  late  been  furnished  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  town  with 

(it)  To  Ormond»  Clonmel,  October  22nd,  1662.    Carte  Papers. 

(uu)  In  1662  there  was  a  troop  of  horse  under  Lord  Shannon  91  men,  a  foot  company  of  93 
under  Captain  Sir  Francis  Foulke,  and  another  97  under  Charles  Blount. 

(wi  Ormond  Papers  I.,  259. 

(ww)  Carte  Papers,  cliv. 

(xx)  "This  day  heing  at  dinner  in  a  house  of  this  town  Mr.  Richard  Hamerton  came  in  and  in 
very  much  passion  burst  forth  without  any  provocation  in  the  following  manner,  that  he  would 
indict  the  constable  that  gave  the  souldiers  quarters  but  in  inns  and  alehouses,  and  that  he  paid  the 
King  his  due  and  that  the  souldiers  should  pay  their  quarters  ;  there  is  no  need  of  souldiers  now 
there  being  a  mititia  worth  one  and  a  half  and  at  any  time  could  beat  them."  Richard  Smith  to  Sir 
Francis  Foulkes,  30th  December,  1667.    Orrery  Papers. 


History  of  Clonmel.  loi 

convenient  lodgings  and  quarters ;  some  of  the  inhabitants  finding  lodgings,  and  others 
in  the  suburbs  and  elsewhere  giveing  certaine  allowances  by  their  owne  agreements 
and  consents  to  several  of  the  officers  and  souldiers,  to  provide  and  pay  for  their  owne 
quarters  and  accommodation  where  they  thought  most  convenient.  But  now  may  it 
please  your  Grace,  Richard  Hammerton,  Edward  Batty,  Anthony  Lawrence,  George 
Collett  and  William  Vaughan  able  inhabitants  of  the  said  towne,  refuse  to  quarter  or 
pay  the  allowances  for  quartering  by  them  contracted  for  as  formerly  but  by  their 
examples  and  instigation  have  caused  the  several  other  persons  undernamed  to  doe  the 
like  and  obstinately  persist  therein;  by  which  meanes  many  of  the  soldiers  are 
altogether  destitute  of  lodgings  and  quarter,  being  turned  out  of  those  they  formerly 
hyred  for  want  of  payment  of  the  allowances  contracted  for,  and  forced  to  lye  in  the 
guard  when  they  have  done  their  duty  to  the  great  inconvenience  of  the  poore  souldiers. 
For  reliefe  wherein  the  petitioners  haveing  in  a  faire  way  often  applyed  themselves  to 
the  Mayor  of  the  said  towne  without  any  effect  or  redresse  they  are  forced  most  humbly 
to  pray  that  your  Grace  will  be  pleased  to  take  the  premisses  into  consideration  and 
give  such  order  thereon  as  your  Grace  in  your  greate  wisedome  shall  thinke  fit.  And 
your  petitioners  shall  pray,  etc  {yy). 

Ormond  on  14th  March,  1668,  ordered  Hamerton,  Batty  and  the  others 
named  to  forthwith  provide  quarters  for  the  soldiers,  and  in  case  of  refusal 
to  appear  before  him  in  Dublin  and  show  cause  to  the  contrary.  They  did 
neither,  however,  but  sent  a  petition  to  have  the  matter  in  dispute  investigated 
in  or  near  Clonmel.  Through  the  action  of  certain  Dublin  citizens  the 
illegality  of  indiscriminate  billeting  was  soon  after  established. 

Amidst  all  the  sectarian  bitterness  and  the  turmoil  of  contending  interests 
under  the  Acts  of  Settlement,  the  new  inhabitants  were  not  idle.  Industrial 
development  was  impossible  owing  to  dearth  of  population;  the  small  farmers 
and  cottiers  having  been  swept  away  by  the  Cromwellian  wars.  The  two 
baronies  of  Iffa  and  Offa,  exclusive  of  Clonmel,  contained  in  1658  only  4,952 
souls,  the  whole  County  of  Tipperary  26,684.  But  there  was  much  commercial 
activity  and  enterprise.  Herds  of  black  cattle  and  vast  flocks  of  sheep 
covered  the  face  of  the  country  ;  the  negociation  of  these  and  their  products 
made  a  trade  important  and  far  reaching.  There  was  also  a  large  export  of 
Irish  oak  for  pipe  staves  and  other  purposes ;  for  during  this  period  the 
primeval  forests  of  Ireland  were  being  cleared.  From  1660  onwards  the 
shipping  of  cattle  began  on  a  considerable  scale,  but  in  1666  the  country 
gentlemen  who  composed  the  English  parliament  grew  jealous,  and  an  Act 
was  passed  declaring  the  trade  a  nuisance,  and  absolutely  prohibiting  it.  As 
a  result  good  cows  might  be  bought  for  ten  shillings  and  horses  for  half  a 
crown  (zzj.  Forbidden  the  export  of  live  stock,  cattle  were  killed  and  salted, 
a  foreign  trade  in  hides  and  tallow  developed,  and  besides  supplying  the 
West  of  England  large  quantities  of  wool  were  run  (as  the  term  was)  to 
France  and  Holland. 

(yy)  A  list  of  forty-eight  persons  is  annexed  who  refused  to  quarter. — Ormonde  Papers  10,  pt.  5, 
pp.  55-6. 

fzz)  Broghill  to  Dorset,  18th  December,  1666.    4  Rep.  Hist.  MSS.  280. 


102  History  of  Clonmel. 

The  part  which  Clonmel  took  in  the  trade  of  the  period  we  are  fortunately 
able  to  judge  from  a  contemporary  ledger  still  existing.  William  Vaughan 
kept  shop  in  High  Street,  a  few  doors  from  the  main  guard  (north  side),  from 
the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  until  its  last  year,  when  he  died. 
Petty  trader,  merchant,  bill  broker  and  banker,  his  ledger  throws  a  flood  of 
light  upon  the  commerce  and  the  business  methods  of  the  time.  The  principal 
article  which  he  dealt  in  was  wool.  This  he  bought  in  huge  quantities, 
nearly  every  person  of  prominence  in  South  Tipperary  appearing  in  the 
ledger.  Having  packed  the  wool  and  brought  it  to  Clonmel,  it  was  shipped 
as  the  market  offered — some  from  Waterford,  most  from  Youghal — to  Mine- 
head,  Bideford  or  Barnstaple.  There  it  was  negociated  and  paid  for  by 
English  bills.  As  the  exchange  usually  rose  high  against  Ireland,  an 
additional  profit  was  thereby  obtained.  This  perhaps  will  be  best  understood 
from  a  concrete  transaction.  In  1685  Vaughan  purchased  from  Richard 
Moore  (who  was  by  this  time  a  great  sheep  rancher),  128  bags  of  wool,  the 
price  paid  being  i^i,433.  The  wool  was  carted  by  way  of  Ballinamult  to 
Cappoquin  at  the  rate  of  2s.  2d.  a  bag.  Here  it  was  conveyed  by  boat  to 
Youghal,  whence  it  was  shipped  to  Edmund  Spurier,  of  Minehead.  Vaughan 
was  paid  by  bills  on  Joseph  Carpenter,  of  London.  Now  as  remittances  had 
to  be  sent  to  Stephen  Moore  (Richard's  eldest  son)  then  in  England,  and  as 
the  exchange  was  18  against  Ireland,  Vaughan  was  able  to  sell  his  bills  on 
Carpenter  at  a  handsome  profit  Frequently  it  appears  that  the  wool  was 
exported  merely  for  the  profits  of  the  exchange.  In  1687  on  a  consignment 
of  fifty  bags  to  Joshua  Holland,  of  Minehead,  a  loss  of  £26  on  the  wool  was 
turned  to  a  profit  of  £32  on  the  exchange.  Again  in  the  same  year  a  deficit 
of  £n  is  recorded  on  123  bags.  So  great  was  the  demand  for  English  bills 
that  Vaughan  occasionally  overdrew  on  his  correspondents.  Where  the  loss 
on  the  wool  would  be  excessive,  the  following  curious  method  of  liquidating 
the  balance  was  resorted  to.  "  Mr.  Edmd.  Spurier  Dr.  [1686.]  To  cash  sent 
yu  in  a  bagg  of  wool  No.  2,  £l00 — 00 — 00."  But  more  interesting  by  far  than 
the  cross-channel  export  of  wool  was  the  trade  with  the  continent. 

"  Mr.  Robert  Ball  is  equally  in  co-partnership  with  Will  Vaughan,  Oct.  19,  1688 — 
To  59  casks  of  butter  shipt  on  board  the  Fortune  of  Youghal  (Will.  Kellin  master),  for 
Dunicirke,  and  is  consigned  to  Mr.  Tho.  Baker  and  Mr.  John  Fen  of  Ostend,  wch  cost 
on  shipboard,  in  all  £81  3s.  9d. 

Nov.  12— To  41  casks  of  butter  shipt  on  board  the  Swan  of  Love  Ed.  Poore  master, 
for  Rochelle  and  consigned  to  Mr.  Walsh  and  Gaule,  from  Youghall  per  Robert  Ball 
which  cost  in  Ireland  ^57  lis.  4d. 

To  44  casks  of  butter  consigned  to  Mr.  Tho :  Baker  and  Mr.  John  Fen  of  Ostend, 
per  the  Pearl  of  Waterford  cost  in  all  being  on  my  own  proper  account  ^65  7s.  id. 

To  profitts  on  the  above  144  casks  of  butter  £\l  13  lOd." 


History  of  Clonmel.  103 

There  are  also  accounts  of  considerable  shipments  of  butter,  cheese, 
tallow  and  frieze  to  Thomas  Barton  of  Bordeaux. 

Partly  owing  to  foreign  trade,  partly  to  the  supineness  of  government, 
much  of  the  business  of  the  country  was  done  in  foreign  coin,  and  the  ledger 
is  full  of  references  to  pistoles  and  ducats.  More  curious  still  was  the  currency 
established  by  the  traders  themselves.  In  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth 
century  it  was  found  impossible  to  carry  on  a  petty  cash  business  for  want  of 
small  copper  coin.  The  shopkeepers  of  Clonmel  as  elsewhere  supplied  the 
deficiency  by  a  coinage  of  their  own.  The  earliest  of  these  tokens  was  issued 
by  William  Henbury,  a  com  miller. 

f Obverse:  WILLIAM  Henbvry  Of  (a  harp). 

(Reverse  :  Clonmell  1656  (W.H.) 

In  the  same  year  he  was  followed  by  George  Carr,  a  shopkeeper  in  High 
Street,  who  as  the  son  of  John  Carr,  a  gentleman,  considered  himself  entitled 
to  quarter  his  arms  on  the  coin. 

jO. :  George  Carr  (Carr  arms — On   a  bend  between  three  Cornish 
(R. :  OF  Clonmell  (G.C.  id.  1656).  [choughs  as  many—). 

Richard  Hamerton  not  content  with  the  profits  derived  from  the  export 
of  pipe  staves,  appears  also  as  a  *  moneyer.' 
|0.:  Richard  Hamerton  (1657). 
1r.  :  In  Clonmell  1657  (R.H.) 

fO.:  Richard  Hamerton  (R.H.  between  two  dotted  circles). 
IR. :  Of  Clonmell  1657. 

The  issue  had  now  become  so  profitable  that  persons  other  than  traders 
took  part  in  it.  The  coin  of  Colonel  John  Booker  is  interesting  as  the  first  to 
exhibit  the  arms  of  the  town. 

fO.:  J.  B.  OF  Clonmell  (1658,  id.) 

(R. :  For  Citty  And  COVNTY  (Clonmel  arms— a  stag  pursued  by  a  dog 

[over  a  bridge,  a  fish  below). 

After  the  restoration  though  there  were  several  proclamations  crying 
down  the  tokens  under  stringent  penalties,  still  new  ones  were  put  forth. 
|0.:  Ann  Henbvry  (a  harp). 
iR. :  In  Clonmell  1663  (A.H.) 
ro. :  Richard  Hamerton  (Clonmel  Arms). 
iR. :  Of  Clonmel  1664,  (a  fish). 
I O. :  JOHN  Fryers  1668  (a  ship). 
iR. :  Of  Clonmel  Pevterer  (Id.). 


104  History  of  Clonmel. 

To  escape  the  penalties  set  out  in  the  proclamations  the  dates  were 
omitted  from  the  following  : — 

|0. :  Richard  Carleton  of  (Clonmel  Arms). 

iR.  :  CLONMELL  MERCHANT  (R.C.  ID.). 
jO. :  TEPERARY  WILL  (ID.). 

(R. :  Change  Them  Agan  (R.C.). 

jO. :  Richard  Hamerton  (Id.  a  dolphin). 

I R. :  Of  ClONMELL,  (Clonmel  Arms). 

fO. :  JOHN  HarwoOD  (three  fleurs-de-lys,  two  and  one). 

1r.:  Of  CLONMELL,  M.A.  (ID.). 

(O. :  Andrew  Robeson  of  (Robinson  Arms,  three  stags). 

(R. :  Clonmel  His.  Id.  (a  wool  pack). 

(O. :  Martin  Dix  Clonmell  (a  dagger  between  a  pierced  mullet  of 
!  [six  points). 

I  R. :  In  Tipperary  Munster  (a  harp  enclosed  in  circle). 

From  these  and  other  indications  as  also  from  the  pleadings  of  the 
Palatinate  court,  there  is  evidence  that  the  period  from  the  Cromwellian 
settlement  to  the  Revolution  was  one  of  great  prosperity  in  Clonmel.  The 
fact  that  so  many  of  our  local  gentry  date  their  origin  to  the  traders  of  that 
time,  is  conclusive.  But  the  foundations  of  more  lasting  prosperity  would 
have  been  laid  had  not  the  iniquitous  policy  of  William  III.  crushed  the 
woollen  industry.  In  1674  Sir  Peter  Pett  a  well-known  economist  of  the  day, 
addressed  a  memorial  to  the  Duke  of  Ormond  setting  forth  that  the  manufacture 
of  worsted  and  coarse  woollens  for  home  consumption,  would  increase  the 
profits  of  wool,  give  much  employment  to  the  poor  and  enhance  the  value  of 
his  Grace's  estate.  Accordingly  Ormond  entered  into  a  treaty  with  one 
Edward  Nelthorp,  a  Norwich  manufacturer.  Humphrey  Hill  was  sent  over 
to  settle  preliminaries  and  Captain  Grant  began  negociations  with  Walloon 
refugee  wool  combers  in  Canterbury  for  their  removal  to  Clonmel.  Houses 
were  to  be  assigned  them  for  twenty-one  years  "without  paying  any  rent 
save  one  piece  of  fine  searge  yearly,"  but  Nelthorp  complained  that  better 
terms  were  offered  him  elsewhere.  Other  troubles  rose  in  unexpected  quarters. 
Nelthorp  wrote  22nd  June,  1675,  to  George  Mathew,  Ormond's  agent  "His 
Grace  tells  me  he  has  writt  to  you  concerninge  the  opposition  the  Corporation 
of  Clonmell  gives  Mr.  Hill  as  alsoe  how  to  prevent  other  little  manufactoryes 
that  may  be  sett  up  on  purpose  to  destroy  oures  "  fa).  Friezes  were  made  for 
a  time  but  the  subsequent  history  of  the  industry  is  not  known. 

(ti)  Hist.  MSS.  6  Rep.  p.  713. 


History  of  Clonmel.  los 

All  this  time  that  the  new  settlers  were  acquiring  riches,  purchasing  land 
and  founding  families,  the  old  natives  of  the  town  Whites,  Barrons,  Stritches, 
Brennocks,  looked  on  with  hungry'  eyes  from  their  cabins  in  the  Irishtown, 
the  Old  Bridge  and  the  other  suburbs.  As  their  rights  to  trade  freely  in  the 
town,  and  enjoy  all  other  municipal  franchises,  were  indisputable  under  the 
charter,  the  Corporation  to  exclude  them  adopted  the  illegal  expedient  of 
requiring  all  freemen  to  take  the  oath  of  supremacy. 

At  a  Doyer  Hundred  Court  held  at  the  TholselofClonmel  19  October  1668  .... 
John  Rindon  Butcher  the  same  day  took  the  Oath  of  supremacy  and  the  Oath  of  a 
Freeman 

4  Day  of  October  1669  Robert  Hayman  took  the  Oath  of  Supremacy  and  the  oath 
of  a  Freeman  of  this  Burough. 

Against  this  they  in  common  with  the  "  ancient  inhabitants"  of  Waterford> 
Wexford  and  Galway,  repeatedly  petitioned  the  King.  At  length  a  friendly 
viceroy.  Lord  Berkeley,  was  sent  over  and  on  23rd  March,  1672,  proclamation 
was  made  of  an  Act  of  Council  ordering  that  his  Majesty's  Irish  Roman 
Catholic  subjects,  formerly  inhabitants  should  be  forthwith  restored  to  their 
accustomed  freedoms  and  be  allowed  to  peaceably  inhabit  and  trade  as  freely 
as  they  or  their  ancestors  did  and  no  distinction  to  be  made  on  pretence  of 
difference  in  religion  ^W.  The  ferment  which  the  proclamation  created  in 
Clonmel  is  graphically  described  in  some  correspondence  preserved  in  the 
State  Paper  Office. 

Wee  the  Irish  natiues  of  this  Corporation  of  Clonmell  had  just  cause  to  honour 
his  Maiesties  proclamation  of  26  ffebruary  167 1  [2]  accompanied  with  the  act  of  the 
Councell  graunting  vs  libertye  to  be  restored  to  our  freedome  and  that  without  interruption 
wee  beinge  thereunto  bom  by  birthright.  Seeing  how  carelessly  the  same  was  proclaimd 
by  the  bell  man  and  read  by  a  pitiful  clerke  without  the  Maior  bailiffs  or  aldermen  or 
any  person  of  note  or  fashion  which  rejection  made  our  hearts  bleed  yett  wee  poor  Irish 
dared  say  nothing  nor  coulde  wee  obtaine  leave  to  make  bonfires  or  any  show  of  triumph 
and  it  added  to  our  grief  to  heare  it  said  it  would  produce  a  second  Rebellion.  Amongst 
the  rest  Richard  Moore  that  was  a  very  poore  glover  but  now  is  an  esquier  of  2000  li  a 
year  was  heard  to  say  23  March  the  day  it  was  proclaimed,  that  it  was  the  King's  ballett 
renderinge  it  soe  insignificant  and  scomeful  that  it  would  move  a  loyall  heart  to 
knock  him  dead  but  that  the  law  forbiddeth.  Pray  consider  if  anything  can  be  made  of 
these  expressions.  The  words  can  be  prooued  home  and  a  good  deade  it  were  to  cheque 
the  pride  of  these  Cromwellian  sectaries.  I  remember  when  their  Monarch  liued  that 
any  proclamation  order  or  decree  he  passed  and  graunt  he  gave  none  durst  oppose 
it  or  seem  in  the  least  dissatisfied.  May  God  inspire  their  hearts  to  be  true  and  faithful 
to  our  King  but  it  rested  in  himselfe  to  make  them  more  obedient  else  I  belieue  he  shall 
neuer  have  their  love.  In  making  use  of  your  freedom  and  access  you  will  add  to  your 
glory  to  present  this  our  grievance  by  way  of  petition  or  remonstrance  that  wee  cannot 
have  the  benefit  of  the  proclamation  and  Mr.  Daniel  Arthur  has  commission  to  advance 
whateuer  expenses  the  same  may  cause  (c). 

To  these  charges  the  Mayor  replied  in  a  letter  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant. 

In  pursuance  of  the  late  proclamation  and  the  late  rules  for  makeing  freemen  I 
have  admitted  and  sworn  severall  natives  of  this  corporation  as  freemen  and  in  court 

(h)  Original  in  Gale's  CoiTX>rate  System  of  Ireland,  cxlix. 

(c)  James  Lee  to  Sir  Edward  Scott.    State  Papers,  Domestic  Chas.  II.,  sub  nun,  P.R.O.  London. 


106  History  of  Clonmel. 

and  else  where  declared  my  readiness  all  that  could  make  out  their  rights  therevnto 
either  by  antient  records  or  by  copies  of  their  own  parents  former  freedomes. 
Nevertheless  John  Power  an  inhabitaunt  of  this  towne  has  applied  with  others  very 
tumultuously  in  court  demanding  not  only  his  freedom  but  to  be  admitted  a  burgess 
and  yett  obstinately  refuseing  to  produce  either  copies  of  freedom  or  a  record  to  make 
out  his  right  though  antient  reconls  have  lately  been  seen  in  his  possession  which  to 
the  greate  preiudice  of  the  corporation  he  denies  to  show  me  so  that  by  the  advice  of 
my  Counsell  I  have  forborne  to  admit  him  as  freeman  or  burgess.  Whereupon  he  has 
lately  caused  some  scandalous  papers  to  be  penned  reflecting  very  much  on  the  reputation 
of  our  whole  society  and  particularly  the  Mayor  bailiffs  and  burgesses  the  authority  of  this 
Corporation  (d). 

The  reasons  for  withholding  the  records  appear  in  an  intercepted  letter 
of  Lee  to  Power.  "  Having  being  formerly  a  natiue  inhabitant  which  I  made 
appeare  by  an  old  record  which  I  haue  shown  to  some  of  the  petty  burgesses 
of  this  town  but  not  to  the  Maior  being  very  sure  he  would  forceably  keep  it 
from  me  "  (e).  Some  twelve  of  the  old  natives  obtained  their  freedom  but  in 
the  meantime  so  great  a  clamour  was  raised  in  England  over  the  admission 
of  Catholics  into  the  Corporations  that  Berkeley  was  recalled  and  Essex 
appointed  Lord  Lieutenant  (f).  On  the  23rd  September  following,  the  "  New 
Rules  "  for  the  government  of  Corporations,  were  issued.  These  by  subjecting 
municipal  appointments  to  the  control  of  the  Lord  Lieutenant  and  Council, 
and  by  imposing  the  oath  of  supremacy  on  all  mayors,  bailiffs,  recorders, 
town  clerks,  treasurers,  aldermen  and  burgesses,  extinguished  the  charter 
rights  of  the  old  inhabitants  and  gave  legal  sanction  to  the  Cromwellian 
Settlement  of  the  towns.  Two  months  later  a  bribe  to  apostacy  was 
held  out  by  the  Corporation. 

At  a  Councill  held  at  the  Tholsel  of  this  Town  of  Clonmell  on  the  13th  Day  of 
November  1672.  Quaere.  Whether  the  Natives  of  this  Towne  as  Merchants  and 
other  Tradesmen  conforming  themselves  to  the  Rules  of  the  printed  Proclamation  from 
the  Lord  Lieutenant  and  Councill  bearinge  Date  the  23  Day  of  September  1672,  shall 
be  made  free  of  this  Corporation  or  not. 

Carried  on  the  Affirmative. 

The  history  of  Clonmel  as  of  the  rest  of  the  kingdom,  during  the 
subsequent  twenty  years,  is  a  record  of  politico  religious  turmoil.  On  the 
one  hand  the  insecurity  of  the  new  settlers  owing  to  the  Catholic  succession 
to  the  throne,  their  fierce  Calvinistic  religion,  the  stories  of  popish  plots  and 
massacres  imported  from  England  and  circulated  by  such  men  as  Orrery  and 
Mount  Alexander,  created  profound  distrust  and  hatred.  The  Irish  on  the 
other  hand,  clamorous  for  restoration  to  their  estates,  showed  neither  good 
sense  nor  tact  in  a  situation  delicate  and  perilous  in  the  extreme.    Their 

(d)  Francis  Hopkins,  Mayor  of  Clonmel  to  Essex,  Lord  Lieutenant,  Feb.  15th,  1673.     Ibid. 

(e)  James  Lee  to  John  Power.     Ibid. 

Yf)  The  following  appear  in  the  "  Ministers  Money "  return  for  1674.  Henry  White,  James 
Moroney,  Nicholas  White,  John  Stritch,  Ignatius  Sail,  Peter  Rothe,  Edward  Lafifan,  Nicholas  Barron, 
Edward  Comerford,  Walter  Brennock,  Thomas  Ryan. 


History  of  Clonmel.  io7 

leaders  Talbot  and  Nugent  eager  to  dominate  the  army  and  (through  the 
corporations)  the  parliament,  helped  in  no  small  measure  to  raise  the  storm 
which  eventually  swept  away  the  Stuart  dynasty.  The  incidents  of  Clonmel 
life  are  characteristic  of  the  time.  On  the  fifth  of  November,  1672,  the  Mayor 
and  Corporation  went  to  church  to  commemorate  the  anniversary  of  the  Gun 
Powder  Plot.  They  were  mobbed  on  their  return  and  the  mayor  received 
rough  handling  (g).  The  effects  of  the  Titus  Oates*  explosion  were  also  felt, 
for  on  5th  April,  1679,  by  proclamation  from  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  the  Catholic 
inhabitants  were  removed  outside  the  walls  of  the  town,  except  a  few  necessary 
merchants  and  artificers.  This  cruel  measure  was  followed  by  one  more  cruel, 
because  more  lasting  in  its  effects.  In  1681  the  first  of  the  trade  guilds,  that  of 
merchants,  was  formed;  a  few  years  later  the  guilds  of  the  cordwainers 
and  brewers.  The  three  included  in  their  scope  all  the  commerce  and 
handicrafts  of  the  town.  It  was  competent  for  the  members,  being  Protestants, 
to  impose  any  terms  they  pleased  on  Catholics,  or  indeed  to  say  whether 
they  should  be  permitted  to  trade  at  all.  Yet  the  Cromwellians  did  not  feel 
their  ascendancy  quite  secure.  The  grand  jury  of  the  county  palatine  in  1682 
refused  a  loyal  address  to  Charles  II.  Omiond  as  lord  of  the  palatinate  and 
lord  lieutenant  took  notice  of  the  affair,  and  determined  to  bring  to  account 
Stephen  Moore  who  had  moved  the  rejection  of  the  address.  "  I  know  not 
how  farr  Mr.  Herbert's  [Chief  Justice  of  Tipperary]  passion  may  have  been 
the  cause  that  an  address  was  not  unanimously  agreed  to  at  Clonmell  but  it 
will  behove  Mr.  Moore  to  give  some  signall  evidence  that  he  repents  the 
opposition  he  gave  it,  and  is  ready  to  make  amends  and  it  concearns  my  Lord 
Chief  Justice  to  dispose  him  to  it  that  he  may  not  stand  suspected  to  cajole 
the  partie  for  feare  or  favour,  and  I  know  not  what  demonstration  those  can 
now  make  but  by  contriving  and  carrying  on  an  address  as  plaine  and  full 
as  any  other  county  or  corporation  has  presented  **  (h).  Nothing,  however, 
appears  to  have  been  done,  but  four  years  later  Moore  emboldened  by 
impunity  used  seditious  language  towards  the  new  king.  For  this  he  was 
put  on  trial,  and  Tyrconnell,  Lord  Lieutenant,  to  secure  conviction  came  to 
Clonmel  in  person.  The  Cromwellian  jury  refusing  to  convict,  the  affair 
assumed  national  importance  (i).  But  the  event  which  stirred  the  town  to 
its  depths  was  the  suit  in  the  Court  of  Exchequer — Attorney  General  v.  The 
Corporation  of  Clonmel  in  1687.  A  judgment  of  "  Ouster "  was  given  as  in 
the  case  of  the  other  towns,  on  the  grounds  that  the  members  were  not  duly 

(g)  Sir  H.  Ford  to  Earl  of  Arlington,  25th  Nov.,  1672.  Essex  to  Arlington.  State  Papers 
Domestic  Chas.  II.,  P.R.O.  London. 

(h)  Ormond  to  Arran,  October  2nd,  1682. — Carte  Papers  L.,  p.  195. 

(i)  List  of  Jury  in  vol.  xxxix..  No.  27  of  the  Carte  Papers.  This  is  possibly  the  origin  of  the 
family  fiction  that  Moore  financed  King  William  in  the  sum  of  ;^3000  which  was  never  repaid. 


108 


History  of  Clonmel. 


elected,  had  violated  the  articles  of  incorporation  and  the  like.  Furthermore, 
a  new  charter  (7  December  3,  Jas.  IL,  1687)  passed  the  great  seal.  It  has  been 
the  fashion  of  partisan  historians,  such  as  Harris  and  King,  to  represent  these 
proceedings  as  the  confiscation  of  civic  rights,  and  the  filling  of  the 
corporations  with  the  dregs  of  the  papist  population  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
respectable  Protestant  inhabitants.  The  truth  is  that  the  new  charters 
enlarged  the  powers  of  the  local  bodies  and  provided  safeguards  against 
their  becoming  what  they  subsequently  did — mere  pocket  boroughs.  The 
following  were  named  in  the  charter  to  Clonmel  as  the  governing  body  to 
come  into  existence  29th  September,  1688 : — 

Mayor, 
James  Butler,  Merchant. 

Bailiffs. 
Richard  Dennison,  Merchant. 
Patrick  Brennock,  Merchant. 


Nicholas  White,  gent. 
Richard  Moore,  gent. 
John  Bray,  gent. 
Joseph  Comerford,  gent. 
Thomas  Meade,  gent. 
Peter  Root,  mercht. 
William  Vaughan,  mercht. 

Thomas  White. 
Nicholas  Barron. 
James  Moroney. 
John  Savage. 
Gilbert  Fryer. 
Nicholas  White. 
John  Stritch. 
Thomas  Donoghow. 
John  Greet. 
Theobald  Butler. 
Richard  Daniel. 
George  Sherlock. 
Richard  Bambrick. 
William  Quirke. 


Aldermen, 

James  Butler,  jun.,  mercht. 
Leonard  Boyton,  mercht. 
John  Hickey,  Doctor  in  Medicine. 
William  Stanley,  mercht. 
George  CoUett,  mercht. 
Walter  Brennock,  apothecary. 
Richard  Whitehand,  mercht. 

Free  Burgesses. 

Francis  Moroney. 
Richard  Betts. 
Nicholas  White  fitz  James. 
Thomas  White. 
Thomas  Craddock. 
Laurence  Brennock. 
John  Mead. 
John  Nevill. 
John  Moore. 
John  Meagher. 
James  Comerford. 
•James  Long. 
Dermot  Daniell. 
John  Stritch,  jun. 


History  of  Clonmel.  io9 

Recorder. 
Sir  Theobald  Butler. 

Town  Clerk  and  Protonotary. 
James  Butler  fitz  James. 

One  bailiff,  six  aldermen  and  eight  burgesses  represented  the  non- 
Catholics  in  the  new  corporation.  Of  these  George  Collett,  a  quaker,  and 
William  Vaughan,  a  "sectary,"  were  excluded  as  such  from  the  former 
corporation,  while  the  second  alderman  named,  Richard  Moore,  had 
persistently  opposed  every  concession  to  his  Catholic  townsmen. 

On  the  evening  of  Thursday,  2ist  March,  1689,  King  James  II.  after  a 
weary  journey  from  Lismore  reached  Clonmel.  A  contemporary  describes 
his  progress.  "  All  along  the  road  the  county  came  to  meet  his  majesty  with 
staunch  loyalty,  profound  respect  and  tender  love  as  if  he  had  been  an  angel 
from  heaven.  All  degrees  of  people  and  of  both  sexes  were  of  the  number, 
old  and  young.  Orations  of  welcome  being  made  to  him  at  the  entrance  of 
each  considerable  town  and  the  young  rural  maids  weaving  of  dances  before 
him  as  he  travelled.  In  a  word  from  Kinsale  to  Dublin  the  way  was  like  a 
great  fair,  such  crowds  poured  forth  from  their  habitations  to  wait  on  his 
majesty "  (j).  Events  now  moved  rapidly.  King  James  a  week  after  his 
arrival  in  Dublin  summoned  a  parliament  of  a  kingdom  only  yet  half 
subdued.  Clonmel  returned  as  its  representatives  Aldermen  Nicholas  White 
and  John  Bray,  while  among  the  other  members  for  the  county  we  find 
Butlers,  Purcells,  Everards  and  Tobins,  all  belonging  to  families  that  had 
gone  through  forty  years  of  plunder  and  persecution.  From  a  parliament  so 
constituted  neither  deliberative  discussion,  nor  political  sagacity  might  be 
looked  for.  One  of  the  first  acts  was  a  wholesale  attainder  of  the 
Cromwellian  settlers  (k).  The  following  residents  of  Clonmel  were  named  in 
the  Act : — Hercules  Beere  merchant,  Henry  Charnley  merchant,  Andrew 
Coulter  gentleman,  John  Green  gentleman,  John  Ladyman  gentleman,  John 
Mead  merchant,  Hugh  Radcliffe  gentleman,  Richard  Piggott  esquire,  Phineas 
Ryall  merchant,  William  Vaughan  merchant,   John  Walkington,  clerk  (I), 

ij)  A  Light  to  the  Blind.    Ed.  Gilbert,  p.  46. 

(k)  The  only  justiftcation  that  could  be  found  for  these  measures  was  the  resolve  to  secure  the 
fruits  of  their  victory.  The  Irish  had  fought  for  King  James'  brother  for  ten  years  in  France,  yet 
after  the  Restoration  not  one  obtained  as  much  land  as  would  afford  him  a  grave. 

(I)  The  County  Tipperary  names  in  the  Act  of  Attainder  are  Charles  Alcock  Powerstown, 
Jonathan  Ashe  Killoquick,  Joseph  Biggs  Castlecoyne,  Francis  Biggs  Kedragh,  Lieutenant  Bradstone 
Tipperary,  Robert  Boyle  Killgrant,  John  Bright  Shanrahan,  John  Briggs  Castletown,  John 
Buck  worth  Shanballyduff,  Chiclley  Coote  Armagh,  John  Castle  Richardstown,  Thomas  Chimmicks 
Tullamayne,  George  Clarke  Ballytarsney,  George  Clarke  Shanrahan,  George  Clerke  Tubberaheena, 
Richard  Clutterbuck  Derryluskan,  John  Darcy  Cashel,  James  Dawson  Tuam.  John  Doherty  Cashel, 
Mary  Davis  Killoquick,  John  Evelyn  Drangan,  Anthony  Erby  Cashel,  Robert  Foulkes  Baptistgrange, 


110  History  of  Clonmel. 

On  the  principle  of  dividing  the  bear's  skin  before  killing  him,  a  further 
act  was  passed  repealing  the  Acts  of  Settlement  and  Explanation,  and 
redistributing  the  land  to  the  former  Irish  owners.  These  measures  while 
adding  little  to  the  strength  of  James'  party  in  Ireland,  enlisted  against  him 
all  the  forces  of  national  hatred.  His  cause  before  stood  for  Catholic 
monarchy  against  Protestant  republicanism,  now  it  became  the  narrower  and 
more  passionate  issue,  Ireland  against  England. 

During  the  period  1689-1690  while  several  of  the  Protestant  inhabitants 
of  Clonmel  fled  in  apprehension,  there  appears  to  be  no  evidence  of  the  abuse 
of  power  by  the  Catholics.  The  levies  for  the  support  of  King  James'  armies, 
and  the  legalized  plunder  by  debased  currency  pressed  equally  on  both 
parties,  but  some  relief  was  afforded  by  the  reduction  of  the  garrison  in  order 
to  swell  the  army  in  the  north.  When,  however,  in  the  early  days  of  July, 
1690,  news  was  brought  that  James  was  defeated  at  the  Boyne,  that  Dublin 
had  fallen  and  William  was  rapidly  marching  southwards,  it  was  proposed 
to  burn  the  town  lest  it  should  afford  him  shelter.  Story,  King  William's 
chaplain,  gives  some  particulars. 

Sunday  July  20  1690.  Encamped  at  a  place  called  Rossed  Narrow  upon  the  estate 
of  one  Mr.  Read  [six  miles  from  Kilkenny]  where  the  King  had  news  that  the  enemy 
had  quitted  Clonmel  whither  Count  Schomberg  marched  with  a  body  of  Horse.  This 
is  one  of  the  strongest  towns  in  Ireland  and  cost  Oliver  Cromwell  at  least  2000  men  in 
taking  it ;  the  Irish  made  some  pretensions  to  hold  it  now ;  in  order  to  which  they 
levelled  all  the  suburbs  and  hedges  but  all  they  did  was  to  make  the  inhabitants  pay 
them  £300  to  save  the  town  from  being  burnt  or  plundered ;  it  stands  upon  the  river 
Sure  in  a  pleasant  and  fruitful  country  (m). 

Another  clergyman  in  the  train  of  William,  Rev.  Roland  Davis,  supplies 
further  information. 


Capt.  Henry  Fox  Lackymorc,  Richard  Tanner  Aghlevallane,  Francis  Fookes  Ballycarron,  Nicholas 
Fowler  Baflintotty,  Sankey  Godfrey  Knockfallrey,  William  Godfrey  Knockgraffon,  Samuel  Green 
Batlynonty,  Christmas  Gwin  Graigej  James  Harrison  Cloughjordan,  Isaac  Haynes  Knocknaroe,  John 
Hill  Borris,  John  Hoyle,  Glenahelly  Samuel  Hughes  Cashel,  James  Jones  Tipi^erary,  John  Leake 
Knockgraffon,  John  Lehunt  Cashel,  John  Launer  Killusty,  Edward  I-egg  Ballinderry,  George 
Lehunt  Ballinure,  Stephen  Moore  Here  Abbey,  Thomas  Moore  Carrigansheeragh,  Thomas  Meredith 
Ballycahill,  Thomas  Moody  Kilcaroon,  Ann  Parnell  Killusty,  Michael  Parker  Killosalla,  John  Page 
Loughkent,  John  Perry  Kilmaloge,  John  Pyke  Woodenstown,  Henry  Pretty  Killboy,  Joseph  Ruthorne 
Poulakerry,  Molyneux  Robinson  Cashel,  Gregory  Roe  Killeheen,  John  Sadleir  Ballintemple,  Richard 
Sadleir  Ardftnnan,  John  Seed  Tullagh,  Thomas  Shapcott  Loughkent,  Arthur  Taylor  Noane,  Margaret 
Walkden  Ardmaile,  Thomas  Valentine  Killoan,  Purefoy  Wanoick  Ballysheedy,  William  Watts 
Drangan,  Humphrey  Wray  Ballycallan,  John  White  Ardfinnan,  Elizabeth  Ward  Keile. 

(m)  War  in  Ireland,  Story,  p.  109.  The  army  of  King  James  had  not  a  monoply  of  plunder. 
"  Some  of  King  William's  regiments  in  Munster  lay  as  heavy  on  the  country  as  the  enemy  could  do  ; 
of  which  Fethard  in  the  county  of  Tipperary  afforded  a  melancholy  instance,  the  day  before  the 
battle  of  Aughrim  ;  which  the  army  being  about  to  leave  swept  clean  off  everything  not  sparing  even 
the  parson's  books  and  sermons  ;  and  the  loss  that  little  town  sustained  was  computed  to  amount  to 
;f2000  in  money,  plate  and  goods.  But  (adds  my  author)  their  damage  was  soon  after  repaired  by 
a  contribution  from  several  regiments  concerned."     Harris'  King  William,  p.  324. 


History  of  Clonmel.  hi 

We  marched  from  Kells  [Co.  Kilkenny]  to  the  mills  near  Clonmel  with  four  pieces 
of  cannon  in  the  van.  As  we  passed  by  the  mountain  above  Kilcash  we  saw  two  small 
parties  of  the  enemy  hovering  on  the  mountain  and  supposed  to  have  a  design  on  our 
baggage  (»). 

The  Williamites  nevertheless  entered  the  town  unmolested,  the  gates 
being  open  and  the  garrison  fled.  Davis  supplies  an  unconscious  climax  to 
this  sort  of  warfare.  "  2lst  I  went  to  Clonmel  to  visit  Mr.  Thomas  Moore 
with  whom  I  dined  and  spent  most  of  the  day."  But  with  the  defeat  before 
Limerick  and  the  brilliant  coup  of  Sarsfield,  the  campaign  entered  on  a  new 
phase.  William  was  compelled  to  return  to  Clonmel  on  30th  August  to 
arrange  for  winter  quarters  and  a  renewal  of  the  war  the  following  year. 
The  command  of  the  army  was  entrusted  to  Count  Solmes  and  General 
Ginckle,  and  the  civil  government  to  Lords  Justices  Sydney  and  Conningsby. 
The  defences  of  Clonmel  had  been  neglected  since  the  Cromwellian  period. 
In  1666  Orrery  reported — "  In  the  town  and  citadel  no  guns  mounted  nor  any 
scaff'olds  to  fire  over  the  walls  of  the  citadel.*'  William,  who  left  nothing  to 
chance,  gave  instructions  regarding  them.  "  The  fortification  of  such  places 
as  Cashel  and  Clonmel  where  the  troops  will  be  for  the  winter  should  above 
all  things  be  advanced ;  these  places  should  be  well  provisioned  both  for 
horses  and  men  "  (0).  Nor  were  these  precautions  needless,  for  a  fortnight 
later  Solmes  wrote  to  the  King  :  "  The  rapparees  the  day  before  yesterday 
attacked  our  provisions  and  artillery  between  Clonmel  and  Carrick  and 
everything  had  to  be  sent  back  to  the  former  place  for  safety  "  (p).  During 
the  winter  there  were  other  troubles.  On  December  lOth,  Ginckle  wrote  from 
Kilkenny  :  "  The  governor  of  Clonmells  letter  tells  me  that  his  garrison  is  in 
great  distress ;  in  two  batallions  there  are  250  sick  and  25  died  in  four  days, 
and  they  are  beginning  to  desert "  (q).  The  war  continued  to  drag  on  for 
another  year  when  the  Irish  gained  a  diplomatic  victory  by  the  treaty  of 
Limerick,  guaranteeing  them  such  civil  rights  as  they  had  enjoyed  in  the  reign 
of  Charles  IL  How  the  terms  were  kept  in  the  case  of  Clonmel  will  appear  in 
the  following  chapter. 


(n)  Diary  of  Rev.  Roland  Davics,  Camden  Society- 

(0)  Memoiie  pour  mon  Cousin  Solmes.     King  William,  Waterford,  September  2nd. 
(f)  Solmes  to  William,  Tipperary,  September  14th. 
(q)  Lord  De  Ros  Papers,  Hist.  MSS.  Commission,  p.  321. 


Ohapxer  VIII. 


J 


CLONMEL  IN  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

WAS  once"  wrote  Swift  in  1700  "in  your  county,  Tipperary,  which 
is  like  the  rest  of  the  whole  kingdom,  a  bare  face  of  nature,  without 
houses  or  plantations;  filthy  cabins,  miserable,  tattered,  half 
starved  creatures,  scarce  in  human  shape;  one  insolent  ignorant 
oppressive  squire  to  be  found  in  twenty  miles  riding;  a  parish  church  to  be 
found  in  a  summer  day's  journey,  in  comparison  of  which  an  English  farmer's 
barn  is  a  cathedral ;  a  bog  of  fifteen  miles  round ;  every  meadow  a  slough  and 
every  hill  a  mixture  of  rock,  heath  and  marsh ;  and  every  male  and  female 
from  the  farmer  inclusive  to  the  day  labourer,  infallibly  a  thief  and 
consequently  a  beggar  which  in  this  island  are  terms  convertible.  There  is 
not  an  acre  of  land  in  Ireland  turned  to  half  its  advantage ;  yet  it  is  better 
improved  than  the  people;  and  all  these  evils  are  effects  of  English  tyranny  ; 
so  your  sons  and  grandchildren  will  find  to  their  sorrow  *YrA  The  saeva 
indignatio  of  the  Dean  has  somewhat  darkened  the  shadows,  but  the  picture 
in  its  broad  outlines  is  a  true  one.  The  clearing  of  the  woods  forty  years 
before  had  left  the  county  "a  bare  face  of  nature."  The  bogs  were  still 
undrained,  while  much  of  the  land  was  brought  into  cultivation  only  at  a 
period  long  subsequent.  Enclosures  there  were  none;  four  townlands  for 
example,  close  to  Clonmel, — Caherclough,  Lisronagh,  Garranearla  and 
Killmore  in  all  1400  acres,  were  in  1702  divided  neither  by  dyke  nor 
hedgerow  (s).  The  roads,  mere  bridal  paths,  were  in  the  same  condition 
as  when  St.  Patrick  had  passed  over  them.  The  mansions  which  dignify  the 
landscape  had  then  no  existence ;  there  is  not  (with  probably  one  exception) 


(r)  Swift  to  Rev.  Mr.  Brandreth.     Swift's  Earlier  Life,  Rev.  J.  Barrett,  London  1808. 
(s)  Ormond,  fee  farm  grant  1702. 


History  of  Clonmel.  113 

on  the  soil  of  Tipperary  a  house  of  two  storeys  which  dates  from  the  period 
1640-1740.  Nor  is  Swift's  portrait  of  the  "ignorant,  insolent,  oppressive 
squires  "  overdrawn.  The  sons  for  the  most  part  of  puritan  tradesfolk,  they 
retained  all  the  self-exaltation  and  the  narrowness  with  none  of  the  sprituality 
of  their  fathers.  They  were  placed  in  the  midst  of  a  people  who  hated  them ; 
they  were  vexed  by  the  daily  sight  of  the  old  owners  "  coshering "  among 
their  tenantry  and  could  not,  if  they  would,  render  beneficent  service  or  kindly 
charity  (t).  Farming  after  the  manner  of  the  time  huge  sheep  walks,  they 
were  compelled  to  live  in  the  country,  removed  from  every  source  of 
enlightenment  and  culture.  In  the  event  the  Irish  gentry,  fox-hunting,  duelling 
and  debauched,  earned  for  themselves  an  evil  pre-eminence  even  in  the  age 
when  the  saying  "  as  drunk  as  a  lord  "  passed  current. 

If  the  standard  of  social  life  was  low,  that  of  public  life  was  still  lower. 
Nowhere  was  the  dictum  of  Horace  Walpole — "  every  man  has  his  price  " 
better  understood.  The  government  of  the  country  by  the  English  ministry 
was  carried  on  by  wholesale  bribery.  Parliament  as  a  deliberative  assembly 
simply  ceased  to  exist.  Lasting  for  the  life  of  the  king  and  practically 
irresponsible,  it  became  a  mart  for  the  sale  of  votes.  Accordingly  the  great 
object  of  ambition  to  the  county  squire  was  a  seat  in  the  Commons,  and 
elections  were  contested  with  a  bitterness  and  an  unscrupulousness  of  which 
one  can  have  little  conception  in  our  times.  When  the  squire  obtained  a 
preponderating  influence  in  a  borough,  or  ultimately  as  "patron  "  nominated 
the  member  himself,  he  was  then  in  a  position  to  command  office  and 
pensions  for  his  sons,  advantageous  alliances  for  his  daughters,  and  at  the 
end  of  no  long  vista  lay  a  peerage  for  himself.  Across  the  preamble  of  the 
patents  of  the  eighteenth  century  nobility  in  Ireland  might  be  written  the 
words  "  parliamentary  corruption  "  (u).  The  process  by  which  Clonmel  was 
converted  into  a  pocket  borough,  the  several  steps  by  which  the  family  of  a 
Devonshire  tradesman  ascended  into  a  peerage  without  military  services  or 
civic  distinction,  deserve  careful  notice. 

Owing  to  the  conditions  under  which  the  Cromwellian  corporation  was 
established,  the  ancient  qualifications  for  freedom,  viz.  birth,  apprenticeship, 

(t)  "  I  know  that  lasiness  is  commonly  objected  to  the  Irish  and  is  made  the  ground  of  their 
povertie.  I  own  that  there  are  some  whose  ancestors  had  great  estates  and  lost  them  in  the  several 
rebellions;  now  the  posterity  of  these  men  commonly  preserve  with  care  their  genealogies  and 
still  reckon  themselves  gents  and  look  on  it  as  the  greatest  debasement  in  the  world  to  work  or 
exercise  any  trade ;  they  live  therefore  either  by  robbing  or  on  their  Clans  who  still  pay  them  respect 
and  maintain  them  after  a  sort."  (Taxation  of  Ireland  1716,  Historical  MSB.  Commission,  6  Rep.) 
Sixty  years  later  the  descendants  of  these  "  Tories  "  went  about,  their  ancient  title  deeds  carried  in  a 
handkerchief  in  their  hats  ;  Arthur  Young  saw  them  as  common  labourers  making  wills  in  which 
they  bequeathed  large  estates. 

(u)  For  example — ^The  ancestor  of  the  late  Viscount  Lismore  obtained  control*  of  the  boroughs 
of  Pethard  and  Enniscorthy.  In  due  sequence  a  marriage  with  the  Ponsonbys,  the  great 
*  parliamentary  managers,  followed,  and  the  Lismore  peerage. 

J 


114  History  of  Clonmel. 

and  marriage,  were  ignored,  and  the  Council,  the  Mayor,  or  a  body  of  citizens 
called  the  D'Ouir  Hundred  Jury  exercised  mero  motu  the  power  to  admit 
freemen.  Further,  the  number  of  the  new  settlers  being  small,  the  precedent 
was  early  established  of  conferring  the  freedom,  with  its  various  municipal 
and  parliamentary  privileges,  on  persons  who  had  no  connection  with  the 
town  whether  by  trade  or  residence.  The  opportunities  thus  afforded  for 
intrigue  are  obvious,  and  they  were  soon  availed  of.  As  early  as  1681  a  by- 
law was  made  restricting  the  Mayor's  and  the  Council's  nominees  to  persons 
of  the  rank  of  esquire  (v).  But  as  esquires  abounded,  two  further  acts  were 
passed — one  on  7th  February,  1693,  the  other,  4th  September,  1704 — 
prohibiting  the  Mayor  from  conferring  the  freedom  independently  of  the 
Council  and  the  D'Ouir  Hundred,  under  a  penalty  of  £40  for  each  person 
sworn.  Prohibitions  and  penalties  notwithstanding,  freemen  continued  to  be 
made  with  a  view  to  the  hustings. 

At  a  Generall  Assembly  of  the  Town  and  Borough  of  Clonmell  at  the  Tholsel 
thereof,  before  the  Mayor,  Bailiffs,  ifree  Burgesses  and  Commons  of  the  said  Borough, 
the  5th  Day  of  June  1713. 

Whereas  we  find  it  prejudicial  to  the  Revenues  and  publick  Interest  of  the  said 
Borough  that  the  Mayor  of  the  said  Borough  should  make  any  Person  residing  without 
the  Liberties  of  the  said  Borough  free  thereof. 

We  therefore  present  that  it  be  ordered,  enacted  and  consented  by  the  said  Mayor, 
Bailiffs,  ifree  Burgesses,  and  Commons  aforesaid  that  the  present  Mayor  of  the  said 
Borough  or  any  other  Person  that  shall  hereafter  be  Mayor  thereof,  shall  not  admit  or 
swear  any  Person  whatsoever  free  of  this  Borough  without  the  unanimous  consent  of 
the  Common  Council  thereof  or  the  greater  part  of  them,  and  the  Doyer  Hundred  Jury 
if  then  sitting,  or  the  greater  part  of  them ;  and  that  if  the  present  Mayor  or  any  Person 
who  shall  be  Mayor  of  the  said  Borough,  shall  admit  or  swear  any  person  or  persons 
whatsoever  free  as  aforesaid  contrary  to  the  true  Intent  of  this  Act,  that  then  such 
Mayor  shall  pay  to  the  Chamberlain  of  the  said  Borough  for  the  use  of  the  said  Mayor, 
Bailiffs,  free  Burgesses  and  Commons,  the  sum  of  £40  sterling  for  each  person  so  sworn. 

We  also  present  that  every  succeeding  Person  who  is  to  be  admitted  and  sworn 
Mayor  shall,  before  he  takes  the  usual  Oaths,  take  one  other  Oath  to  observe  this  and 
all  other  Bye  Laws  made  for  the  good  government  of  this  Borough  provided  they  are 
not  repugnant  to  the  Laws  of  the  Land. 

Nor  did  this  put  a  stop  to  the  creation  of  faggot  voters ;  three  years 
subsequent  the  D'Ouir  Hundred  Jury  found  it  necessary  to  make  a  presentment. 

Wee  find  and  desire  that  no  person  not  living  in  Town  be  either  admitted  or  sworn 
free  of  this  Corporation. 

At  this  period  the  citizens  at  large,  had  a  considerable  share  in  the 
government  of  the  town.    The  mayor  and  other  officials  were  elected  by  a 

(v)  At  a  Council  held  for  the  Corporation  of  Clonmell  on  the  3rd  Day  of  October  168 1.  Ordered 
that  no  Person  or  Persons  under  the  Degree  of  an  Esquire  be  made  free  of  this  Town  for  the  future 
unless  by  Service  or  a  Doyer  Hundred  Jury  upon  Pain  of  each  Mayor  swearing  any  such  Person  to 
forfeit  fifty  Pounds  sterling  to  the  use  of  the  corporation  for  each  such  offence,  and  the  same  to  be 
leavied  by  way  of  Distress. 


History  of  Clonmel.  ii5 

majority  of  the  freemen  and  council  assembled  together  in  common.  The 
corporate  estate  was  administered  by  the  D'Oiiir  Hundred  Court  consisting 
of  the  mayor,  bailiffs  and  a  jury  of  fifteen  citizens,  held  for  that  purpose 
twice  a  year^w/  Moreover  there  was  a  strong  local  party  led  by  Robert 
Hamerton,  grandson  of  Richard  the  settler  of  Cromwell's  time.  Deriving 
under  the  Radcliffs  a  valuable  interest  in  the  burgagery  lands,  Hamerton, 
besides  a  house  at  Ballyneale,  had  a  stately  mansion  close  to  the  east  gate 
where  the  Town  Hall  now  stands.  Here  he  rallied  the  resident  freemen, 
and  announced  promiscuous  hospitality  by  an  inscription  over  the  vestibule. 

Welcome  All 
To  Hamerton  Hall. 

Such  was  the  position  of  affairs  when  Stephen  Moore  "the  Colonel," 
was  installed  mayor,  29th  September,  1724.  As  a  parliamentary  candidate 
he  had  already  attracted  much  attention,  and  his  skill  with  the  pistol  was 
notorious.  In  1719  he  had  contested  Fethard  with  Counsellor  Slattery, 
Lord  Cahir's  agent  Slattery  though  unseated  on  petition  was  subsequently 
elected  for  Blessington.  The  feud  was  renewed  and  on  Sunday,  13th 
November,  1726,  Moore  and  Slattery  fought  on  the  Green  with  sword  and 
pistol.  The  result  may  still  be  read  on  a  tomb  within  the  ruined  church 
of  Kilgrant. 

Here  Lyes  y^  Body  of  John  Slatterie  Co[unsellor1 
AT  Law,  a  Member  of  Parliament  who  was  Killed 
by  Stephen  Moor  y^  13  N"*  1726. 

Daring  and  unscrupulous,  Moore  by  interest  or  menace,  obtained  a 
majority  in  the  town  council  by  means  of  which  he  set  about  converting 
Clonmel  into  a  pocket  borough  for  the  advantage  of  his  family.  It  had  been 
customary  for  the  mayor  on  entering  office  to  summon  the  D'Ouir  Hundred 
Jury  to  take  cognizance  of  the  corporate  estate  and  present  persons  for 
freedom.  No  jury  was  called,  and  in  vain  were  petitions  presented  reminding 
the  mayor  of  the  by-law  : — 

"  Ville  de  Clonmellensis— At  a  Council  held  the  29  day  of  November  1700.  Ordered 
That  the  Doyer  Hundred  Jury  be  kept  twice  a  year." 

On  the  2ist  January,  1725,  Robert  FitzGerald,  Recorder  of  Clonmel,  died. 
Moore  nominated  for  the  office  Thomas  Marlay,  Solicitor  General.  As  the 
election  was  by  the  freemen  at  large,  Moore  forthwith  made  forty-three  of 

(w)  "  The  Oath  of  the  Doyer  Hundred  Jurors.  You  shall  swear  that  you  shall  well  and  truly 
enquire  into  all  and  singular  the  Revenues  of  this  Corporation  and  to  all  other  the  Lands  Tenements 
Rents  and  Arrears  of  Rents  and  all  Debts  and  Fines  belonging  to  the  same  as  shall  be  given  you  in 
charge  and  of  the  same  true  Presentment  make  to  the  best  of  your  knowledge." 


116  History  of  Clonmel. 

his  friends  free,  two  only  of  whom  were  resident  in  the  town.  The  bailiffs 
refused  to  swear  Moore's  nominees  as  ineligible,  but  Richard  Going,  the  town 
clerk,  at  Moore's  request  administered  the  oath  and  Marlay  was  duly  certified 
to  the  Lord  Lieutenant  as  Recorder  of  Clonmel.  Robert  Marshall,  however, 
the  rival  candidate,  petitioned  against  the  return,  and  the  election  was  set 
aside.  Moore,  nothing  daunted,  held  a  council  meeting  a  week  later  at  which 
he  created  no  fewer  than  forty-nine  additional  freemen  of  whom  a  solitary 
individual  only,  was  resident  in  the  town.  The  following  24th  June  saw  two 
rival  mayors  elected.  Moore  certified  to  the  election  of  James  Going,  Mayor, 
Bartholomew  Labart  and  James  Castell,  Bailiffs;  the  town  party  returned 
Robert  Hamerton,  Mayor,  Jeremiah  Morgan  and  Richard  Whitehand,  Bailiffs. 
On  the  hearing  of  the  case  before  the  Privy  Council  it  appeared  that  exclusive 
of  his  own  nominees  only  sixty-five  freemen  voted  for  Moore's  candidates, 
while  the  opposition  numbered  one  hundred  and  forty.  Hamerton  was 
approved  of,  but  the  affair  did  not  end  here.  At  a  council  meeting  held  in 
October 

It  appeared  at  the  Generall  Assembly  that  on  the  29  of  September  last,  Stephen 
Moore  Esqr.  then  Mayor  of  this  Corporation,  was  required  according  to  the  usuall  custom 
to  appear  in  the  Tholsell  to  swear  the  said  Robert  Hamerton,  Mayor,  Jerome  Morgan 
and  Richard  Whitehand,  Baylififs,  pursuant  to  the  said  election  and  approbation,  which 
he  absolutely  refused  to  doe  and  hath  ever  since  withheld  and  retained  the  Regalia  or 
Ensigns  of  Mayoralty  belonging  to  this  Corporation  and  the  books  of  the  same,  but  hath 
done  no  Act  as  Mayor. 

The  case  was  now  carried  to  the  King's  Bench,  and  a  judgment  of 
'Ouster'  obtained  against  Hamerton  on  the  ground  that  he  was  not  one 
of  the  three  persons  nominated  by  the  council,  according  to  ancient  usage, 
for  the  office  of  mayor.  But  two  years  later,  in  the  parliamentary  election, 
consequent  on  the  death  of  George  L  the  Moores  suffered  a  signal  defeat. 
Guy  Moore  and  Stephen  Moore  obtained  169  and  161  votes  respectively 
against  136  votes  recorded  for  Robert  Hamerton  and  133  for  Robert  Marshall. 
On  petition  to  the  Commons,  the  Moores  were  unseated,  as  the  ninety-two 
freemen  made  by  Stephen  Moore  during  his  mayoralty  "had  not  been 
presented  by  the  Doyer  Hundred  Jury  and  were  only  to  serve  a  family 
interest."  Some  curious  glimpses  into  electioneering  methods  are  afforded 
by  a  petition  of  Sir  Thomas  Prendergast  against  the  return  of  Guy  Moore 
in  1733.  Hayman,  Moore's  agent,  promised  John  Flahavan  publican  to  have 
£50  spent  in  his  house  and  "his  bills  would  not  be  looked  into."  James 
Kearney  was  ordered  by  the  Colonel,  to  keep  an  open  house  for  the  Moore 
party.  Alderman  William  Thompson  of  Waterford,  was  promised  the 
mayoralty  of  that  city  by  Messrs.  Christmas  and  Marshall  on  condition  he 
voted  for  Prendergast.    He  was  intercepted  however  in  Carrick  by  Ambrose 


History  of  Clonmel.  117 

Congreve  on  behalf  of  Moore,  who  "lent"  him  £50.  On  the  day  of  the 
election  Marshall  had  Charles  Atkins  arrested  for  debt,  but  the  bailiff 
released  him  in  order  to  vote  for  Moore. 

For  the  thirty  years  1724-1754  the  struggle  continued  with  varying 
fortunes.  The  local  freemen  ignoring  the  Moore  corporation,  regularly 
elected  an  opposition  mayor,  and  certified  his  election  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant. 
Many  of  these  certificates  endorsed  "  not  approved  "  may  still  be  seen  at  the 
Record  Office.  In  one  dated  1736,  and  signed  by  George  Mathew,  Robert 
Marshall,  Jeremiah  Morgan,  Thomas  Christmas,  George  Lester,  Thomas 
Jones  and  others  appears  the  curious  morceau. 

"The  persons  who  have  severally  exercised  the  office  of  Mayor  of  the  said  Corporation 
in  order  to  support  themselves  in  the  usurpation  of  the  said  office,  have  contracted 
great  debts  and  affixed  the  Corporate  Seale  to  Bonds  for  securing  the  same,  and  have 
made  freehold  leases  and  other  leases  for  long  terms  of  years  of  the  lands  belonging  to 
the  said  Corporation,  reserving  a  very  inconsiderable  rent  and  receiving  large  fines,  and 
have  actually  mortgaged  or  threaten  to  mortgage,  the  whole  revenue  of  the  said 
Corporation." 

Sometimes  however,  they  succeeded  in  the  law  courts  in  ousting  the 
Moore  mayor.  In  173 1  by  judgment  of  the  King's  Bench,  James  Castell 
was  ousted.  The  Moore  party  appealed  to  the  corresponding  court  at 
Westminster,  but  the  English  court  upheld  the  decision.  A  writ  of  error  to 
reverse  the  judgment  was  subsequently  brought  into  parliament  but  was 
never  prosecuted. 

Through  some  unexplained  accident  the  opposition  in.  1747,  obtained  a 
majority  in  the  council  and  elected  Jeremiah  Morgan,  goldsmith,  as  mayor. 
The  19th  April,  1748,  a  meeting  of  the  burgesses  and  freemen  was  called  at 
the  Tholsel.  The  Moore  freemen  being  mostly  non-resident  the  local  party 
carried  the  following  by-laws. 

Be  it  enacted  and  ordained  that  no  person  shall  be  capable  of  being  elected  or  to 
be  elected  into  the  office  of  a  free  burgess  of  the  said  town  or  borough  of  Clonmel,  who 
shall  not  have  been  an  inhabitant  of  the  said  town  or  borough,  and  actually  resident 
within  the  same,  at  least  12  calendar  months  next,  preceding  such  election  and  also 
subject  to  the  payment  of  the  taxes  and  impositions  charged  and  chargeable  on  the  said 
town  and  borough. 

Be  it  enacted  and  ordained  that  no  person  or  persons,  shall  be  capable  of  being 
elected  into  the  respective  offices  of  Mayor  or  Bailiff  of  the  said  town  or  borough  of 
Clonmel,  who  shall  not  respectively  have  been  an  inhabitant  and  inhabitants  of  the 
said  town  and  borough  at  the  time  of  his  or  their  election,  and  respectively  been 
actually  resident  within  the  said  town  and  borough  at  least  twelve  calendar  months 
next  preceding  such  election,  and  also  subject  to  the  payment  of  taxes  and  impositions 
charged  and  chargeable  on  the  said  town  and  borough. 

Be  it  enacted  and  ordained  that  to  avoid  popular  confusion,  all  elections  of  mayor, 
bailiffs,  free  burgesses  and  freemen  shall  hereafter  be  made  by  the  twenty  free  burgesses 
of  the  said  town  and  borough  of  Clonmel  and  ten  select  freemen,  or  by  the  majority  of 
them,  and  that  no  other  person  or  member  of  the  said  Corporation  shall  be  capable  of 
giving  or  have  a  right  to  give,  any  vote  or  suffrage  in  any  such  election  and  Be  it  further 


118  History  of  Clonmel. 

enacted  and  ordained  that  the  ten  select  freemen  shall  be  William  Bagwell  Esq.  Thomas 
Morgan  Esq.  William  Rial,  gent  Theobald  Manderville,  gent.  Hercules  Morgan 
Goldsmith,  Alexander  Castell,  gent  Richard  Thomas,  Peruke  maker,  Thomas  Bagwell, 
merchant,  Edward  Parsons,  stay  maker,  and  William  Dixon  merchant,  and  the  said  ten 
select  freemen  are  hereby  constituted  and  appointed  to  be,  with  the  said  twenty  free 
burgesses,  persons  capable  of  consenting  to  and  voting  in  all  elections  of  mayor,  bailiffs 
free  burgesses  and  commonalty  or  freemen,  and  to  continue  such  select  freemen  during 
their  good  behaviour.  And  be  it  further  enacted  that  upon  the  death  or  amotion  of  any 
of  the  said  free  burgesses  or  select  freemen,  the  remaining  free  burgesses  and  select 
freemen  or  a  majority  of  them,  shall  within  twenty-one  days  next  after,  proceed  to  the 
election  of  free  burgesses  or  select  freemen  or  of  a  free  burgess  or  select  freeman  as  the 
case  shall  be,  giving  such  notice  of  the  election  of  a  select  freeman  or  freemen  as  by  law 
they  are  required  to  give  of  the  election  of  a  free  burgess,  and  so  as  often  as  the  case 
shall  happen.  And  be  it  forthwith  enacted  and  ordained  that  no  person  shall  be 
capable  of  being  elected  a  select  freeman  who  has  not  been  an  inhabitant  and  actually 
resident  in  the  said  town  or  borough  for  at  least  twelve  calendar  months  next  preceding 
such  election,  and  subject  to  the  payment  of  all  taxes  and  impositions  charged  and 
chargeable  on  the  said  town  or  borough  any  bye  law  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

Then  the  Roll  of  the  mayor,  bailiffs  free  burgesses  and  commonalty  being  called 
over  the  above  bye  laws  were  carried  in  the  affirmative  by  a  great  majority. 

But  the  Moore  party  had  no  intention  of  submitting  to  these  by-laws. 
On  the  election  of  the  succeeding  mayor,  24th  June,  1748,  they  mustered  in 
force.  Morgan,  who  was  in  a  minority  of  eight  to  eleven  in  the  council, 
declared  Robert  Shaw  elected  by  a  majority  of  the  select  freemen.  The 
other  party  nominated  Thomas  Luther  and  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  judgment 
of  "  ouster  "  against  Shaw  on  the  grounds  of  his  Non-conformity  (x).  The 
following  year,  however,  Richard  Going,  the  Moore  nominee,  was  ousted  in 
turn,  and  Morgan  became  mayor  for  a  second  term.  The  former  by-laws 
were  now  defined  and  extended. 

At  an  Assembly  of  the  mayor,  bailiffs,  free  burgesses  and  commonalty  of  the  Town 
and  Borough  of  Clonmel,  held  in  the  Courthouse  the  21  day  of  December  1750,  it  was 
enacted  and  ordained  among  other  things,  as  follows. 

Whereas  on  the  19th  day  of  April  1748,  the  right,  trust,  franchise  and  privilege  of 
electing  a  mayor,  bailiffs,  free  burgesses  and  commons  was  by  an  ordinance  and  bye 
law  then  duly  enacted,  vested  in  twenty  free  burgesses  and  ten  select  freemen  exclusive 
of  the  whole  body  corporate  and  every  particular  part  and  member  thereof,  which  bye 
laws  have  been  found  extremely  beneficial  and  advantageous  by  abolishing  and  virtually 
destroying  a  usage  before  that  time  claimed  by  the  common  council  of  nominating  three 
persons  to  be  in  election  for  mayor,  and  four  or  six  to  be  in  election  for  bailiffs  annually, 
which  usage  had  occasioned  very  great  disputes  and  contests  and  had  endangered  the 
dissolution  of  the  corporation.  And  WTiereas  many  other  powers,  trusts,  rights, 
franchises  privileges  and  authorities  particularly  as  well  of  electing  a  chamberlain  and 
town  clerk,  and  also  of  presenting  to  the  Church  and  Living  of  the  parish  of  Clonmel, 
and  of  joining  in  the  appointment  of  a  schoolmaster,  as  of  amoving  and  disfranchising 
the  mayor,  bailiffs,  free  burgesses  and  commonalty  and  the  ministerial  officers  and 

(x)  The  prostitution  of  religion  to  party  purposes  throughout  this  period  is  well  exemplitied  in 
the  case  of  Shaw.  At  the  hearing  of  the  case  (Clonmel  Assizes,  29th  August,  1749)  he  met  his 
opponents  by  showing  that  within  the  three  statutory  months  of  his  installation  as  mayor  he  had  at 
the  church  of  Rathronan  immediately  after  divine  service  and  sermon  received  the  Sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  according  to  the  usage  of  the  Church  of  Ireland.  Also  at  the  Quarter  Sessions  of  the 
Peace  for  Co.  Tipperary  between  9  and  12  a.m.  he  took  the  several  oaths  required  by  the  Act  to 
Prevent  the  further  Growth  of  Popery. 


History  of  Clonmel,  ho 

servants  of  the  Corporation  for  just  and  reasonable  cause,  are,  and  each  of  them  is 
either  by  charter  or  by  individual  power  vested  in  the  whole  corporate  body,  the 
assembling  of  which  corporate  body  on  the  occasions  aforesaid  may  be  attended  with 
the  danger  of  popular  confusion  and  tumult  for  prevention  whereof  Be  it  enacted  and 
ordained. 

That  all  powers,  trusts,  rights  franchises  privileges  and  authorities  and  each  and 
every  of  them  which  are  by  charter  or  incidentally  vested  in  the  whole  body  politick 
shall  from  henceforth  for  ever  hereafter  be  used  exercised  enjoyed  and  executed  by  the 
twenty  free  burgesses  and  ten  select  freemen  exclusive  of  every  other  part  or  parts 
member  or  members  of  the  said  corporation,  who  shall  not  in  any  sort  interfere  or  inter- 
meddle in  the  use,  exercise,  enjoyment  or  execution  of  any  of  the  rights  now  or  heretofore 
vested  in  the  said  free  burgesses  and  select  freemen,  or  do  any  act  or  ads  relative 
thereto,  or  give  any  vote  or  suffrage  whatsoever  relating  to  the  execution  of  them  or  any 
of  them,  any  act,  ordinance,  byelaws,  usage  or  claim  to  the  contrary  in  any  wise 
notwithstanding. 

For  the  next  two  years  the  new  legislation  was  tacitly  accepted,  and  in 
1753  William  Kellet  was  elected  mayor  in  accordance  therewith.  In  April, 
1754,  a  vacancy  was  created  in  the  borough  by  the  promotion  of  Robert 
Marshall  to  a  judgeship  of  Common  Pleas.  On  the  announcement  of  Guy 
Moore  as  candidate,  Kellet  at  once  threw  in  his  weight  with  the  Moores  and 
summoned  a  meeting  to  repeal  the  by-laws  passed  in  1748-50.  As  strong 
opposition  from  the  resident  freemen  was  anticipated,  he  made  out  a 
Freemen's  Roll  of  his  own  "without  any  regard,"  says  a  contemporary,  "to 
the  freemen  on  the  books."  The  by-laws  were  repealed  and  a  new  law 
passed  which  deprived  the  commonalty  of  every  right  they  possessed,  and 
transferred  the  whole  powers  of  the  corporation  at  large  to  the  common 
council  alone. 

"Whereas  the  common  Council  of  the  corporation  by  constant  usage,  have  elected 
freemen  and  accepted  the  resignation  of  officers  and  members  thereof,  and  in  general 
have  transacted  all  business  of  the  whole  community,  and  have  exercised  that  right 
till  the  intervention  by  some  late  irregular  and  illegal  proceedings ;  And  Whereas  it 
will  tend  greatly  to  the  peace  and  quiet  of  the  corporation  and  prevent  tumult  and 
popular  confusion,  that  the  rights  of  the  common  council  should  be  declared  and 
established.  Be  it  enacted  and  ordained  that  all  public  business  of  or  concerning  the 
corporation,  shall  be  transacted  and  ordered  by  the  common  council  of  the  said  town 
and  borough,  and  that  the  said  common  council  shall  have  power  and  are  hereby 
empowered  to  elect  freemen  to  accept  resignations  of  officers  and  members  of  the  said 
corporation,  and  to  do  all  corporate  acts  for  the  benefit  and  advantage  of  the  said  town 
or  borough." 

Two  days  later,  I2th  June,  1754,  the  mayor  and  council  created  twenty 
four  new  freemen  for  the  purpose  of  the  election.  But  a  strong  rival 
candidate  was  found  in  William  Bagwell,  the  son  of  a  prosperous  local 
merchant.  A  petition  against  Moore's  return  was  lodged  with  the  House  of 
Commons.  Opposing  council  fought  for  weeks  together  and  incidentally 
discussed  the  local  history  of  the  preceding  half  century.  At  length  on  a 
vote,  106  members  were  for  Moore,  106  for  Bagwell,  and  the  speaker  by  a  casting 
vote  declared  Bagwell  elected  20th  October,  1755.    It  was  however  the  last 


120  History  of  Clonmel. 

struggle  for  municipal  freedom.  Within  two  years  Bagwell  died,  Guy  Moore 
succeeded  and  henceforward  the  Moore  supremacy  in  Clonmel  was  unchall- 
enged. In  a  report  on  the  "  State  of  Borough  Representation  "  1783,  appears 
the  following  summary,  "Clonmel,  a  large  and  populous  town;  electors  a 
mayor,  recorder,  town  clerk,  nineteen  burgesses  and  seventy-two  freemen 
mostly  non-residents.  Patrons,  Lord  Mountcashel  and  some  of  the  Moores  "  (y). 
What  this  patronage  meant  may  be  gathered  from  a  letter  of  Mountcashel  to 
one  of  his  creatures,  Thomas  Power,  of  "  Moore  Park,"  Clonmel. 

Dublin  May  8th  1792.  I  am  leaving  here  this  morning  to  go  to  County 
Roscommon  to  pay  Lord  Kingston  a  visit,  and  fear  I  will  not  (sic)  return  in  time  to  go 
to  Clonmel  24  June.  So  you  had  better  take  out  the  Corporation  Book.  I  have 
however  spoken  to  my  brother  who  will  be  there  then  to  tell  all  the  burgesses  that  I 
wish  you  to  be  elected  mayor  for  the  ensuing  year. 

The  lord  had  then  barely  attained  his  majority.  At  nineteen  he  had 
represented  Clonmel  in  parliament.  He  was  surpassed  however  in  legislative 
capacity  by  his  brother  who  became  member  for  the  town  on  his  eighteenth 
birthday.  In  the  preamble  of  the  Moore  patent  of  nobility,  the  services  of  the 
family  to  King  William  are  enlarged  on.  But  the  valuable  consideration  is 
no  where  set  forth  that  they  had  two  proprietary  seats  for  disposal  to  the 
English  minister  (z). 

The  corporation  of  Clonmel  as  a  free  institution,  had  now  ceased  to 
exist,  a  few  meetings  in  the  year  being  held  to  register  the  decrees  of  the 
Mountcashel  family.  Unlike  however,  other  patrons,  it  must  be  set  down  to 
their  credit  that  they  did  not  enrich  themselves  with  the  municipal 
property.  During  the  eighteenth  century  there  is  evidence  that  that 
property  was  administered  upon  the  whole  honestly  and  in  the  public 
interest  While  the  D'Ouir  Hundred  Juries  were  regularly  summoned,  the 
rental  was  scrutinized,  defaulters  ordered  to  be  proceeded  against,  and 
various  recommendations  as  to  leases  and  the  like,  made  (aa).  The 
following  are  some  of  the  presentments. 

[17 10]  We  present  that  the  Mountain  Commons  of  Clonmell  be  putt  to  a  Publick 
Court  to  the  hiest  bider  before  the  I2th  of  March  next  and  to  be  sett  for  a  tearme  not 
exceeding  31  years  and  that  there  may  be  care  taken  that  the  freemen  of  Clonmell  may 
have  their  auntient  libertyes  of  graesing,  cutting  turf  and  other  commonadge  as 
formerly. 

We  present  that  there  may  be  Butts  Raisd  in  severall  convenient  places  to  preserve 
the  bounds  and  meares  of  the  said  commons,  and  that  they  may  be  kept  in  repaire  by 
the  lesser  tenant. 


(y)  Life  of  Grattan  III.,  484. 

(z)  Authorities  for  foregoing,  "Magistrates  Elections,  Clonmel  "  1700-1800,  P.R.O.  Journal  of 
Irish  House  of  Commons.  Clonmel  Corporation  Minute  Book  1725  penes  Captain  Lindsay. 
Municipal  and  Family  Papers. 

(an)  The  rental  of  the  corporate  estate  for  1710  as  appears  from  the  presentment  for  that  year 
was  ;f  184  8s.  od. 


History  of  Clonmel.  121 

[1714]  Mr  Hercules  Beere  [chamberlain]  in  account  returns  himself  in  arrears  for 
the  key  and  bridge  and  his  holdings  on  the  mountain,  two  and  one-half  years  ending 
25  March  17 14,  £91  6.  Whereas  he  has  tendered  unto  us  an  Account  for  which  he 
expects  an  Allowance  wherein  we  obsearve  severall  charges  for  the  freemens  goods  and 
others,  and  whereas  the  not  settling  and  adjusting  the  same  with  him  is  a  veiy  great 
Loss  and  Detriment  to  this  Corporation,  we  therefore  present  that  the  Maior  and 
Councell  doe  fortwith  take  proper  methods  to  adjust  and  settle  the  said  Mr.  Beere's 
accounts  by  arbitration  or  otherwise,  so  that  the  Corporation  may  hereafter  know  what 
aUowance  the  said  Mr.  Beere  is  Intitled  vnto  out  of  his  rents  upon  account  of  his 
Demands. 

Wee  present  that  a  lease  be  made  to  Capt.  Thomas  Batty  of  Stritches  Island  for  6l 
years  from  the  25  March  next  at  the  present  rent. 

Wee  present  that  a  lease  be  made  to  Tho.  Tuthall  Maior  of  the  peece  of  ground 
behinde  his  house  which  he  recovered  att  his  own  cost,  which  ground  was  out  of 
possession  from  the  corporation  16  years,  for  61  years  from  25  March  next  at  the 
present  rent 

Whereas  Hugh  Moore  an  antient  freeman  is  deprived  of  his  sight  and  is  returned 
in  arrears  to  this  Corporation  wee  present  that  not  only  the  arrears  be  forgiven  him  but 
that  alsoe  no  rent  be  demanded  him  till  he  recover  his  sight. 

We  present  that  Mr.  Tho.  Tothall  shall  pay  no  rent  for  the  two  ends  of  the  bridge 
he  not  enjoying  the  same,  nor  for  the  three  quarter  of  an  acre  but  since  the  time  he  hath 
enjoyed  the  same. 

[1716]  We  finde  and  present  that  there  is  a  list  of  arrears  returned  us  and  that 
due  by  solvent  persons  which  are  amounting  to  the  sum  of  nine  pounds  three  shillings 
and  eleven  pence  which  we  desire  to  be  fortwith  leavyed  by  distress  or  otherwise  in 
order  to  pay  what  debt  is  due  by  the  Corporation. 

[1724]  We  find  and  present  that  some  lands  and  severall  pieces  of  ground 
belonginge  to  this  Corporation  are  vnsett  viz,  a  piece  of  ground  neere  two  mile  bridge 
formerly  tenanted  by  Coll.  Hamerton  and  land  neere  Spaw  well  commonly  called  the 
wood  that  them  {sic)  with  the  rest  may  be  putt  to  Cant  (bb). 

Some  years  later  wholesale  charges  were  made  of  misappropriating  the 
corporate  estate,  but  the  evidence  is  not  now  forthcoming.  There  are  indeed 
two  transactions  of  a  questionable  character.  In  1741  the  mountain  and  the 
greater  part  of  the  commons  were  leased  to  John  Lackey,  M.D.,  at  the  yearly 
rent  of  £60  l8s.  6d.  for  lives  renewable  for  ever.  Again  in  1774  a  fee  farm 
grant  of  23  acres  at  Newtown  Anner  was  made  to  Sir  William  Osborne,  the 
rent  reserved  being  5s.  7d.  an  acre. 

If  the  corporation  took  care  of  their  estate  they  do  not  seem  to  have 

fulfilled  any  other  functions.    The  condition  of  the  town  in  point  of  sanitation 

was  infamous.    The  householders  swept  the  street  in  front  of  their  houses  at 

their  discretion,  the  corporation  being  merely  concerned  in  keeping  clear  the 

open  sewer  which  ran  along  the  middle  of  the  street,  making  its  way  somehow 

to  the  river.     Nor  was  this  sewer  regularly  cleared.    In  1716  the  D'Ouir 

Hundred  Jury  reported  : — 

Wee  finde  and  present  that  the  scavanger  hath  neglected  his  duty  for  the  time 
past  in  not  carrying  off  the  dirt  according  to  his  contract,  wee  desire  that  he  may  for 
the  future  be  obliged  to  carry  off  the  same  twice  a  week. 


fbbj  Presentments,  etc.,  P.R.O. 


122  History  of  Clonmel. 

In  1724  the  jury  had  still  to  complain. 

Wee  finde  and  present  that  Mr.  William  Ottenbury  be  a  fitt  person  to  be  scavinger 
to  the  west  parte  of  this  town  alsoe  Mr.  Archibald  Owens  for  the  east  parte  and  that 
their  salleryes  be  not  paid  them  till  their  performance  be  approved  of  by  the  Councell. 

The  following  gives  another  picturesque  view  of  old  Clonmel : — 

[1724]  Wee  finde  and  present  that  John  Evans  bell  man  for  being  Remiss  in  his 
office,  for  not  taking  care  to  keepe  the  streets  free  from  Strange  Beggars  and  from  Piggs 
and  particularly  for  his  neglect  of  takeing  care  of  the  Key  and  Court  house  for  which 
he  receives  salleryes  undeservedly,  wee  therefore  present  that  his  sallery  may  be  stopt 
till  he  improves  his  Diligence. 

Again  in  1750 : — 

Whereas  the  Inhabitants  of  the  towne  of  Clonmel  labour  under  great  Evills  and 
Inconveniencies  not  only  from  the  filth,  sudds  and  Excrements  frequently  thrown  into 
the  streets  of  this  town  by  leasy  and  nasty  persons,  and  by  the  Inhabitants  frequently 
neglecting  to  sweep  before  their  doors  when  publick  Notice  is  for  that  purpose  given 
but  also  from  the  great  number  of  Piggs  permitted  to  wander  about  the  said  streets  to 
the  greate  annoyance  of  the  Inhabitants,  for  prevention  whereof  be  it  Enacted  and 
Ordained  that  if  any  person  or  persons  whosoever,  shall  from  hence  forth  throw  or 
leave  or  cause  to  be  thrown  or  left,  in  any  of  the  Streets,  Lanes,  or  Passages  of  this  Town 
any  Sudds,  ffilth,  Ashes,  or  Excrements  or  shall  neglect  to  sweep  before  their  doors  in 
the  usual  manner  after  reasonable  notice  given  for  that  purpose,  or  shall  keepe  their 
Piggs  in  the  streets  or  permit  them  to  wander  therein  after  due  notice  given  hereof  by 
the  Bellman,  that  every  such  offender  shall  for  such  or  any  of  the  above  offences  forfeit 
any  sum  not  exceeding  fine  shillings  to  be  adjudged  by  the  Mayor  of  the  town  for  the 
time  being  according  to  the  nature  of  such  offence,  such  forfeiture  to  be  recovered  in  a 
summary  way  by  taking  summons  before  the  Mavor  for  the  time  being  and  to  be 
disposed  off  to  the  Poor  of  the  parish  of  Clonmel  aforesaid  any  By  law  or  usage  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding. 

At  this  period  the  streets  afforded  strange  smells  but  equally  strange 
sights  and  sounds.  The  shoemaker  worked  al  fresco^  while  the  pewterer 
from  his  booth  made  the  air  ring  with  sonorous  activity.  One  of  the 
most  characteristic  street  scenes  was  removed  by  Act  of  the  Council, 
17th  April,  1748.  • 

Whereas  it  has  been  found  by  experience,  that  the  exposing  of  butchers  meat  to 
sale  in  the  High  street  of  the  said  Town  of  Clonmel  is  offensive  not  only  to  the 
Inhabitants  but  to  Strangers  passing  through  the  said  town,  and  the  butchers  blocks  in 
the  said  street  are  an  obstruction  to  passengers  and  sometimes  an  occasion  of  mischief. 
To  prevent  which  the  Common  Council  of  the  said  town  and  borough,  encouraged 
John  Power  Esq.  deceased  to  erect  shambles  in  the  said  town  in  a  convenient  place  and 
since  his  decease,  the  said  Common  Council  of  the  said  town  have  encouraged  Elizabeth 
the  widow  and  relict  of  the  said  John  Power  to  proceed  in  the  said  undertaking,  which 
shambles  are  completely  finished  at  the  expense  of  the  said  Elizabeth  Power,  and  twenty 
seven  stalls  for  Butchers  Inhabitants  are  contrived  within  the  said  shambles  and  ten 
stalls  for  Butchers  Strangers  are  erected  without  the  said  shambles  but  adjoining 
thereunto,  for  which  the  said  several  stalls  the  said  Elizabeth  Power  hath  agreed  to 
accept  of  17s  and  4d  yearly  being  4d  by  the  week  to  be  paid  weekly  for  each  and  every 
stall  which  is  a  reasonable  and  low  price  for  them.    To  the  end  therefore  that  the 


History  of  Clonmel.  123 

Butchers  of  the  said  town  and  borough  as  well  Inhabitants  as  Strangers,  may  be  obliged 
to  resort  to  the  said  shambles  and  not  elsewhere  within  the  said  town,  which  will  be  a 
means  to  preserve  order  and  decency  in  the  streets  of  the  said  town  and  give  the  mayor 
of  the  said  town  and  borough  a  fairer  opportunity  of  seeing  and  examining  whether  the 
butchers  meat  designed  for  the  food  of  the  inhabitants  be  sound  and  wholesome  and 
dressed  in  such  a  manner  as  the  law  directs.  Be  it  enacted,  eta,  every  Butcher 
offending  shall  forfeit  the  sum  of  twenty  shillings  sterling  for  the  use  of  the  poor  of  the 
parish  of  the  said  town  of  Clonmel,  to  be  paid  by  the  chamberlain  into  the  hands  of  the 
minister  and  churchwardens  of  said  parish. 

A  destructive  fire  which  occurred  in  1765  throws  further  light  on 
corporate  ways.  The  Ryalls  opened  at  their  bank  a  fund  to  provide  the 
town  with  a  fire  engine  (cc).  The  share  taken  by  the  Corporation  in  the 
business  appears  in  an  entry  of  the  following  year. 

Ordered  that  four  pounds  be  allowd  to  the  person  that  shall  attend  the  fire  engine 
belonging  to  this  Corporation,  the  person  to  be  appointed  by  the  Mayor  Bailiffs  and 
Burgesses  the  Rev.  Jos.  Moore  and  as  many  of  the  subscribers  as  please  to  attend. 

How  the  duties  of  lighting  and  paving  were  fulfilled  may  be  gathered 
from  the  proceedings  of  the  House  of  Commons,  26th  February,  1766,  when 
a  clause  was  inserted  in  a  bill  to  enable  (among  others)  the  vestry  of  Clonmel 
to  raise  money  upon  the  inhabitants  for  paving,  gravelling  or  cleaning  the 
streets  and  lanes,  and  for  fixing  up  lamps  to  enlighten  {sic)  such  streets  and 
lanes.  Under  the  spur  probably  of  this  threatened  legislation,  the  corporation 
on  the  following  24th  June  made  a  grant  of  £7  13s.  for  a  new  pavement  in 
Bridge  Lane,  then  the  most  frequented  thoroughfare  in  the  town.  Hence- 
forward the  minute  books  record  the  sporadic  attempts  of  the  corporation  to 
fulfil  one  of  their  elementary  duties. 

29  September  1768.  Ordered  that  the  Bridges,  Quay,  and  Streets  of  Clonmel  be 
immediately  repaired,  and  that  Mr.  Hayman-do  undertake  the  same,  and  that  if  the 
same  be  not  done  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Burgesses  and  Council  of  this  Corporation 
that  the  same  is  to  be  at  the  expense  of  the  said  repairs  and  that  the  Mayor  and 
Baylives  of  this  Corporation  be  the  Judges  thereof. 

The  lighting  of  the  town,  however,  was  undertaken  by  the  vestry.  The 
following — one  of  many  similar  entries — appears  in  the  minutes  of  St.  Mary's 
vestry. 

[1783]  Ordered  that  £50  be  laid  out  on  the  parish  and  applotted  for  lighting  the 
lamps  for  the  growing  yeare,  Only  upon  such  persons  as  inhabit  within  the  town  and 
suburbs  thereof  as  far  as  the  lamps  extend.  Messrs.  John  Bagwell  and  Edward  Howell 
were  appointed  to  make  such  applotment. 

The  corporation  in  truth  had  no  money  for  paving  or  lighting;  the 
balances,  after  liberal  salaries  to  the  officials,  were  devoted  to  junketing. 

(cc)  Dec.  12.  "Gave  Phineas  Riall  towards  the  Fire  Engine  3  guineas.  Gave  Rev.  Jos.  Moore 
charity  to  help  the  poor  whose  goods  were  burnt  5  guineas — William  Perry." 


124  HISTORY    OF   CLONMEL. 

Disburst  for  the  Corporation  of  Clonmell  at  Bally  McAdam  June  the  5th,  1704. 


Ingredients  for  the  Punch 

01 

3 

0 

Pd  for  Beefe 

00 

6 

? 

Two  quarters  of  Mutton 

00 

2 

Two  doz  of  Chickens 

00 

2 

4 

Fireing 

00 

I 

II 

Corks 

00 

0 

3 

Salt  pepper  flour  Butter 

00 

0 

II 

Tobacco  and  Pipes 

00 

3 

0 

Four  bottles  lost  or  broke 

00 

0 

8 

Pd  woman  for  dressing  meat  and  turning  spitt 

00 

I 

6 

Bread 

00 

5 

0 

For  R  Bonds  horse,  ffletchers  horse  Robert  Masons 

horse  Drumers  horse 

00 

6 

0 

For  the  Drumer  for  his  former  and  present  service 

00 

4 

0 

Four  bottles  Cyder 

00 

3 

0 

Sword  Bearers  Horse 

00 

I 

6 

To  the  Meares  man  Tho  Moore 

00 

I 

6 

To  flFran  Mullowney  and  Walter  Strapp 

00 

6 

0 

3£    10    0 
Ville  de  Clonmel  j     gy  j^y^^  ^.^^^^  ^^^  ^^^^^  ^^  Clonmell. 

You  are  hereby  Impowered  &  authorized  to  pay  vnto  Mr  Henry  Cleere  the  above 
sunie  of  Three  pounds  Tenn  Shillings  being  for  the  above  uses. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  Seale  of  Mayoralty  this  lith  of  July  1704. 

John  Wilson  Mayor. 
To  Mr  Her :  Beere  Chamberlaine  of  the  said  Towne. 

One  department  of  municipal  work  deserves  notice — the  defence  of  the 
town.  Throughout  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  Whig  party 
lived  in  constant  apprehension  of  a  Jacobite  invasion.  Their  minds  were 
haunted  by  visions  of  Popish  massacres,  old  Irish  landowners,  brass  money 
and  French  despotism.  The  corporation  of  Clonmel  took  care  that  the 
followers  of  the  Pretender  should  not  surprise  the  town.  The  Protestant 
apprentices  had  saved  Derry  so  also  they  were  the  mainstay  here. 

[1710]  We  present  that  Stanley  Cranwell,  William  Cranwell,  John  Poynts,  Stopkeys, 
William  Smith,  John  Gibs,  John  Cowly  be  sworn  free  of  this  corp<)ration.  We  present 
that  the  above  named  persons  may  each  of  them  give  a  muskett  into  the  armory  of  the 
town  such  as  served  their  tyme  in  Towne. 

The  arrival  of  the  Chevalier  Charles  Stuart  in  Scotland  realized  the 
worst  fears  of  the  Hanoverians.  Clonmel  however  was  forearmed.  At  a 
meeting  of  the  corporation,  1st  January,  1745,  it  was 

"Ordered,  In  consequence  of  the  rebellion  of  the  Popish  Pretender  that  there  be 
immediately  an  inspection  made  into  all  the  walls  castles,  gates  and  fortifications  of 
this  town  in  order  immediately  to  fortify  and  repair  the  same  and  put  the  same  in  a 
position  of  defence  at  the  expense  of  the  Corporation  and  that  they  do  forthwith  report 
the  same  to  this  Council  that  the  Corporation  may  immediately  lay  in  a  sufiicient  fund 
for  carrying  on  the  said  work  with  all  speed  and  that  the  Mayor  as  soon  as  such  estimate 
be  given  in,  do  immediately  call  a  Council  for  this  purpose." 


History  of  Clonmel.  125 

Though  the  population  increased  steadily  from  1700  onward,  the. 
trade  of  Clonmel  remained  merely  local.  The  country  around  was 
still  a  prairie.  Joseph  Barrett,  at  Abbey,  John  Perry,  Knocklofty,  Stephen 
Moore,  Chancellorstown,  John  Carleton,  Darlinghill,  John  Bagwell,  Kilmore, 
and  several  others,  occupied  upwards  of  a  thousand  acres  each.  In 
1699  for  example.  Benjamin  Vaughan  held  the  lands  of  Ballyboe,  Ballinvoher, 
Ballyvaughan,  Killurney,  Ballyknockan,  Cloughcorrigeen,  Ballyglasheen  and 
others,  his  stock  numbering  between  3,000  and  4,000  sheep.  Of  cattle  there 
were  only  18  cows  and  18  plough  bullocks.  Though  the  staple  product,  wool, 
declined  in  value  from  14s.  6d.  a  stone  in  1700  to  6s.  in  1728,  the  huge  grazing 
farms  still  obtained,  the  sheep  walks  being  partly  turned  to  pastures  for  black 
cattle.  John  Carleton,  of  Darlinghill,  died  in  1730.  His  executors'  accounts 
show  5,130  sheep,  valued  at  £2,320;  147  rams,  £427;  and  535  head  of  black 
cattle,  £1,188  (dd).  Enormous  though  these  figures  are,  the  cattle  ranches  of 
Tipperary  in  1776,  as  described  by  Young,  dwarf  them  into  insignificance. 

Farms  are  generally  large  commonly  3  or  4000  acres  and  rise  up  to  10,000  of  which 
quantity  there  is  one  farm,  this  is  Mr.  Macarthy's  of  Spring  House  near  Tipperary  and 
is  I  suppose  the  most  considerable  one  in  the  world.  Here  are  some  of  the  particulars 
of  it. 

9,000  acres  in  all — ^£10,000  rent— 8,000  sheep — 2,000  lambs — 530  bullocks — 80  fat 
cows--£20,000  value  of  stock — 200  yearlings — 200  two-year  olds — 200  three-year  olds — 
80  plough  bullocks— 180  horses,  mares,  and  foals— 150  to  200  labourers — 200  acres 
tillage  (ee). 

I  had  heard  much  of  the  late  Mr.  Keating's  farm  of  Garrinlea  as  the  largest  that 
ever  was ;  his  son  gave  me  the  following  particulars  of  it. 

£10,000  a  year  rent,  13,800  Irish  acres,  3,000  head  of  black  cattle,  16,300  sheep,  300 
horses,  500  couple  of  ducks,  300  turkies,  90  hogsheads  of  cyder  a  year.  He  had  most 
of  the  ground  from  Golden  to  Clonmel  (ff). 

Owing  to  the  sparsity  of  population  the  condition  of  the  working  classes 
throughout  this  period,  compares  favourably  upon  the  whole  with  the  state  of 
things  revealed  a  century  later  by  the  Commission  of  1834.  A  working  man's 
wage-;  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Clonmel  in  1700  was  5d.  a  day,  an  artizan's 
being  lid. ;  a  bushel  of  wheat  cost  3s.  3d.,  of  peas  3s.,  a  barrel  of  oats  2s.,  a 

(dd)  For  a  notice  of  Vaughan  see  "  A  Tipperary  Fanner  and  Waterford  Trader  of  Two  Centuries 
Ago."  Waterford  Archaeological  Journal  VIII.,  32.  Executors'  accounts,  Robert  Marshall,  John  Perry 
and  Richard  Clutterbook,  M.S. 

(ee)  •*  Sept  20, 1775.  ^  *iave  spent  some  days  most  agreeably  at  Mr.  Macarty's  of  Springhouse 
where  hospitality  was  displayed  in  its  best  manner,  divested  of  those  qualities  which  of  old  tarnished 
the  lustre  of  that  virtue  in  Ireland.  There  was  no  constraint  in  the  article  of  wine  nor  indeed  in  any 
other.  There  was  as  much  ease  as  in  the  house  of  an  English  Duke.  This  ancient  family  have 
seen  much  of  the  world.  The  eldest  daughter  is  married  to  a  colonel  in  the  [German]  Imperial 
service,  who  is  also  an  officer  of  state  at  court.  The  eldest  son  whom  I  met  at  the  assembly  is  an 
officer  in  the  same  service  and  Miss  Macarty  is  but  lately  returned  from  visiting  her  sister.  Here  we 
were  at  meals  even  on  Sunday  regaled  with  the  bag-pipe  which  to  my  uncultivated  ear  is  not  an 
instrument  so  unpleasant  as'  the  lovers  of  Italian  music  represent  it."— Philosophical  Survey  of 
South  of  Ireland.    Campbell,  Dublin,  1776,  p.  141. 

(jf)  Tour  in  Ireland,  1776-9.    Arthur  Young  I.,  pp.  390-1  • 


126  HISTORY   OF   CLONMEL. 

chicken  id.,  a  lamb  is.,  a  ewe  2s.,  a  wether  4s.,  a  fat  cow  22s  (gg).  But 
employment  was  not  constant,  and  wages  were  rarely  paid  in  cash.  The 
grazier  allotted  a  plot  of  land  for  potatoes  and  grass  for  the  cow — at  this 
time  every  labourer  being  possessed  of  one  cow  or  sometimes  more.  In  seasons 
when  the  potato  crop  partly  failed  there  was  acute  distress,  verging  occasion- 
ally on  famine.  The  years  1708,  1709,  1727  and  the  three  following  ones,  so 
great  was  the  scarcity,  it  was  proposed  to  make  a  certain  proportion  of  tillage 
compulsory  by  law,  that  the  population  should  not  be  absolutely  dependent 
on  the  potato.  Of  the  awful  famine  of  1739-1740  no  local  details  are 
obtainable  beyond  the  fact  that  a  subscription  list  for  the  relief  of  the  poor 
was  opened  in  Clonmel.  Some  measure  of  the  scourge  is  afforded  by  an 
occurrence  of  the  year  1741.  In  the  autumn  of  that  year  the  people  banded 
themselves  together  to  prevent  the  corn  grown  in  the  country,  such  as  it  was, 
being  exported.  They  stopped  the  boats  at  Carrick.  The  military  escort  of 
horse  and  foot  fired  on  the  crowd.  Five  were  killed,  eighteen  wounded,  and 
a  proclamation  was  issued  by  the  Lords  Justices  offering  a  large  reward  for 
the  apprehension  of  those  who  escaped.  In  1755  the  potato  crop  again 
failing,  the  poor  were  reduced  to  terrible  straits  during  the  winter  and 
following  spring.    They  asked  for  bread  and  received  a — bullet 

Clonmel  12  May  1756. 

Sir — As  there  have  been  lately  severall  Riotts  and  Tumults  committed  in  this  town 
in  the  night  time  by  at  least  Two  or  Three  hundred  persons  or  Mobb  under  pretence  of 
stopping  of  com  from  being  taken  out  of  Town  and  have  broake  open  severall  houses 
and  windows  and  took  away  severall  Baggs  of  Oat  Meal  and  God  knows  what  may  be 
the  consequences  if  not  prevented  and  as  the  Civill  force  cannot  be  able  to  quell  such 
Riotters  if  they  are  suffered  to  go  on  without  the  aid  of  the  Military  Power  I  thought  it 
my  duty  to  acquaint  you  hereof  in  order  that  you  may  Lay  the  same  before  His  Grace 
the  Lord  Lieut  and  Privy  Council  of  this  Kingdom  that  they  may  doe  therein  what  in 
their  great  wisdom  they  may  think  convenient. 

I  am  Sir  your  most  humble  servt, 

John  Hayman  Mayor  (hh). 

But  apart  from  periodical  famine,  the  state  of  the  labourers  and  working 
people  generally,  grew  worse  as  the  century  advanced.  The  disproportion 
between  wages  and  prices  steadily  increased.  In  1762  in  the  district  of 
Clonmel  a  labourer  had  5d.  a  day,  a  mason,  carpenter,  and  slater  13d.,  a 
cooper  I5d.,  a  harness  maker  l8d.  On  the  other  hand  wheat  was  lid.  a 
stone,  (potatoes  3s.  3d.  a  barrel,  oats  8s.  a  barrel,  a  load  of  turf  13d.,  a  barrel 
of  coal  3s.,  a  yard  of  frieze  13d.,  a  yard  of  flannel  8j^d.  Occasionally  prices 
were  higher  still ;  in  1766  for  example  a  barrel  of  potatoes  cost  7s.  7d.,  and  a 

(^)  Commonplace  Book  of  Benjamin  Vaughan,  penes  Captain  Vaughan  Arbuckle. 

(hh)  Mayor  of  Clonmel  to  Chief  Secretary,  Civil  Corresp.,  Miscell.  C.  23,  No.  1287,  P.R.O. 


History  of  Clonmel.  127 

stone  of  wheat  I4d.  But  this  is  not  all ;  the  cottier  being  paid  not  in  money 
but  by  the  truck  system,  i.e.,  a  patch  for  potatoes  and  grass  for  his  cow,  these 
were  set  at  the  highest  grazier's  estimate.  Now  as  a  wether  in  1 766  was 
value  for  l8s.  6d,,  a  three  year  old  bullock  £5  8s.,  and  a  fat  bullock  £6  5s., 
the  cabin  and  garden  were  let  at  £3,  and  the  grass  £2  yearly  (ii). 

The  result  is  described  in  a  letter  of  a  visitor  to  Tipperary  in  September 
1775.  "The  manner  in  which  the  poor  of  this  country  live  I  cannot  help 
calling  beastly.  For  upon  the  same  floor  and  frequently  without  any 
partition  are  lodged  the  husband  and  wife,  the  multitudinous  brood  of 
children,  all  huddled  together  upon  straw  or  rushes  with  the  cow,  the  calf, 
the  pig  and  the  horse,  if  they  are  rich  enough  to  have  one  "  (jj).  The  middle 
class  farmer  and  the  moderate  capitalist  scarcely  existed  ;  the  country  being 
divided  between  the  grazing  monopolists  on  the  one  hand  and  the 
semi-pauper  population  on  the  other.  As  neither  of  these  were  calculable 
factors  in  trade  and  commerce,  Clonmel  at  the  time  was  as  somnolent  as  a 
backwood  settlement.  One  had  often  to  send  out  of  town  for  a  pound  of 
green  tea  or  Bohea.  "  Ratteens,"  friezes  or  coarse  linen  might  be  bought 
from  John  Ferris  or  Ely  Blackmore,  but  when  William  Perry  desired  to  adorn 
himself  peacock-like  in  his  broad-cloth  coat,  velvet  vest,  doeskin  breeches  and 
three  corner  gold  lace  hat,  a  special  journey  to  Cork  had  to  be  made.  In  the 
town  which  half  a  century  later,  saw  the  magnificent  cabinet  work  of  Graham, 
it  was  hardly  possible  to  procure  a  chair.    Timber  and  other  building  materials 

(ii)  Perry  Papers,  cf.  Arthur  Young,  Tour  I.,  pp.  36-40.  While  the  hulk  of  the  population  were 
becoming  poorer,  it  is  curious  to  note  the  graziers  passing  into  the  ranks  of  the  gentry.  During  the 
period  1760-1800  parks  were  enclosed  and  planted,  and  mansions  built  at  Knocklofty,  Woodroff, 
Barne,  MarlBeld,  Kilmore,  Newtown  Anner,  etc.  William  Perry — to  take  an  example— succeeded  to 
Woodroff  estate  in  1759  on  the  death  of  his  uncle.  In  earlier  life  he  had  been  in  trade  in  Cork  with 
his  father  Samuel,  as  exporter  of  tallow  and  ox  guts.  Bringing  his  mercantile  training  to  the 
management  of  his  estate,  he  kept  a  set  of  letter-books,  ledgers,  and  petty  cash  books.  Between 
the  years  1760-1764  he  erected  the  house.  Bricks  were  burned  locally  at  a  cost  of  4/-  per  1000 
*'  common,"  and  7/6  "  stock."  Culm  was  bought  at  2/-  a  barrel,  and  lime  cost  2f  d.  a  barrel,  slates  12/- 
per  1000.  Pour  marble  mantel  pieces  tx)ught  from  Colles  of  Kilkenny  £1$,  '  Fourpenny '  nails 
2/6  per  1000,  *  Twopenny '  nails,  10/10,  a  stock  lock  3/3,  a  padlock  2/8J.  There  were  10  hearths  in 
the  house  for  which  a  yearly  tax  of  2/-  each  was  paid.  The  furniture  was  made  by  John  Walsh  of 
Waterford.  "Chinese  side  board  Table  ;f4-ii,  *  Chinese  card  Table  ;f 2-5-6,  10  chairs  £% 
*  Coope  with  2  tops  with  casters  ;f  1-2-9.  The  dinner  service  was  procured  from  Liverpool  "  2  large 
Square  Dishes  10/-,  2  Dishes  5/-,  2  great  middle  dishes  4/-,  4  main  middle  dishes  6/-,  4  dozen 
superfine  plates  ;f  1-4,  3  sallet  bowles  6/-,  i  large  drainer  2/6.  A  barrell  of  coal  cost  3/-.  Tallow 
was  sent  to  Dun vi lie  of  Clonmel  who  made  it  into  candles  at  the  rate  of  id.  per  lb.  and  soap  at  \d. 
More  instructive  however  are  the  wardrobe  items ;  gray '  ratteen '  cost  3/-  a  yard,  linnen  2/4,  ruffles 
;^i-5-3,  cloth  for  coat  20/-  a  yard,  velvet  for  vest  12/-,  gold  lace  for  hat  cost  17/4,  pair  of  shoes 
6/6,  of  buckles  for  ditto  4/8^,  of  stockings  6/-,  of  gloves  5/5,  a  pair  of  *  britches '  jfi-i,  a  '  bagg  wigg' 
18/6,  a  *  cutt  wigg  ii/4i.  Scarcely  less  curious  are  the  prices  paid  for  the  cellar  and  pantry  stock, 
Rump  and  sirloin  2\  per  lb,  butter  25/6  per  cwt.,  cheese  2\  per  lb,  a  salmon  i/io,  a  pair  of  turkeys 
lod,  hive  of  honey  lo/-,  green  tea  12/-  per  lb.,  Bohea  tea  6/6,  powdered  sugar  loid,  •  double  refined ' 
loaf  sugar  I5d.,  salt  5/-  per  stone,  tobacco  i/-  a  pound,  malt  10/-  per  barrel,  wine  £17  per  hogshead, 
whiskey  lod  per  quart,  brandy  I7d.  From  other  accounts  we  learn  that  the  county  cess  for  Iffa  and 
Offa  East  at  the  Spring  assizes  1762  was  8/11^  per  100  acres,  the  vestry  charges  for  New  Chapel 
and  Derrygrath  parishes  6/5  and  6/8}  per  100  acres  respectively. 

(jj)  Philosophical  Survey  of  South  of  Ireland,  Campbell,  Dublin,  1776. 


128  History  of  Clonmel. 

were  supplied  by  Messrs.  Penrose  of  Waterford,  though  one  William  Bagwell 
carried  on  business  in  a  small  way  on  the  quay  (kk).  Such  was  Clonmel  in 
the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  But  two  events  happened  about  this 
time  which  gave  it  a  new  life,  multiplied  its  population  four-fold,  and  won 
for  it  an  honoured  place  in  the  empire  of  commerce. 

The  first  of  these  was  the  improvement  in  the  navigation  of  the  Suir.  In 
1755  some  traders  of  Clonmel,  local  gentry,  and  a  few  merchants  of  Waterford 
petitioned  the  Irish  House  of  Commons,  pointing  out  that  the  deepening  of 
the  river  for  navigation,  would  not  only  enrich  the  counties  adjacent  but  be 
of  considerable  benefit  to  the  nation  at  large. 

The  present  produce  of  the  county  of  Tipperary  consists  of  black  cattle,  sheep, 
butter,  rape  seed,  and  com  of  most  kinds ;  the  butter  is  sent  from  Clonmel  by  boat  to 
Waterford  where  it  is  exported ;  the  corn  is  carried  partly  to  the  same  port  by  water 
and  partly  to  Cork  by  land  carriage ;  some  of  the  rape  seed  is  much  used  by  the  oil 
mills  of  the  country  but  a  great  part  is  usually  carried  to  Waterford  for  exportation  to 
Holland.  The  carriage  of  those  commodities  from  Clonmel  is  at  present  attended  with 
great  expense  and  many  difficulties  upon  account  of  rocks  which  in  some  places  run 
across  the  river  at  one  of  which  the  water  falls  several  feet  so  that  the  boats  often  strike 
thereon  and  receive  great  damage,  sometimes  even  sink  and  the  goods  lost ;  and  in 
other  parts  by  large  stones,  banks  of  grass  and  the  like  which  so  far  obstruct  the  river 
that  the  boats  cannot  carry  especially  in  summer  time  above  one  third  of  the  burthen 
that  the  water  would  allow  them  were  all  those  obstacles  removed.  The  usual  expense 
of  hauling  a  boat  formerly  from  Carrick  to  Clonmel  was  from  twelve  shillings  to  one 
pound  but  of  late  the  men  who  are  employed  in  that  work  by  repeated  combinations 
have  advanced  their  wages  to  such  a  degree  that  it  frequently  amounts  to  forty  shillings 
exclusive  of  boatmen's  wages  which  are  sixteen  shillings  the  trip.  If  those  rocks  were 
blown  up  the  large  banks  of  gravel  taken  away  and  a  regular  channel  made  with  a 
small  gravel  road  on  one  side  of  the  river,  as  granted  by  Act  of  Parliament,  for  horses 
to  draw  instead  of  men,  the  expense  will  be  r^uced  to  about  one  third  of  what  was  at 
present  required  and  then  a  boat  instead  of  being  two  days  upon  her  passage  from 
Carrick  may  be  brought  up  in  six  or  eight  hours.  The  freight  of  goods  from  Waterford 
to  Clonmel  which  is  from  six  shillings  and  eight  pence  to  ten  shillings  the  ton  will  then 
be  reduced  to  three  or  four  shillings  at  most ;  and  butter  which  pays  in  summer  time 
six  pence  per  cask  will  then  be  carried  for  less  than  two  pence.  Among  the  many 
advantages  that  will  accrue  to  the  nation  by  this  improvement  of  inland  navigation  that 
of  tillage  will  be  the  most  considerable  the  com  of  the  county  Tipperary  being  esteemed 
a  good  deal  better  than  what  is  produced  in  many  other  parts  of  the  kingdom,  then 
wheat  will  be  carried  from  Clonmel  to  Waterford  in  covered  boats  at  small  expense  and 
thence  shipped  to  Dublin,  Cork  or  other  parts  of  the  kingdom  and  the  Tipperary 
farmers'  produce  who  paid  from  2s.  6d.  to  3s.  6d  a  barrel  for  the  large  quantities  they 
send  to  Cork  will  then  be  carried  for  one  half  which  will  tend  greatly  to  the  encourage- 
ment of  tillage  in  this  country.  We  therefore  pray  your  House  to  take  the  said 
navigation  into  consideration  and  to  do  therein  as  to  you  shall  seem  meet. 

The  following  year,  1756,  a  parliamentary  grant  of  £1,500  was  passed 
for  "  making  the  river  Shure  navigable  from  Carrick  on  Shure  to  ClonmelL" 


(kk)  This  was  not  William  M.P.  in  1756  but  an  "odious  approximation"  as  Charles  I^mb 
would  say.  He  was  tenant  to  William  Perry  who  writes  21st  May,  1766  to  Mr.  John  Lawton  of 
Cork  "  Our  uncle  Bagwell  just  now  spoke  to  me  to  know  if  I  could  lend  him  iso£  which  he  wants 
to  complete  his  building  in  Clonmell.  I  should  be  much  better  pleased  to  let  him  have  it  than  most 
I  know  as  he  has  a  very  pritty  thing  now  in  Clonmell  worth  I  believe  7  or  8oO;f  and  is  the  most 
punctuall  man  that  can  be  in  paying  me  his  rent." 


History  of  Clonmel.  129 

But  like  most  of  the  undertakings  of  the  time,  the  money  seems,  in  great  part  at 
least,  to  have  found  its  way  into  other  channels  than  the  river.  In  1761  a 
committee  of  the  Commons  consisting  of  Sir  William  Osborne,  John  Bagwell 
and  others,  was  appointed  to  report  on  the  work,  to  ascertain  what  portion 
of  the  funds  was  unapplied,  and  in  whose  hands  these  funds  were.  At 
length,  five  years  later,  the  channel  was  sufficiently  deepened  and  the  rocks 
removed  to  permit  the  free  passage  of  boats  of  ten  tons.  A  quarter  of  a 
century  subsequent,  the  matter  became  again  urgent.  On  February  15th, 
1790,  the  corporation  of  Clonmel  together  with  the  traders  and  manufacturers 
petitioned  the  Commons. 

The  town  of  Clonmel  for  a  considerable  time  past  has  been  growing  in  commerce 
and  manufactures,  and  if  encouraged  is  likely  to  become  a  place  of  extensive  trade ;  its 
situation  on  the  banks  of  the  Suir  a  large  navigable  river  in  the  heart  of  a  most  fertile 
country,  has  essentially  contributed  to  render  the  said  town  a  very  eligible  mart  for  all 
kinds  of  grain,  which  are  purchased  and  sent  from  thence  to  Dublin  by  the  Grand  Canal 
and  coastways,  also  to  a  variety  of  foreign  markets  both  in  a  manufactured  and 
unmanufactured  state,  and  in  such  great  abundance,  that  the  said  town  and  its  environs 
may  without  any  exaggeration  be  considered  one  of  the  greatest,  if  not  the  best  corn 
market  in  the  kingdom  from  which  not  only  Clonmel  and  the  county  of  Tipperary  but 
the  neighbouring  counties  and  the  kingdom  in  general  derive  material  advantage ;  the 
tow  path  or  trackway  of  the  said  river  which  is  absolutely  necessary  for  the  purpose  of 
navigation  has  been  by  floods  and  various  causes  rendered  nearly  impassable  in  many 
places  for  the  horses  to  haul  up  the  boats.  Your  suppliants  therefore  humbly  pray 
that  the  Grand  Jury  of  the  County  of  Tipperary  may  be  enabled  to  present  from  time 
to  time  such  sums  as  shall  appear  necessary  for  the  improvement  of  the  said  tow  path 
or  track  way  (//). 

Nothing,  however,  was  done  until  the  following  year,  when  on  a  similar 
petition  the  Solicitor  General  and  Stephen  Moore  were  ordered  to  prepare  a 
bill  to  empower  grand  juries  to  make  presentments  for  the  purpose. 

The  other  event  which  contributed  to  the  prosperity  of  the  town  was  the 
foundation  of  the  milling  industry,  intimately  connected  as  it  was,  with  the 
breaking  up  of  the  cattle  ranches  and  the  introduction  of  tillage.  In  1757 
Edmund  Sexten  Perry,  afterwards  Speaker  of  the  Irish  Commons,  carried 
through  a  Bill  which  granted  bounties  on  the  land  carriage  of  corn  to  Dublin. 
For  every  five  hundred-weight  of  flour  brought  to  that  market,  a  premium  of 
three  pence  per  mile  (deducting  the  first  ten  miles)  was  granted  ;  for  every 
five  hundred  of  wheat  and  barley,  three  halfpence,  and  of  oats  one  penny. 
Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  economic  soundness  of  this  measure,  its 
effects  on  the  agriculture  of  the  country  were  important  and  wide-spread. 
In  1759  there  were  brought  to  Dublin  from  Co.  Tipperary  1,103  quarters  of 
corn  and  meal,  the  bounty  earned  being  £276  4s.  4d.,  but  there  is  no  mention 


(II)  Parliamentary  Records,  P.R.O. 


130  History  of  Clonmel. 

of  flour.  Seven  years  later  we  find  1,502  cwts.  of  flour  from  Tipperary,  sent 
for  the  most  part  from  the  mills  of  Dalton  and  Coughlan  of  Carrick,  and 
Doherty  of  Moorstown.  In  1769  the  earliest  of  the  local  millers  appears  in 
the  Dublin  market — William  Ryan  of  Abbey,  who  sent  45  cwt.  This  year, 
however,  was  nearing  completion  at  Marlfield  a  mill  on  a  scale  that  had  never 
been  seen  before.  Stephen  Moore  seems  to  have  inherited  all  the  energy 
and  enterprise  of  his  great-grandfather,  Richard  of  the  Commonwealth 
period.  His  career — banker,  grazier,  miller,  agriculturist — stands  out  in 
sharp  contrast  with  those  of  the  squalid  squires  of  Tipperary  at  the  time. 
Arthur  Young  who  visited  Marlfield  in  1776  gives  the  following  details  : — 

His  mill  was  built  seven  years  ago  and  cost  £15000;  the  wages  of  the  millers 
including  candles,  coals,  soap  tallow,  etc  £700  or  £800  a  year;  it  contains  nine  stones 
for  wheat  and  four  for  oatmeal ;  it  has  a  very  complete  apparatus  for  sifting,  cleaning 
etc.  and  granaries  of  uncommon  magnitude  holding  lOOOO  barrels ;  began  to  be  worked 
with  only  3,000  barrels  of  wheat  in  a  year,  which  has  risen  gradually  to  20,000  barrels  in 
1776  a  very  strong  proof  of  the  great  increase  of  tillage  in  the  neighbourhood.  Very 
much  of  it  is  between  Clonmel  and  Cashel,  in  which  tract  there  was  formerly  more 
sheep  in  one  parish  than  now  in  three ;  also  much  in  the  Cork  road  to  Clogheen 
but  no  mountain  heath  ground  improved.  The  change  has  been  from  sheep  to  bullocks. 
He  has  a  prospect  of  doing  yet  more  and  at  the  same  time  other  mills  have  been  erected 
that  grind  much,  perhaps  the  whole  is  not  short  of  40,000  barrels.  The  farmers  do  not 
bring  their  wheat  from  a  greater  distance  than  sixteen  miles.  Mr.  Moore  finds  it 
necessary  to  kiln-dry  all.  I  mentioned  to  him  the  bad  colour  of  all  the  wheat  in  his 
own  and  every  other  mill  in  Ireland ;  he  attributed  it  only  to  wet  harvests.  He  sends 
his  flour  to  Dublin  on  the  bounty,  which  rather  more  than  pays  the  expense  of 
carriage  6d.  per  cwt.  Never  exports  on  his  own  account  but  sends  a  little  to  Water- 
ford.  It  goes  to  Dublin  in  cars  which  take  each  eight  to  ten  cwt.  that  is  from 
four  to  five  bags.  He  used  to  pay  3s.  a  cwt.  in  winter  and  3s.  6d.  in  summer  for  84 
miles  but  now  the  price  is  2s.  6ci.  in  summer  and  3s.  in  winter.  Mr.  Moore  tried 
English  broad  wheeled  wagons  with  high  priced  strong  horses  but  they  did  not  answer 
at  all :  he  has  found  the  cars  to  carry  much  greater  loads. 

Mr.  Moore  contracts  for  biscuit,  which  he  bakes  in  large  quantities  and  bread  for 
the  whole  town  of  Clonmell.  He  has  eight  ovens  going  for  biscuit.  Starch  he  also 
makes  large  quantities  of.  Adjoining  his  flour  mill  he  has  erected  a  rape  mill  for 
making  oil ;  the  seed  is  all  raised  in  the  neighbourhood.  The  cake  sells  at  48s.  a  ton 
and  is  exported,  some  to  Holland  but  most  to  England  for  manure  (mm). 

From  the  24th  June,  1771,  to  24th  June,  1772,  Moore  sent  to  Dublin  13,842 
cwts.  of  flour,  receiving  a  bounty  of  £2,838  15s.  4d. ;  the  following  year  the 
quantity  was  13,207,  and  the  bounty  £2,705  8s.  lid.  The  slight  decrease  was 
probably  due  to  the  Quaker  opposition.  In  that  year  John  Grubb  opened 
the  Anner  Mills,  sending  to  Dublin  5,428  cwts.,  the  bounty  paid  being 
£1,094  15s.  lid.  After  some  keen  competition,  a  working  arrangement  was 
come  to  between  Moore  and  Grubb.  An  imaginary  line  was  drawn  through 
the  Main  Guard,  north  and  south.     All  farmers  west  of  this  line  had  perforce 


(mm)  Tour  in  Ireland  I.,  pp.  395-6.     Unfortunately,   it  may  be  added,  Moore  a  few  years 
subsequent  met  the  fate  which  often  befalls  over-speculation,  the  bankruptcy  court. 


History  of  Clonmel,  i3i 

to  sell  their  corn  to  Moore,  all  east,  to  Grubb  (nn).  On  the  collapse  of  Moore 
some  years  later,  the  milling  trade  was  largely  monopolized  by  the  Quakers. 
About  1778  a  member  of  that  body,  Simmons  Sparrow,  the  son  of  a  local 
baker,  who  had  owned  a  modest  mill  at  Tubberaheena,  opened  the  huge  Suir 
Island  mills,  and  soon  occupied  the  premier  position  (00).  He  was  followed 
in  the  same  locality  by  the  firm  of  Robert  Grubb  &  Co.  In  November,  1781, 
Edward  Collins  obtained  a  lease  from  the  corporation  of  the  old  corporation 
mill  on  Little  Island,  and  erected  thereon  new  mills  at  a  cost  of  £l2,000.  He 
had  previously  taken  over  the  Marlfield  mills  from  the  assigns  of  Stephen 
Moore  (pp).  Three  years  later,  in  1784,  Thomas  Morton  exchanged  his  trade 
of  distiller  for  that  of  corn  miller,  and  took  the  Manor  mills  from  James 
Keyes  on  a  lease  for  lives  renewable,  at  a  rent  of  nearly  £100  a  year.  About 
the  same  period  John  Bagwell  purchased  the  lease  of  Marlfield,  and  carried 
on  extensive  corn  milling  and  biscuit  making  there.  Within  the  next  thirty 
years  a  network  of  corn  mills  was  spread  over  the  country  until  every  river 
was  dammed  and  every  mountain  stream  pent  up  (qq).  When  in  I797it  was 
proposed  to  abolish  the  system  of  bounties,  the  milling  industry  was  so  firmly 
established,  that  it  stood  in  no  need  of  public  subsidies.  "  The  principal 
millers,"  said  Lord  Clare,  "  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Clonmell,  a  part  of  the 
kingdom  from  which  there  is  a  considerable  influx  of  corn  to  the  city,  do  not 
complain  of  the  bill ;  on  the  contrary  many  have  declared  that  they  will  not 
suffer  any  loss  from  it "  (rr). 

Besides  flour  milling  there  were  at  this  period  a  number  of  minor 
industries.  In  1785  Clonmel  counted  fourteen  manufacturers  of  tobacco  who 
paid  to  the  revenue  for  that  year  2d.  per  5  lbs.  on  16,499  lbs.,  and  8d.  per  5  lbs. 
on  5,931  lbs.  The  tanning  of  leather  had  also  been  carried  on  for  a 
considerable  time  by  the  enterprising  quakers,  Peter  Banfield,  Thomas  and 
Samuel  Rigg.    The  woollen  manufacture  was  inconsiderable.     "  The  poor 


(nn)  Information  penes  Mr.  B.  Clibborn,  a  descendant  of  Grubb. 

(00)  He  built  Oaklands  house,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Richard,  who  died  in  18 10. 

(pp)  Flour  sent  to  Dublin  by  land  carriage  from  24th  June,  1781,  to  24th  June,  1782.  Anner, 
John  Grubb,  4,534  cwts.,  bounty  £$^  15s.  Clonmel,  Simmons  Sparrow,  6,527  cwts.,  £%(k)  12s.  4d. 
Clonmel,  Robert  Grubb  &  Co.,  1,318  cwts.,  ;f  174  los.  8d.  Marlfield,  Edward  Collins,  6,234  cwts., 
;f83i  28. 

(qq)  It  was  not  without  much  searching  of  heart  the  landowners  saw  the  sheep  and  black  cattle 
disappear,  and  the  pastures  broken  by  the  plough .  As  a  preliminary  the  farms  had  to  be  sub-divided. 
"  1  did  not  expect  after  what  you  were  pleased  to  express  to  me  last  Feb.  that  you  would  have 
cottierd  out  my  Grounds  in  the  manner  you  have  which  must  be  attended  with  constant  disagreeable 
matter  to  me.  I  therefore  shall  insist  on  the  covenants  in  the  lease  being  performed." — W.  Perry 
to  Maurice  Lonergan,  5th  April,  1780.  "  In  consequence  of  .Liberty  given  me  by  Wm.  Perry  Esq. 
to  plough  a  field  of  8  or  9  acres  of  the  lands  of  Newcastle  which  by  his  lease  to  the  late  Joseph 
Cooke  was  reserved  from  being  ploughed  under  a  certain  Penalty  I  do  hereby  engage  to  manure  the 
said  field  with  Roach  Lime  at  the  rate  of  100  barrels  to  each  and  every  acre  at  the  least  and  that  after 
three  crops  have  been  taken  off  I  will  lay  down  the  same  for  grass  or  in  default  I  will  pay  the 
Penalty  specified.     15  March  1787,  Thomas  Kearney." — Perry  Papers. 

(rr)  Annals  of  Agriculture  xxix.,  p.  157. 


132  History  of  Clonmel, 

Catholicks  in  the  South  of  Ireland,"  notes  the  observant  Young,  "  spin  wool 
very  generally  but  the  purchasers  of  their  labour  and  the  whole  worsted  trade 
is  in  the  hands  of  the  Quakers  of  Clonmel,  Carrick,  etc."  fssj.  These  exported 
the  wool  in  yarn  to  Bristol  or  Norwich,  and  after  paying  freight,  landing 
duties  and  the  rest,  reaped  a  handsome  profit,  having  had  the  wool  spun  at 
the  living  wage  of  two  pence  a  day  ftt).  An  industry  which  dates  from  this 
period  and  which  after  many  vicissitudes  still  exists,  is  brewing.  During  the 
eighteenth  century  people  made  their  own  beer  as  well  as  baked  their  own 
bread,  and  among  the  household  expenditure  will  be  found  items  for  the 
purchase  of  hops  and  the  malting  of  barley  (uuj.  Tea  was  still  a  luxur}  only 
obtainable  by  the  wealthy,  and  instead  tnilk,  small  beer  and  cider  were 
drunk.  In  1785  there  were  in  Clonmel  128  maltsters,  the  number  of  malt 
houses  being  191.  The  following  year  the  first  malt  tax  was  levied  in  Ireland, 
Id.  per  bushel,  with  the  result  that  the  consumption  of  beer  declined  and 
spirits  increased.  A  considerable  amount  of  whiskey  was  distilled  by 
Thomas  Morton,  James  Daniel,  David  Malcomson  and  others,  and  sold  at  the 
price  of  3s.  4d.  a  gallon,  the  duty  being  only  is.  4J4d.  The  state  of  the 
brewing  industry  may  be  conjectured  from  such  advertisements  in  the  local 
newspapers  as  "Just  landed  at  Michael  Luther's  Stores  oh  the  Quay,  Clonmel, 
150  Tierces  best  London  porter  which  he  will  sell  at  Waterford  prices  free  of 
charges,  17  March  1792  "  (wj.  Ehiring  the  years  1791-1794  the  decline  in 
brewing  and  the  excessive  use  of  low-priced  spirituous  liquors,  were  much 
discussed  in  the  Irish  parliament,  and  at  length  a  resolution  was  come  to 
withdrawing  the  tax  on  beer.  The  effects  were  immediately  felt.  The 
following  year,  1795,  the  firm  of  Thomas  and  Samuel  Morton  began  the 
erection  of  the  brewery  and  stores  in  Morton  Street  (long  known  as  Brewery 
Lane)  on  a  scale  equal  to  the  Cork  and  Dublin  breweries.  They  were 
followed  three  years  later  by  Messrs.  Greer  and  Murphy  in  Dowd's  Lane  and 
Nelson  Street,  where  the  industry  carried  on  by  the  representatives  of  the 
family,  still  flourishes  after  the  lapse  of  a  century. 

Many  of  the  Clonmel  business  folk  at  this  period  accumulated  consider- 
able fortunes,  and  their  families  passed  into  the  ranks  of  the  county  gentry 
and  thus  became  permanently  associated  with  the  locality.  The  following, 
being  the  earliest  list  of  the  traders  of  the  town,  may  be  therefore  of  sulSicient 
interest  for  insertion  here. 

(ss)  Tour  II.,  p.  65. 

(tt)  Ibid  I.,  p.  299.  In  June,  1763,  William  Perry  of  Woodroff  sold  John  Ferris  of  Clonmel 
looi^  stones  of  wool  at  iis.  per  stone,  the  amount  being  ;f55o  i6s.  6d. 

(nu)  1766  Ap.  4— Pd.  the  miller  at  Abbey  for  grinding  2^  bar  malt  before  and  2  now  3s.  4d. 
Oct.  3— Pd.  Jos.  Kendrick  for  3  lb.  hops  at  2s.  8d. — 8s.— Perry  Papers. 

(VI*)  Clonmel  Gazette. 


History  of  Clonmel,  133 

Directory  of  Clonmell,  1787  (wwJ. 

Bankers,  William  &  Phineas  Riall,  their  hours  of  attendance  from  10  to  2  o'clock. 

Their  holidays  Christmas  Easter  and  Whitsun  holidays  only. 
Bagwell  John  Esq,  proprietor  of  the  Mills  at  Marlfield  and  Corn  Merchant. 
Baldwin  James  Esq  proprietor  of  the  rape  mills  near  Clonmel. 
Behilly  Thomas,  grocer,  Main  Street. 
Bell  Henry  dealer  in  Spirits,  Hawk  Street. 

Boardman  Hannah,  clothier  and  worsted  manufacturer,  Irishtown. 
Bradford  Joseph,  Cutler  Main  Street. 
Brennock  Bartholomew,  chandler  &  soap  boiler,  Main  St. 
Brown  Catherine,  Mercer,  Main  St. 
Bryan  Denis,  Glover  hosier.  Main  St. 
Butler  John  Hardware  Merchant,  Main  St. 
Cantwell  Thomas,  victualler  &  tanner  Irishtown. 
Carey  Rev.  Richard,  free  school  Church  lane. 
Carey  William,  leather  Cutter  Main  St. 
Castell  John,  Tanner  Main  St. 
Chaytor  Thomas,  Boarding  School  Barrack  St. 

Close  Richard;  Linen  &  Woollen-draper  &  proprietor  of  bleach-green  Main  St. 
Cole  George,  Attorney  at  law  Church-lane. 
Collett  Francis,  Sadler  Hawke  St. 

„      John,  Grocer  &  tanner  Main  St. 

„      Benjamin,  druggist  &  apothecary  Main  St. 

„      Stephen,  Sadlier  cap  &  whip  maker    „ 

„      Robert,        „     Main  St. 
Collins  Edward,  Printer  &  Wine  Merchant  Barrack  St. 
Commin  Philip,  Merchant  dealer  in  hardware  &  ironmonger  Main  St. 
Commin  Richard,  Woollen  draper  Main  St. 
Constable  Robert,  Surgeon  &  apothecary  Barrack  St. 
Corbett  Mary,  Grocer  Main  St. 
Craven  J,  BaJcer  „ 

Crotty  John  Woollen  draper  Irish  Town. 
Daniel  James,  Clotheir  Abbey  St. 

„      John,  Shoemaker  &  leather  cutter  Main  St. 
Davis  Samuel,  Clotheir  Main  St. 

„      Richard,      „        Powerstown  near  Clonmel. 

„     Simon,  Shoe  maker  Hawk  St. 
Den  mead  Adam  &  Henry,  ironmonger  white  Smith  &  Auctioneers,  Hawk  St. 
Dillon  Walter,  Leather  cutter  Main  St. 
Dudley  &  Mason,  Hardware  merchants  Main  St. 

„       Jonathan,  M.D.  Barrack  St. 

„       Robert,  Miller  &  Corn  Merchant  Suir  Mills. 
Dumville  Henry,  Soap  boiler  &  Chandlier  Main  St 

„        John,  Grocer  &  Spirit  Merchant  Watergate  St. 
„        James,  Soap  boiler  &  Chandlier  Main  St. 
Dunn  Philip,  Coach  maker  Hawk  St. 
Dunn  Thomas,  turner  „ 

Dwyer  Edmund,  distiller  Suir  Island. 
„         Confectioner  Main  St. 

„     William,  Dealer  in  Spirits  Hawk  St. 
English  Edmond,  Attorney  at  Law  &  Notary  Public  Watergate  St. 
Fell  Richard,  Painter  &  Glazier  Main  St. 
Fennessy  Thomas,  Nursery  &  Seedsman  Irish  town. 
Fitzpatrick  Richard,  Brewer  Irish  town. 

(WW)  Small  8vo.,  the  imprint  unfortunately  wanting,  penes  J.  £.  Grubb,  Esq.,  Carrick-on-Suir. 


134  History  of  Clonmel. 

Fitzgerald  Richard,  Grocer  Main  St. 
Flood  Michael,  Apothecary       „ 
Godwin  Eliza,  Boarding  School  Meeting  House  Lane. 
Going  Stephen,  Chandlier  Irish  town. 
Gordon  Thomas,  Merchant  Brewer  tanner  Suir  Island. 
Gorman  William,  Grocer  Main  St. 
Green  George,  M.D.  „ 

.  Gregory  Robert,  White  Smith  Irish  town. 
Grubb  Joseph,  Merchant  &  Clothier  Barrack  St. 

„     Samuel,  Butter  &  Com  Merchant  Main  St. 

„    John  &  Joseph,  Grocers  Main  St. 

„     Thos.  &  Samuel,  Millers  &  Com  Merchants  Suir  Island. 

„     Grubb  &  Beeby,  Clothiers  &  Merchants  Main  St 

„     Sarah,  Miller  &  Com  dealer  Anner  Mills. 

„     George,  Clothier  Hawk  St. 
Hackett  Valentine,  Baker  Bridge  Lane. 
Harris  Richard,  M.D.  Obstich  Professor  Barrack  St. 
Harvey  John,  Sadler  Hawk  St. 

„       Theophilus,  Boot  &  Shoe  Maker  Hawk  St. 
Hayman  Rebecca,  Grocer  Main  St* 

„         Samuel,  Attorney  at  law  &  Notary  Public  Church  Lane. 
Hayden  Thomas,  tanner  Irishtown 
Hickman  Wray,  Clothier  Abbey  St. 
Hill  John,  Silver  Smith  Barrack  St.. 
Hines  Francis,  Pewterer  &  Brass  founder  Main  St. 
Holliday  Mary,  Milliner  Main  St. 
Hope  Thomas,  Slater  Hawk  St. 
Howell  Edward  &  John,  Millers  &  Corn  Merchants  Corporations  Mills  Suir  Island. 

„       Edward,  Sadler,  Main  St. 
Hynes  Peter,  Boot  &  Shoe  maker  Main  St. 
Jones  Richard,  Clothier  &  tanner  Suir  Island. 
Kearney  Michael,  Ironmonger  Main  St. 

„         Elinor,  Grocer  Main  St. 

„        Andrew,  Baker       „ 

„        Catherine,  Grocer    „ 
Keating  Walter,  Grocer  Ironmonger  Main  St. 

„        John,  Baker  Hawke  St. 
Kelly  Wm,  Linen  &  Woollen  draper  Main  St. 
Kendrick  Joseph,  Grocer  Main  St. 
Kelly  John,  Spirit  merchant  &  porter  rQom  Main  St. 
Kennedy  Ralph,  Sadler  &  Cap  Maker  Main  St. 
Keily  Patrick,  tanner  Irish  town. 
Keily  John,  Linen  draper  Main  St. 

„     Jeremiah,  Soap  Boiler  &  chandlier  Main  St. 
Kingdom  Wm,  Clothier  Hawke  St. 
Leary  Ann,  Boot  &  Shoe  maker  Main  St. 
Lee  Arthur,  Surveyor  of  excise  Church  Lane. 
Legg  John,  Boot  &  Shoe  maker  Hawke  St. 
Lester  George  &  Richard,  Painters  &  Glaziers  Hawke  St. 
Lewis  Michael,  Sadlier  &  bridle  cutter  Main  St. 
Lloyd  Mary,  Mercer  Main  St. 
Lonergan  Stephen,  Grocer  „ 
Lowe  Philip,  Vintner  Bear  Inn  Main  St. 
Lord  Thomas,  Printer  Market  St. 
Lucas  Thomas,  Surgeon  &  Apothecary  Barrack  St. 
McCheane  Jeremiah,  Weigh  master  &  Butter  merchant  quay. 

Mary,  Grocer  Irishtown. 
McKenna  Edmond,  Wine  Merchant  Main  St. 


History  of  Clonmel.  135 

Malone  James,  Woollen  Draper  &  tobacco-nist  Main  St. 
Morgan  Philip,  Gun  Maker  Main  St. 
Morton  Thomas,  distiller  Barrack  St. 

„      James,  Miller  &  Com  Merchant  Bridge. 
Murphy  John,  Soap  Boiler  &  tobacconists  Main  St. 

„        Bridget,  Linen  draper  haberdasher  Main  St. 

„        Thomas,  Grocer  Main  St. 

„        Francis,  Boot  &  Shoe  maker  Main  St. 
Neagle  Patrick,  Surgeon  Main  St. 
O'Neill  Cornelius,  Grocer  &  linen  draper  Main  St. 
Pearson  William,  Attorney  at  law  Barrack  Street. 
Pedder  Benjamin,  Clothier  &  dyer  Main  St. 
Phelan  James,  Linen  &  Woollen  draper  Main  St. 
Quin  John,  hardware  Barrack  St. 
Rigg  Samuel,  tanner  Irishtown. 
Rivers  Richard,  Merchant  Brewer  and  tanner  Main  St. 
Rodolphus  Rumbold,  Auctioneer  Church  Lane. 
Ryan  Widon  &  Son,  Vintners  Globe  Inn  and  livery  stables  East  gate. 
Ryan  Cavan,  linen  draper  Main  Street. 
Ryan  Eliza,  linen  draper  Main  street. 
Sargent  Richard,  clothier  Irishtown. 

Shaw  Thomas,  woolen  draper  timber  merchant  and  postmaster  office  Main  Street. 
Shaw  Moses,  grocer  Bridge  Lane. 
Sparrow  Simmons,  corn  merchant  Suir  Island. 
Stockdale  and  Malcomson,  linen  drapers  and  grocers,  Main  Street. 
Taylor  John,  hosier  and  linen  draper  Main  Street 
Taylor  Thomas,  corn  merchant  Irishtown. 
Taylor  Samuel,  Baker  and  grocer  Main  Street. 
Taylor  William,  woolen  draper  and  Taylor  Irishtown. 
Thompson  William,  goldsmith  and  watchmaker  Barrack  Street. 
Thompson  John,  leather  cutter  Irishtown. 
Vaughan  John,  Staffordshire  warehouse  Watergate  St. 
Villers  Robert,  grocer  Main  Street. 

Wallace  John,  clerk  and  receiver  of  customs  and  excise  office  Watergate  St. 
Wall  John,  glass  and  china  man  Main  Street. 
Walsh  Michael,  grocer  Main  Street. 
Walsh  Elinor,  haberdasher  Main  Street. 
Walsh  David,  white  smith  Hawk  St. 
Weston  Thomas,  attorney-at-law  Watergate  Street. 
Weston  John,  salt  and  lime  works  Raheen  near  Clonmel. 
White  Henry,  haberdasher  Main  Street. 
White  James,  haberdasher  and  merchant  Main  Street. 
White  Agnes,  Tobacconist  Irishtown. 
Whitton  Elizabeth,  tallow  chandler  Irishtown. 
Wilkinson  Robert,  sadler  Main  Street. 
Wood  Joseph,  merchant  Main  Street. 
Wood  Josiah,  corn  merchant  Main  Street. 
Airy  Phineas,  gent.  East  gate  near  Clonmel. 


CLONMEL  IN  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY  (Continued). 

JF  the  picture  of  Clonniel  in  the  eighteenth  century,  growing  in  trade 
and  population,  is  a  pleasing  one,  there  were  certain  aspects  of  social 
and  municipal  life  which  are  not  pleasant  to  contemplate  nor  easy 
to  write  about  dispassionately.  The  penal  code  has  not  yet  had  an 
historian  ;  perhaps  its  very  atrocity  and  preterhuman  completeness  of  cruel 
detail,  have  given  rise  to  the  assumption  that  it  never  found  its  way  outside 
the  statute  book  (xx).  Unfortunately,  however,  the  slightest  original  research 
among  the  records  of  the  time — property  evidences,  documents  connected 
with  the  civil  administration,  domestic  correspondence — reveals  not  merely 
its  multiplex  operations,  but  discovers  everywhere  the  spirit  of  which  it  was 
only  the  legal  embodiment.  And  therefore,  as  will  be  observed,  the  local 
authorities  so  far  from  mitigating  the  rigours  of  the  code,  often  gave  it  a 
special  force  and  edge  in  the  execution. 

In  1697  the  Act  of  William  IIL,  c.  26,  was  passed.  By  section  I,  all  popish 
archbishops,  bishops,  vicars,  deans,  Jesuits,  monks  and  friars  were  ordered  out 
of  the  kingdom  by  1st  of  May,  1698.  Section  2  forbade  anyone  harbouring  or 
concealing  them  under  a  penalty  of  £20  for  the  first  offence.  If  convicted  a  third 
time  the  penalty  was  forfeiture  of  all  goods  and  chattels  and  of  freehold  estate 
for  life.  Proclamation  was  made  forthwith.  In  vain,  however ;  few  if  any 
departed,  and  so  the  Catholic  bishop  of  Waterford,  Dr.  Pierce,  together  with  the 


(xx)  The  best  account  of  the  Penal  Laws  in  their  operation,  is  to  be  found  in  Lecky's  Ireland  in 
the  1 8th  Century.  But  one  chapter  in  a  four  volume  book  is  quite  disproportionate.  The 
Croniwellian  Settlement  and  the  Penal  Code  have  shaped  the  whole  course  of  Irish  history  in 
modern  limes. 


History  of  Clonmel.  157 

regular  clergy  were  all  seized  and  imprisoned  in  Waterford  gaol.  There  they 
were  kept  for  more  than  a  year  pending  their  transportation  as  provided  by 
statute.  In  1698  shipping  was  obtained  and  twenty-six  were  put  on  board 
for  France.    It  was  high  treason  to  return,  but — 

Quid  leges,  sine  moribus 

Vanse  proficiunt  ? 
Benedict  Sail,   Francis    Doyle  and  others,   we  learn  from  the  Franciscan 
records,  were  a  few  years  later,  again  in  Clonmel. 

Meanwhile  certain  persons  were  noticed  in  the  country,  strongly 
suspected  to  be  Jesuits,  regular  priests  and  agents  of  the  Pretender — so 
correspondents  reported  to  Secretaries  Southwell  and  Dawson.  Accordingly 
Parliament  set  to  work  again.  "  Whereas  two  acts  lately  made  for  banishing 
all  regulars  of  the  popish  clergy  out  of  this  kingdom  and  to  prevent  popish 
priests  from  coming  into  the  same,  maybe  wholly  eluded  unless  the 
government  be  truly  informed  of  the  number  of  such  dangerous  persons  as 
still  remain  among  us  for  remedy  whereof  be  it  enacted,"  etc.  Priests  were 
to  repair  to  the  next  quarter  sessions  of  the  peace  to  be  held  in  their  several 
counties,  and  there  furnish  the  Clerk  of  the  Crown  with  such  particulars  of 
their  age,  abode,  place  of  ordination  and  the  like  as  would  enable  them  to  be 
subsequently  identified.  Pursuant  to  the  Act,  at  the  quarter  sessions  for 
Tipperary  held  at  Nenagh,  nth  July,  1704,  a  register  of  the  priests  of  the 
county,  sixty-two  in  number,  was  made.  In  that  list  were  Edward  Comerford, 
Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  and  Dr.  Tonnery,  the  parish  priest  of  Clonmel — men 
who  had  defended  theses  and  carried  off  the  highest  honours  at  foreign 
universities — or  others  of  ancient  lineage  as  James  Butler  of  the  Ormond 
family,  parish  priest  of  Kilcash,  and  Eustace  Brown  of  Emly,  kinsman  of 
Lord  Kenmare.  Or  again,  Luke  White,  son  of  John  White,  Mayor  of  Clonmel 
during  the  Cromwellian  siege,  who  having  eaten  the  bitter  bread  of  exile 
fifty  years  before,  might  now  in  his  last  days  have  been  left  in  peace  (yy). 
The  sinister  object  of  the  statute  came  out  five  years  later.  The  Act  8  Ann, 
cap.  3,  sect.  23,  enacted  "  All  popish  priests  who  have  been  registered  in 
pursuance  of  the  former  act/^r  registering  the  popish  clergy  shall  take  the  oath 
of  abjuration  before  the  25th  day  of  March,  1710,  in  one  of  the  four  courts  at 
Dublin,  or  at  some  quarter  sessions  when  such  popish  priests  have  been 
registered,  and  upon  neglect  or  refusal,  and  after  the  25th  day  of  March 
celebrating  mass  or  olfficiating  as  a  popish  priest,  such  popish  priest  shall 
incur  such  penalties  as  a  popish  regular  clergyman  convict  by  the  laws  of 


(yy)  A  List  of  the  Names  of  the  Popish  Priests,  &c.     Dubh'n  :  Printed  by  .Andrew  Crook, 
Printer  to  the  Queen's  Most  Excellent  Majesty,  1705. 


138  History  of  Clonmel. 

this  realm  is  liable  unto."  The  priests  had  now  three  alternatives — to  desert 
their  flocks  and  flee  the  country,  to  abjure  their  faith,  or  lastly,  to  face  the 
penalties  of  high  treason.  They  chose  the  third  course.  Forthwith  in 
company  with  the  hunted  sons  of  the  former  Irish  landowners,  they  were 
proclaimed  at  the  assizes  tories  and  rebels  out  upon  their  keeping,  or  again 
rewards  were  offered  for  their  apprehension  ranging  from  £50  to '  £20 
according  to  their  ecclesiastical  status.  But  though  the  degraded  Parliament 
resolved  that  "the  prosecuting  and  informing  against  papists  was  an 
honourable  service,"  (zz)  it  is  to  the  credit  of  the  friendly  Protestants  of  the 
neighbourhood  that  no  one  would  inform.  A  professional  spy  soon  arrived 
in  the  town. 

Clonmell  ye  loth  of  Jany  1712. 

May  it  please  yr  Excellencies. 

I  have  been  disappointed  in  serving  ye  Govmt  in  ye  County  of  Wexford  by  ye  ill 
management  of  some  of  ye  Justices  of  ye  Peace  there  as  it  shall  appeare  before  yr 
Excellencies  in  Council  in  a  very  short  time ;  in  ye  meane  time  there  is  extraordinary 
good  service  to  be  done  in  this  towne  by  takeing  of  severall  persons  of  greate  note  of 
ye  Popish  clergy  lately  come  from  France  and  Rome,  more  particular  Thomas  Ennis 
[Rev.  Thomas  Hennessy,  S.J.]  who  goes  under  the  name  of  a  Popish  bishop, :  he  acts 
here  after  the  Rules  of  a  Cardinal! :  on  the  sixth  of  this  inst.  called  twelfth  day,  he  was 
in  a  Bishops  habit  with  a  mighter  [mitre]  upon  his  head  and  all  other  extream  rich 
Robes  belonging  to  that  order,  he  celebrated  high  mass  in  ye  Mass  house  without  the 
West  gate  of  this  towne,  where  he  had  a  vast  company  of  people  which  showed 
him  as  much  Reverence  as  if  he  had  been  ye  Pope  by  kissing  his  hands,  and  ye 
very  ground  whereon  he  trod,  all  which  I  was  an  eye  witness  off.  There  is  another 
person  here  who  takes  upon  him  ye  title  of  a  Bishop,  he  goes  by  ye  name  of  Mr. 
Bourk  but  his  right  name  is  Salt,  [Rev.  B.  Sail,  O.S.F.]  There  is  also  another  whose 
name  is  Father  Adams,  he  is  turned  father  Confessor  in  particular  to  ye  women 
and  is  manageing  a  way  to  put  upp  a  private  Nunnery,  all  those  I  have  seen 
officiate.  I  must  take  leave  to  assure  yr  Excellencies  they  are  very  dangerous 
persons.  Thomas  Ennis  has  of  late  years  been  a  great  spy  in  ye  Court  of  England, 
They  all  go  by  contrary  names :  one  them  is  ye  Titulate  bishop  of  Derry  who  has 
been  already  taken  by  the  Lords  Justices  and  Council  but  was  Rescued  out  of  ye 
Custody  of  Capt  Mfchael  Cole  as  his  Grace  ye  Archbishop  of  Dublin  and  Mr.  Justice 
Cook  can  inform  yr  Excellencies,  and  give  better  satisfaction  of  the  truth  hereof. 
I  think  it  fitt  to  give  you  the  names  of  the  persons  who  entertains  them  privately 
in  their  howses  viz.  Richard  Stritch  and  Patrick  Morony  Merchts,  James  Sherlocke 
apothecary  and  one  Tonory,  these  are  ye  persons  who  entertains  them  and  in  whose 
howses  their  goods  and  papers  are  now  concealed.  I  also  think  it  requisite  to  give 
yr  Excellencies  an  Account  of  severall  of  ye  persons  who  have  heard  and  saw  them 
Officiate  as  aforesaid,  viz.  Thomas  Pursell,  Francis  Morony,  Nicholas  White,  Michael 
Davan  Merchts,  John  Maugher,  William  Morony,  Patrick  ffitz  Patrick,  James 
Sherlock  apothecary,  Richard  Stritch  and  Patrick  Morony  Merchants,  James  Tonnory, 
these  are  ye  names  of  ye  most  materiall  persons  who  to  my  certaine  knowledge,  have 
been  hearing  them.  I  desire  they  may  (if  yr  Excellencies  thinks  fitt)  be  examined  upon 
Oath  of  what  they  knowe  concerning  ye  persons  aforesaid.  I  am  credibly  informed 
there  are  some  Protestants  in  this  town  who  are  largely  bribed  by  those  disaffected 
persons  iFor  winking  at  their  actions.    I  have  this  night  been  in  private  with  Major 


(zz)  Commons  Journal  III.,  p.  319. 


History  of  Clonmel.  139 

Cuthbcrt  Wilkinson  Collector  of  Clonmell,  with  whom  I  advised  concerning  this  matter, 
his  advice  to  me  was  to  apply  myself  to  yr  Excellencies  for  an  order  not  only  to  ye 
Civill  magestrates  but  alsoe  to  ye  Commanding  officer  of  ye  troops  of  this  Barracks, 
to  take  with  him  as  many  men  as  maybe  sufficient  for  apprehending  these  men 
without  which  (ther^e  being  so  vast  a  number  of  Popish  mobb  in  this  towne)  it 
cannot  possibly  be  done:  and  withall  humbly  begg  (if  yr  Excellencies  thinks 
convenient)  to  mention  particularly  in  that  order  Thomas  Batty  and  Robert  Hamerton 
Esquires  Justices  of  ye  Peace  for  this  County  to  act  in  this  affair  as  yr  Excellencies 
shall  thinke  fitt,  and  that  the  order  and  letters  maybe  enclosed  to  ye  Collector  who 
is  a  Gentleman  that  I  find  would  be  very  ready  to  serve  ye  Government  if  he  were 
in  Commission  of  Peace  and  I  humbly  desire  that  no  letter  or  order  may  be  writt 
directly  to  ye  Mayor  of  ye  Town,  or  to  any  other  person  except  those  who  are 
nominated  above  for  some  good  reasons  which  shall  hereafter  appeare  before  yr 
Excellencies  and  in  so  doing  I  doubt  not  but  ye  service  will  be  compleated  to  yr 
Excellencies  satisfaction.  I  humbly  beg  there  may  be  directions  given  that  I  may 
be  safely  protected  in  ye  Execution  hereof,  or  otherwise  I  shall  be  knoct  in  ye  head. 
I  would  have  directed  this  to  yr  Excellencies  but  fearing  there  should  be  any 
notice  taken  thereof  in  ye  Post  Office  here,  have  given  it  to  Major  Wilkinson  to 
mclose  to  Sir  Thomas  Southwell.  I  must  further  beg  leave  to  acquaint  yr  Excellencies 
that  there  is  great  disorder  on  foot  in  this  town  I  am  afraid  to  explain  myself  fully 
before  1  can  before  yr  Excellencies.  Had  I  any  person  here  who  is  a  stranger  in  this  place 
in  whom  I  could  trust,  I  could  putt  him  in  a  way  to  see  those  people  Officiating  in  their 
habits  for  there  is  no  one  here  I  dare  have  discovered  my  self  and  design  to,  but  ye 
Collector  and  one  Richard  Scott  who  is  officer  of  Excise  in  ye  town  of  Clonmel,  who 
makes  it  his  business  in  his  walk  to  take  a  vew  of  those  people  as  well  as  ye  howses 
wherein  they  lodge.  I  humbly  beg  when  they  are  apprehended  that  they  may  not  be 
allowed  to  have  any  conference  with  each  other.  I  alsoe  humbly  beg  (if  yr  Excellencies 
thinks  fitt  to  write  to  ye  Mayor  of  ye  town)  that  it  may  be  enclosed  to  ye  Collector  with 
order  not  to  be  delivered  to  ye  Mayor  till  I  think  fitt.  With  all  humility  and  obedience 
I  beg  leave  to  subscribe  my  selfe  yr  Excellencies  most  obedient  humble  servt. 

Edv^tard  Tyrrell  (a). 

By  the  same  post  Tyrrell  sent  a  letter  to  the  Protestant  Archbishop  of 
Dublin.  "  I  have  writt  to  their  Excellencies  ye  Lords  Just,  under  a  cover  in 
Major  Cutberth  Wilkinsons  packett,  Collector  of  Clonmell,  directed  to  Sir 
Thomas  Southwell,  wherein  I  have  given  them  an  account  at  large  of  a 
Cardinall  that  now  is  in  this  towne  from  ye  Pope  lately  come  over  as  also 
of  some  other  Bishops  and  Popish  clergy  that  are  now  in  private  meetings 
and  among  them  there  is  ye  titulate  Popish  Bishop  of  Derry  whose  name  is 
Edmund  Cane  but  goes  here  by  ye  name  of  Addams.  I  doe  remember  that 
yr  Grace  was  in  ye  Councill  about  three  years  agoe,  when  an  order  passed 
for  apprehending  ye  said  Cane  and  directions  being  sent  to  Capt.  Michael 
Cole  Justice  of  Peace  in  this  county  who  apprehended  ye  said  Cane  but  was 
Rescued  from  ye  said  Justice,  in  short  I  must  assure  yr  Grace  there  is  about 
nine  hundred  of  those  sort  of  persons  landed  in  this  kingdom  what  without 
doubt  is  not  come  upon  any  good  design  "  (b). 


(a)  Endorsed  To  their  Excellencies  ye  Lds  Justices  of  Ireland.— Civil  Correspondence,  Miscell- 
aneous, P.R.O.  Dublin. 

(b)  Ibidem. 


140  History  of  Clonmel. 

Wilkinson  probably  soon  found  that  in  his  effort  to  obtain  the 
Commission  of  the  Peace,  Tyrrell  could  be  of  little  assistance.  The  issue  of 
the  matter  we  learn  therefore  from  the  following  : — 

Clonmel  January  21,  1712. 

Sir— I  receaved  yours  of  the  17th.  By  direction  of  theyr  Excellencies  ye  Lords 
Justices  and  Councell  and  inclosed  in  it  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  Edward  Tyrrell  to  theyr 
Excellencies  ye  lOth  instant  from  this  town  setting  forth  he  could  discover  severall 
Popish  Bishops  and  Regulars  that  were  then  in  Clonmell.  Pursuant  to  directions,  on 
receipt  of  the  Letter  I  immediately  inquired  of  Major  Wilkinson,  ye  Collector,  and  Mr. 
Scott,  the  Excise  officer,  what  they  knew  of  this  matter  and  finde  Tyrell^  was  in  this 
town  for  a  boute  a  fortnight  until  last  Saturday  having  notice  given  him  by  Major 
Wilkinson  that  he  was  advised  not  to  have  any  further  commerce  with  him,  he 
immediately  went  out  of  this  town  as  he  pretended  towards  Corke  which  is  all  I  can 
hear  of  this  matter  only  that  from  a  greater  concours  of  papists  then  usuall,  resorting 
this  town  of  late,  I  believe  there  have  been  some  such  persons  here  of  the  Romish  Clergy 
as  above  mentioned.  But  for  the  present  I  think  they  are  dispersed,  not  from  any 
apprehension  of  being  discovered  by  Tyrell  but  severall  of  the  chief  of  the  papist 
inhabitants  of  this  town  happening  att  this  time  to  be  summoned  to  take  the  oathes, 
theyr  clergy  have  taken  ye  alarme  and  are  absconded. 

I  am  Sir 

Your  most  humble  servt, 

Tho.  Batty  ^cA 

The  priest  hunting  continued  at  intervals  through  the  first  half  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  It  was  particularly  active  about  1715  and  1745,  when  the 
Hanoverian  succession  was  threatened  by  the  Jacobites.  Early  in  1714 
reports  began  to  reach  the  Executive  that  the  magistrates  of  Tipperary  were 
not  as  efficient  as  they  might  be,  in  executing  the  popery  laws.  The  Chief 
Secretary,  Dawson,  complained  to  the  High  Sheriflf,  John  White.  White 
wrote  from  Cappagh  2nd  June,  1714. 

Inclosed  I  send  you  a  letter  which  I  received  from  severall  of  the  Justices  of 
the  peace  of  this  county,  which  they  desired  may  be  layd  before  their  Excellencies 
the  Lords  Justices,  with  full  assurance  that  they  will  strictly  putt  the  laws  in 
Execution  against  all  Popish  priests  and  all  other  persons  whatsoever  who  shall 
refuse  to  abjure  the  pretender  and  will  not  be  ameanable  to  the  laws.  I  persume  I  may 
in  a  short  time  give  their  Excellencies  a  good  account  of  the  proceedings  of  all  the 
Justices  of  the  peace  of  this  County,  most  of  whom  have  assured  me  that  they  will  in 
their  respective  Barronys,  putt  the  laws  in  Execution  according  to  their  Excellencies 
Directions,  against  all  persons  obnoxious  to  the  laws  (d). 

Nine  days  later  the  justices  met  at  Cashel  in  long  consultation,  and 
White  assured  Dawson  the  best  results  would  follow  from  the  meeting  (c). 
And  he  was  as  good  as  his  word. 

Tipperary  June  23,  1714. 

Sir — In  obedience  to  the  directions  which  we  received  from  his  Grace  the  Duke  of 
Shrewsbury  Lord  Lieutenant  of  the  Kingdom  and  Counsel!  by  their  letter  of  the  28 

(c)  Endorsed  to  James  Dawson  Esqr,  att  her  Maties  Castle,  Dublin. — Civil  Correspondence,  4  Q 
II,  i,P.RA 

(d)  Civil  Correspondence  P.R.O. 

(c)  White  to  Dawson,  Cappagh,  12th  June,  17 14— Ibid. 


History  of  Clonmel.  i4i 

of  May  last,  we  summoned  the  principal  popish  inhabitants  of  the  Barony  of  Clanwilliam 
td  appear  before  us  at  Tipperary  on  the  22  inst.  on  purpose  to  inquire  into  the  matter 
contained  in  the  said  letter,  but  our  summons  not  being  regarded  by  them,  we  were  forct 
to  have  recourse  for  information  to  the  meaner  sort  of  people  by  whom  we  found  that 
Thomas  Grace  and  David  Hedderman  popish  priests  (and  not  qualified  by  law  to 
exercise  their  function)  have  of  late  Sellebrated  Mass  in  the  Parishes  of  Tipperary, 
Latten  and  Six)nell,  for  which  we  issued  warrants  against  them.  As  to  the  other  matter 
which  we  were  directed  to  inquire  into,  we  cant  yet  receive  satisfactory  information  by 
reason  that  those  who  are  privie  to  them,  refuse  to  appear  to  give  information  concerning 
them  but  we  desire  you  will  assure  their  Excellencies  the  Lords  Justices,  that  we  will 
use  all  proper  means  to  discover  whatsoever  has  been  practiced  to  preiudice  her  Matie 
and  the  peace  of  her  kingdom.  We  must  observe  to  you,  that  we  summoned  some  new 
converts  whose  conduct  and  behaviour  gave  us  grounds  to  feare  they  were  not  sincere 
Protestants,  with  purpose  to  tender  the.  abjuration  oath  but  they  also  refused  to  appear, 
for  which  reason  we  have  Issud  warrants  against  them.  We  purpose  soon  to  meet 
again  on  this  occasion  and  you  shall  be  informed  of  our  proceedings  that  you  may  give 
their  Excellencies  account  of  the  same. 

We  are  Sir,  Your  humble  servants 

Jas  DAV\rsoN 
loNA  Ashe 
William  Barker 

MATHEV\r  BUNBURY^/y. 

After  the  Jacobite  collapse  of  171 5,  the  priests  for  some  years  enjoyed 
comparative  peace.  One  of  the  two  in  Clonmel,  a  Jesuit  named  Gorman, 
wrote  in  1725  .— "  Father  Hennessy  and  I  have  charge  of  the  whole  of  Clonmel 
and  its  neighbourhood  for  a  league  out.  We  have  to  attend  sick  calls 
constantly  by  day  and  often  by  night.  We  instruct,  each  of  us,  after  the 
Gospel  of  his  Mass  on  all  Sundays  and  holidays,  and  we  chant  vespers  in  our 
own  fashion,  after  which  we  expound  the  Christian  doctrine ;  and  it  does  us 
good  to  see  how  eagerly  the  people  attend.  I  can  say  with  truth  that  as  I 
write,  there  are  eight  Catholics  in  this  district  to  one  heretic.  With  all  our 
labours  and  sufferings  we  have  excellent  health,  thank  Grod,  and  are  not 
wanting  in  the  necessaries  of  life.  At  the  end  of  this  month  Parliament  will 
meet  and  only  God  knows  what  will  becorhe  of  us,  but  His  holy  will  be 
done'V^A  Sometimes  however  as  when  word  went  abroad  that  a  Protestant 
had  changed  his  religion  and  become  Catholic,  there  was  an  outburst  (h). 

County  of  Tipperary  to  wit.  At  a  General  Assizes  and  General  Gaol  Delivery  held 
at  Qonmel  in  and  for  the  County  of  Tipperary  the  16  day  of  March  1750. 

We  the  Grand  Jury  at  said  Assizes  in  lawful  manner  Sworn  and  charged.  Present 
John  Hally  late  of  Killerke  in  the  County  of  Tipperary,  popish  priest,  who  stands 

(f)  Civil  Correspondence  P.R.O. 

(g)  Spanish  Original,  Rev.  Thomas  Gorman  to  Rev.  John  Harrison,  Clonmel,  13th  August^  1725— 
Archives,  Irish  College,  Salamanca. 

(h)  "  If  any  persons  shall  seduce  persuade  or  procure  any  person  that  shall  profess  the  Protestant 
religion  to  forsake  the  same,  and  to  profess  the  popish  religion,  or  reconcile  them  to  thu  church  of 
Rome,  persons  so  seducing  as  also  every  Protestant  who  shall  be  so  perverted  and  reconciled  to 
Popery  shall  for  the  said  offences  being  thereof  convicted  incur  the  penalty  oi  premunire,  2  Ann, 
c.  6,  s.  I. 


142  History  of  Clonmel, 

indicted  as  of  record  remaining  in  the  Crown  Office  of  said  County,  for  that  he 
contemptuously  and  unlawfully  did  endeavour  to  seduce  and  pervert  Charles  Moore,  a 
professed  Protestant  of  the  Church  of  Ireland  as  by  Law  established,  from  his  said 
profession,  and  Excite  and  abett  him,  the  said  Charles  Moore,  to  receive  and  embrace  the 
form  and  Ceremonies  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  for  which  he  hath  not  yet  received  Tryal, 
as  b)^  the  Clerk  of  the  Crown  certified  to  be  a  Torie,  robber  and  rapparee  of  the  popish 
religion,  out  in  Arms,  and  on  his  keeping  and  not  ameanable  to  Law,  and  we  pray 
your  Lordships  he  may  be  represented  as  such  to  their  Excellencies  the  Lords  Justices 
and  Council  of  this  kingdom  to  be  forthwith  proclaimed. 

Thomas  Maude,  Danl.  Gahan,  Jonathan  Lovett,  Stephen  Moore,  U.  Barker,  Hugh 
Massey,  Kingsmell  Pennefather,  John  Roe,  Math.  Bunbury,  Francis  Sadleir,  Thomas 
Luther,  Francis  Despard,  Richard  Pennefather,  Samuel  Waller,  Phanuell  Cooke, 
Minchin  Carden,  John  Lapp  Judkin,  John  Jephson,  William  Pennefather,  Laurence 
Clutterbuck,  John  Bayly,  Tho.  Damer,  Nathaniel  Taylor  (i). 

If  the  clergy  were  regarded  as  vermin  and  hunted  as  such,  the  penal  code 
attacked  the  Catholic  laity  with  perhaps  still  greater  ferocity.  For  at  the 
worst,  the  priest  was  only  put  in  prison  or  transported,  but  the  unhappy 
layman  was  pauperized  and  degraded.  He  could  not  farm  land,  for  his 
interest  in  it  could  not  go  beyond  thirty-one  years  fj),  neither  could  he  trade, 
for  his  merchandize  was  taxed  by  tolls  and  guild  dues  from  which  his 
Protestant  neighbour  was  free  (k).  If  he  had  money,  he  could  not  lend  it  on 
mortgage  or  buy  property,  for  then  the  first  Protestant — scheming  attorney 
or  other — who  discovered  the  transaction,  filed  a  bill  in  chancery  and 
claimed  the  whole  (IJ.  Had  he  children,  he  could  not  educate  them  at  home, 
for  the  popish  schoolmaster  was  on  the  same  footing  as  the  popish  priest  (m), 
nor  abroad,  under  penalty  of  outlawry  and  forfeiture  of  his  goods  and 
chattels  fn) ;  and  if  he  died  leaving  them  minors,  the  Court  appointed 
Protestant  guardians  who  brought  them  up  to  hate  his  creed  foj. 

The  few  Catholic  gentlemen  who  survived  the  Cromwellian  and 
Williamite  confiscations  were  particularly  obnoxious  to  the  law.  Socially 
ostracized,  they  were  denied  even  the  solace  of  outdoor  sport.  They  could 
not  hunt,  for  any  Protestant  who  discovered  them  in  possession  of  a  horse 
above  the  value  of  £5,  tendered  that  sum,  mounted  the  horse  and  rode 
away  fpj.  They  could  not  shoot,  for  they  were  disarmed  themselves,  and 
neither  Protestant  servant  nor  Protestant  neighbour  could  keep  arms  for  them 
under  the  severest  penalties  (g).  A  few,  indeed,  by  special  grace  were 
privileged.    On  30th  March,  1 705,  Col.  Thomas  Butler  of  Kilcash,  Thomas 


(ij  I  doe  hereby  certify  that  the  above  Original  Presentment  was  made  by  the  Grand  Jury  of  the 
County  of  Tipperary  at  the  Assizes  and  General  Gaol  Delivery  held  at  Clonmel  in  and  for  the  County 
of  Tipperary  the  16  day  of  March  1750  which  I  certifyc  the  22  day  of  April  1751 — John 
Quinlan,  D.C. — Presentments,  Co.  Tipperary,  P.R.O. 

(j)  2  Ann,  Cap.  6,  sect.  8. 

(kj  Municipal  by-laws,  e.g.  Clonmel  1713,  itifra. 

(I)  8  Ann,  cap.  3,  sees.  28  and  31.    Also  Howard's  Cases,  p.  294,  etc. 

fmj  7  William  III.,  cap.  4,  sec.  9.     8  Ann,  cap.  4.  sec.  16. 

(n)  7  William  III.,  cap.  4,  sec.  i.  fp)  7  Wm.  III.,  cap.  5,  sec.  9. 

(0)  2  Ann,  c,  6,  s.  5.  (qj  7  Wm.  III.,  cap.  5,  sec.  3. 


History  of  Clonmel.  145 

Dwyer  of  Bellacomnisk,  John  Kennedy  of  Polenonnan,  Nicholas  Purcell  of 
Loughmoe,  and  Thomas  Travers  of  Burgess,  were  licensed  to  carry  a  gun,  a 
case  of  pistols  and  a  sword.  Eight  years  later  James  Hakett  of  Lisvea, 
Michael  Kearney  of  Clonbroganlin,  Denis  Meagher  of  Cloneen,  Nicholas 
Morris  of  Latteragh,  and  John  Ryan  of  Inch  were  added  to  the  list.  But 
some  were  too  dangerous  (to  their  bigoted  neighbours  perhaps)  to  be  entrusted 
with  guns.  Col.  James  Butler  of  Kilmoyler,  Charles  McCarthy  of  Rehill, 
George  Mathew  of  Thurles,  and  George  Mathew  of  Thomastown,  had 
permission  to  wear  a  sword  merely  (r).  Even  with  those  privileged,  the 
licence  was  occasionally  suspended.  By  proclamation  of  August  7th,  1714, 
they  were  ordered  to  surrender  their  arms  to  the  nearest  Justice  of  Peace, 
John  White,  High  Sheriff  of  Tipperary,  writes  that  he  has  distributed  the 
proclamations  to  the  following  Tipperary  justices — James  Harrison,  Henry 
Pritty,  Thomas  Drysdale,  Charles  Langley,  Esqrs. ;  John  Hickey,  Clk. ; 
Mathew  Bumbury,  John  Creaghton,  William  Waller,  Richard  Lewis,  Edward 
Imens,  Oliver  Grace,  John  Carleton,  William  Latham,  John  Marshall,  Esqrs. ; 
the  Mayor  of  Clonmel  and  the  Sovereign  of  Fethard  (s).  What  must  have 
been  the  feelings  of  Colonel  Thomas  Butler  of  Kilcash,  grand-nephew  of  the 
great  Duke  of  Ormond,  as  he  handed  over  his  sword,  his  pistols  and  his  gun 
to  Richard  Whitehand,  the  Protestant  shoemaker  Mayor  of  Clonmel,  or  of 
George  Mathew  of  Thomastown,  who  in  desperation,  took  the  sacrament  in 
the  Established  Church  at  Grolden  to  save  his  horses  from  a  Protestant  trader 
who  one  day  in  William  Street,  Cashel,  tendered  the  legal  five  pounds  (t). 
No  wonder  if  some  such  as  Lord  Cahir  and  Sir  Redmond  Everard  fled  from 
the  scene  and  lived  and  died  in  voluntary  exile  abroad. 

Though  there  was  no  public  statute  excluding  the  Catholics  as  such,  from 
the  corporation,  yet  in  practice  from  the  Revolution  onward  they  ceased  to 
have  any  civic  rights.    But  they  did  not  go  do^n  without  a  struggle. 

Whereas  dififerences  have  arisen  between  Francis  Morony,  Derby  Fensy,  John 
Meagher,  Nicholas  Stritch,  Nicholas  Purcell  and  Michael  Davum  all  inhabitants  of  the 
town  of  Clonmel  in  the  behalf  of  themselves  and  the  rest  of  the  Roman  Catholicks  of 
the  said  Town  on  the  one  parte,  the  Mayor  and  bailiffs  of  the  said  Town  in  behalf  of 
themselves  and  the  common  Council  of  the  other  parte,  concerning  the  assessing, 
apploting  and  leavying  severall  sumes  of  money  from  the  said  Roman  Catholicks  in 
and  of  the  said  Town  under  pretence  or  colour  of  incidents  and  charges  for  reliefe,  and 
whereas  both  parties  under  a  Rule  of  the  Court  of  Regalities  of  Tipperary  submitted  to  the 
arbitration  of  us  the  undersigned,  Sir  Theobald  Butler  and  Nathaniel  Lucas  Counsellors 
at  Law,  it  appeared  vnto  us  that  the  present  dispute  was  concemeing  a  certain  sum  of 
money  to  be  raised  upon  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  town  of  Clonmel  in  generall  for 
purchaseing  from  his  grace  the  Duke  of  Ormond  a  lease  for  lives  renewable  for  ever  at  the 
rent  of  seaven  pounds  per  annum  and  a  yeares  rent  for  a  fine  for  each  renewall  of  a  peece 
of  ground  on  which  the  Barrackes  have  been  built  within  the  said  Towne  for  quartereing 


(r)  Proclamations  1705-17 13,  P.R.O. 

(s)  White  to  Dawson,  Cappagh,  loth  April,  1715 — P.R.O.  (t)  Local  tradition. 


144  History  of  Clonmel. 

souldiers  for  the  time  being  in  the  said  Town,  for  keeping  the  towne  clocke  and  for  the 
paing  for  the  judges  lodging  in  the  said  town  of  Clonmell  and  the  said  rent  and  fines 
for  renewall,  and  the  interest  for  the  amount  of  the  said  purchase  money  which  was 
borrowed,  and  it  appearing  to  us  that  the  said  Corporation  had  no  ground  of  theyre 
owne  within  the  said  town  that  they  could  give  for  building  the  said  barrackes  upon, 
and  that  the  building  thereof  keeping  the  said  Clocke  and  providing  lodgings  for  the 
Judges  as  hath  been  vsually  done  whether  for  the  safety,  convenience  and  advantage  of 
all  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  town  and  that  the  said  Roman  Catholick  inhabitants  of 
the  said  town  did  partake  of  the  benefitt  of  it,  yet  it  hath  not  appeared  to  us  that  there 
was  any  legall  authoritie  to  levey  the  same  without  consent,  and  all  the  said  parties  on 
both  sides  being  willing  to  have  the  said  money  raised,  the  same  being  for  the  generall 
good  of  the  said  town  so  as  the  same  might  be  equally  indifferently  applotted  and 
assessed  upon  all  the  inhabitants  in  proportion  to  each  persons  substance  and  abilitie. 
Wee  the  said  arbitrators  by  consent  of  all  the  said  parties  on  both  sides  do  therefore 
order  and  award  that  the  purchase  money  payed  or  to  be  payed  for  the  said  ground, 
whereupon  the  said  barrackes  is  built  and  the  interest  thereof  till  the  same  be  payed 
together  with  the  said  rent  of  seaven  pounds  per  annum  and  fines  for  renewalls  regard 
being  had  to  the  expenses  at  law,  be  equally  indifferently  assessed  upon  all  the 
inhabitants  of  the  said  town  for  the  purposes  aforesaid,  and  Wee  do  further  order  and 
award  that  no  other  money  whatsoever  under  the  notion  of  incidents,  charges  or 
otherwise  shall  be  levyed  without  the  consent  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  town  but 
what  shall  be  grounded  upon  and  warranted  by  lawe  or  by  some  Act  or  Acts  of 
Parliament  and  unto  the  intent  to  take  away  all  grounds  of  complaint  condeming 
psirtiallitie  or  inequallitie  in  assessing  or  applotting  the  said  present  summes  of  money 
as  aforesaid,  or  concerning  the  assessment  or  applottment  of  any  other  sum  hereafter 
to  be  levyed  by  consent  or  otherwise  as  well  upon  the  Protestants  as  upon  the  Roman 
Catholick  inhabitants  of  the  said  town,  and  for  settleing  a  good  correspondence  between 
them  in  that  particular.  Wee  do  further  order  and  award  that  in  as  much  as  by 
antient  usage  in  the  said  town  all  such  assessments  and  applottments  have  been  made 
by  twelve  men  of  the  said  town,  that  the  same  shall  be  hereafter  made  by  twelve  of  the 
most  knowing,  able  and  indifferent  persons  of  the  said  town  whereof  six  shall  be  of  the 
most  knowing,  able  and  indifferent  of  the  Protestants  and  the  other  six  of  the  most 
knowing,  able  and  indifferent  of  the  Roman  Catholicks  or  the  major  part  or  number  of 
them  to  be  indifferently  chosen  by  the  mayor  and  bailiffs  of  the  said  town  for  the  time 
being,  and  that  they  do  from  time  to  time  make  all  such  applottments  and  assessments 
equally  and  indifferently  upon  every  one  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  town 
apportionatlie  according  to  his  substance  and  abilitie,  and  Wee  do  further  order  and 
award  by  like  consent  that  the  persons  hereafter  named  be  the  twelve  persons  for 
assessing  and  applotting  the  said  town  for  the  purposes  aforesaid,  that  is  to  say 
(Protestants  Capt.  Thomas  Batty,  Hercules  Beere,  Phillip  Carleton,  Henry  Cleare, 
Phineas  Ryell  and  John  Moore  gentlemen).  (Roman  Catholickes  Francis  Marony, 
John  Meagher,  Richard  Stritch,  Nicholas  Purcell,  Thomas  Pursell  and  Richard  Daniell). 
And  we  do  further  award  that  the  said  Corporation  shall  out  of  their  Revenue  pay  the 
scavenger  for  keeping  clean  the  said  town  of  Clonmel  without  putting  the  inhabitants 
at  any  time  hereafter  to  the  charge  thereof,  shall  spend  the  same  to  the  best  advantage 
and  that  the  yearly  rent  arising  to  them  thereout  shall  be  applied  to  the  case  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  said  town  in  proportion  to  so  much  of  such  incidental  charge  as  any 
of  them  should  otherwise  bei  obliged  to  pay  according  to  the  true  intent  hereof,  all 
which  we  make  and  publish  as  our  award  in  the  premisses  under  our  hands  and  seales 
the  24  day  of  September  1703. 

Theobald  Butler. 


Nathaniel  Lucas. 


History  of  Clonmel.  145 

It  is  declared  that  in  all  assessments  or  applottments  to  be  made  according  to  this 
award,  all  the  assessors  hereinbefore  named  and  all  others  hereafter  to  be  named,  shall 
be  duely  summoned  to  attend  at  a  certain  time  and  place  in  order  to  make  such  assess- 
ments and  that  the  applottments  shall  be  made  according  to  the  order  of  the  major 
parte  of  those  that  will  appear  to  make  the  same  (u). 

This  Magna  Charta  of  the  Catholics  which  secured  that  there  should  be 
no  taxation  without  representation,  was  the  work  of  Sir  Toby  Butler  the 
ablest  lawyer  of  his  day.  But  like  the  celebrated  Articles  of  Limerick,  of 
which  he  was  also  the  draughtsman,  the  terms  of  it  were  never  kept.  The 
corporation  devised  another  system  of  taxing  the  Catholics,  steady,  silent 
and  absolutely  effective,  which  was  clothed  with  legal  forms  and  could  not 
be  directly  impeached.  This  was  to  exclude  them  from  the  freedom  and 
thereby  compel  them  as  outsiders  to  pay  tolls  and  quay  dues  on  all  goods 
and  merchandize  they  brought  into  the  town.  In  1713  a  by-law  for  the 
purpose  was  passed.  This  by-law  is  instructive  on  another  account;  it 
shows  that  in  persecuting  ingenuity  the  Corporation  of  Clonmel  could  surpass 
the  Parliament  itself.  For  it  was  only  in  1733  (7  Geo.  II.,  c.  6)  and  1746 
(19  Geo.  IL,  c.  I,  s.  4,  7)  that  parliament  became  cognizant  of  a  "constructive 
papist,"  i.e.,  a  Protestant  who  had  married  a  Catholic  wife.  Now  "a  Protestant 
of  this  class  was  in  the  eye  of  the  law  a  more  odious  Papist  (to  use  the  language 
of  the  Court)  than  a  real  and  actual  Papist  by  profession  and  principle  "  (v)- 

At  a  generall  Assembly  of  the  Town  and  Borough  of  Clonmell  at  the  Tholsel 
thereof  before  the  Mayor,  Bailiffs  fifree  Burgesses  and  Commons  of  the  said  Borough 
the  5th  Day  of  June  1713. 

....  It  is  ordered  that  no  Person  or  Persons  hereafter  shall  be  sworn  free  of 
this  Borough  without  taking  the  Oath  of  Abjuration  and  the  other  Oaths,  and  that  no 
Papist  or  person  professing  the  Popish  Religion,  be  admitted  on  any  Pretence  or  Account 
whatsoever  free.  We  also  present  order  and  enact  that  no  Protestant  who  shall  inter- 
marry with  any  Papist,  or  woman  professing  the  Popish  Religion,  shall  be  admitted 
free  unless  such  woman  conforms  herself  to  the  Church  of  Ireland  as  by  Law  established 
within  a  year  and  a  day  after  such  Intermarriage. 

What  the  tolls  levied  on  the  goods  of  the  Catholic  non-freemen  at  the 
gates,  the  bridge  and  the  quay,  were  in  amount,  we  have  no  means  of  knowing 
as  no  schedule  of  the  period  exists  (w).  They  were  denounced  as  an 
intolerable  burthen  even  at  the  dawn  of  municipal  reform.  At  the  Commission 
of  1833  a  Catholic  trader  stated  that  they  meant  to  him  a  sum  of  150 
guineas  (x).    They  certainly  were  not  lighter  during  the  penal  times.    But 

(u)  Chancery  Rolls  of  the  Palatine  of  Tipperary—P.R.O. 

(v)  Rives  V,  Roderick.  Cases  on  the  Laws  against  the  Further  Growth  of  Popery.  Howard, 
Dublin  1766. 

(w)  In  1763  "  Quayage  "  on  10  barrels  of  coal  was  6d.,  on  60  deals  8d. — Perry  Papers. 

(x)  "  I  am  a  native  of  this  town,  and  have  carried  on  business  a  great  number  of  years.  I  was 
promised  my  freedom  by  Mountcashel  and  was  handed  over  to  Bagwell  who  gave  me  only  fine 
promises  while  he  gave  my  neighbours  Davy  Malcomson,  Tommy  Hughes  and  Jemmy  Douglas'  their 
freedom.  They  had  corn  stores  near  mine,  but  they  had  no  tolls  to  pay  while  I  was  mulcted  every 
way  out  of  150  guineas." — Evidence  of  Daniel  O'Brien.     Report  of  Commission,  Clonmel,  1833. 


146  History  of  Glonmel. 

however  oppressive  they  were,  it  might  be  pleaded  in  extenuation  that  they 
were  in  part  devoted  to  public  purposes.  Such  a  claim  could  not  be  made 
for  two  other  taxes  imposed  upon  Catholic  traders.  These  were  "  Intrusion 
Money"  and  "Quarterage." 

From  l68l  down,  the  traders  and  artizans  of  the  town  were  divided  into 
three  guilds  or  corporations — the  Merchants,  the  Cordwainers  and  the 
Brewers.  Each  had  a  house  or  guild  hall,  elected  its  master  (or  mayor,  as  he 
was  sometimes  called)  and  assembled  regularly  to  discuss  trade  matters.  By 
the  charter  of  incorporation  no  one  who  was  not  a  member  of  these  guilds 
"  could  have,  occupy,  or  in  any  wise  retail,  sell  or  buy  any  merchandizes, 
mercimonies  or  wares  of  what  kind  or  sort  soever,"  or  exercise  any  trade  or 
handicraft  within  the  town  or  burgagery.  Further,  "  none  but  reputable 
persons  and  these  being  Protestants "  were  admitted  as  members,  though 
other  Protestants  could  follow  their  trade  without  hindrance.  In  law, 
therefore,  no  Catholic  shopkeeper  or  artisan  had  a  right  to  be  in  Clonmel ;  if 
he  was  there,  he  was  a  trespasser  in  a  strictly  Protestant  preserve,  and  was 
fined  accordingly.  When  he  entered  the  town  or  opened  shop,  he  paid 
"Intrusion  Money,"  from  five  shillings  to  half  a  guinea  and  upwards, 
according  to  his  capacity ;  if  he  remained  he  paid  every  quarter  a  tax  called 
"  Quarterage,"  from  6d.  to  3s.  This  state  of  things  continued  for  nearly  a 
century,  but  at  length  the  worm  began  to  turn.  The  decision  in  the  case 
Mahony  v.  Streete,  Mayor  of  Cork,  in  which  damages  were  obtained  against  the 
Mayor  for  imprisonment  on  account  of  quarterage,  put  heart  into  the  Catholics. 
In  1764  an  agitation  against  the  payment  of  the  tax  was  begun  in  Clonmel, 
and  the  corporation  feeling  insecure  petitioned  parliament,  25th  January,  1766. 

That  Papists  were  admitted  [into  the  guilds]  on  condition  of  good  Behaviour  and 
on  their  paying  a  small  sum  quarterly  according  to  their  different  circumstances  for 
the  support  of  the  necessary  charges  attending  the  said  Companies ;  which  contributions 
these  Quarter  Brothers  did  from  time  to  time  voluntarily  agree  to,  and  promise  in 
writing  to  pay,  and  have  continued  to  perform  for  upwards  of  ninety  years  past,  whereby 
the  Companies  have  been  enabled  during  that  period  to  relieve  the  necessities  of 
sundry  of  their  reduced  Brethren,  bury  their  dead,  relieve  their  sick,  cloath  and  pay  the 
servants  of  their  respective  Companies,  provide  proper  Ensigns  and  Regalias,  support 
the  Dignity  of  the  Fraternity  and  many  other  necessary  purposes  without  which  the 
different  Companies  could  not  possibly  subsist.  That  within  these  two  or  three  years 
last  past,  and  particularly  since  these  deluded  insurgents  called  White  Boys  have 
intruded  themselves  in  this  County,  sundry  of  these  Quarter  Brothers  countenanced 
by  those  miscreants,  under  the  specious  pretence  of  Redressing  Grievances  have  refused 
to  pay  said  Quarterage,  alledging  that  such  demand  is  not  warranted  by  law,  and  being 
thereupon  distrained  according  to  the  antient  Bye  laws  and  common  usage  of  said 
Corporation,  they  have  given  every  vexatious  opposition  that  Art,  Malice  or  Ingenuity 
could  devise  to  the  great  Disquiet  of  the  Peace  and  Good  Harmony  of  the  said  Town 
and  the  Protestant  Interest  thereof.    Wherefore  etc.  (yj. 

(y)  Parliamentary  Records,  P.R.O. 


History  of  CXonmel.  i47 

The  Catholic  party  sent  a  counter  petition  the  following  month. 

The  petition  of  the  Merchants  Traders  Manufacturers  and  Artists  [artisans] 
Inhabitants  of  Clonmel 

Humbly  Sheweth.  That  your  Petitioners,  peaceful  and  loyal  subjects,  have  been 
repeatedly  and  most  severely  distressed  of  late  in  their  persons  and  circumstances 
because  they  endeavoured  by  legal  means  to  decline  the  payment  of  arbitrary  Fines 
and  of  an  annual  tax  called  Quarterage,  imposed  upon  and  exacted  from  them  as  the 
price  of  exercising  their  respective  employments  and  arts,  by  the  different  guilds 
established  in  the  said  town.  That  your  Petitioners  endeavoured  to  decline  the  payment 
of  these  Fines  and  this  tax,  because  they  have  been  advised  that  the  exaction  of  them 
cannot  be  warranted  by  law  and  is  moreover  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  happy 
Constitution  of  this  Kingdom,  besides  that  they  apprehend  it  manifestly  tends  to  the 
discouragement  of  the  Trade  of  the  said  Town  and  neighbourhood.  That  your 
Petitioners  in  order  to  avoid,  as  much  as  in  them  lay,  all  vexatious  suits  and  contentions 
have  frequently  and  earnestly  applied  to  have  this  matter  amicably  referred  to  the 
decision  of  Counsel  learned  in  the  law  by  whose  judgeing  your  Petitioners  were  satisfied 
to  abide,  but  the  guilds  always  rejected  every  application  of  this  sort.  That  these  Fines 
and  tax  having  been  hitherto  levied  in  a  manner  the  most  oppressive,  and  afterwards 
squandered  away  for  the  most  part  as  your  Petitioners  have  good  reason  to  think 
in  feasting  and  excess,  no  purpose  of  public  or  private  advantage  has  been  in  reality 
answered  by  them,  on  the  contrary  they  have  been  made  instrumental  to  encourage  a 
spirit  of  idleness  and  dissipation  subversive  of  industry,  and  have  fomented  heats  and 
animosities  prejudicial  to  the  peace  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  town.  That  your 
Petitioners  relying  in  the  wisdom  and  justice  of  Parliament,  feel  the  greatest  satisfaction 
in  being  informed  by  the  votes  of  your  House  with  regard  to  a  Petition  of  the  Mayor, 
Bailiffs,  Free  Burgesses  and  Commonalty  of  the  Borough  of  Clonmel,  that  your  House 
has  been  pleased  to  take  cognizance  of  this  matter,  and  your  Petitioners  cheerfully  and 
submissively  wait  for  such  determination  upon  the  legality  of  these  fines  and  the  tax 
called  Quarterage,  as  the  House  shall  think  proper  to  make.  And  praying  your  House 
to  take  the  premisses  into  consideration,  and  to  permit  your  Petitioners  to  support  their 
case  by  Counsel  and  grant  them  such  relief  as  to  your  House  shall  seem  meet. 
(Signed)  Patrick  Kearney,  Samuel  White,  Patrick  Seealie,  Thomas  White,  William 
Browne,  Michael  Wall,  Andrew  Keany,  Thomas  Bohelly,  James  Kearney  (z). 

Some  of  the  quarterage  was  spent  in  this  way: — 

"  Clonmell  July  I.  [1767.I  This  day  being  the  Anniversary  of  the  Battle  of  the 
Boyne  fought  by  King  William  of  ever  glorious  and  immortal  memory,  the  morning  was 
ushered  in  with  ringing  of  Bells,  the  Ensigns  or  Standards  of  the  different  Companies 
of  this  Corporation  were  displayed  from  the  Tholsel,  and  the  Mayor,  Bailiffis,  Burgesses, 
Freemen  and  Gentlemen  of  the  different  Corporations  with  Orange  Cockades,  proceeded 
at  Six  o'clock  in  the  Morning  to  perambulate  the  Liberties  and  Franchises  according 
to  antient  custom ;  and  the  Evening  concluded  with  Bonfires,  Illuminations  and  other 
publick  Demonstrations  of  Joy  "  (aa). 

For  upwards  of  ten  years  the  struggle  against  intrusion  money  and 
quarterage  was  carried  on,  sometimes  in  Clonmel,  sometimes  in  the  House 
of  Commons  (bb).    Meanwhile  a  great  change  had  come  over  parliament ; 

(z)  Endorsed.  Presented  by  Mr.  Robert  FitzGerald,  Veneris,  28  Feby.,  1766.— Parliamentary 
Records,  P.R.O. 

(aa)  Public  Register  or  Freeman's  Journal,  July  4th— 7th,  1767. 

(bb)  Among  the  Parliamentary  Records  there  are  two  further  petitions  from  the  Corporation, 
one  in  1768,  the  other  in  1774.  At  foot  of  the  former  are  the  signatures  '  Thomas  Shaw  Master  of 
Merchants,'  *Theophilus  Henry  Master  of  Cordwainers,*  *John  McCheane  Maior  of  Brewers.'  The 
seal  of  the  merchants  is  circular,  argent,  a  bee  within  a  border,  wavy.  Inscription,  "  The  Merchants 
Seal  of  Clonmel."  The  seal  of  the  cordwainers  is  oval,  argent,  3  hammers,  2  and  i.  Crest,  an 
esquire's  helmet  under  a  hammer.  The  brewers'  seal  is  a  mash  of  the  two  former,  one  being 
impressed  on  the  other. 


148  History  of  Clonmel, 

the  American  colonies  were  in  revolt;  the  message  "No  taxation  without 
representation"  had  gone  forth;  the  Irish  administration  therefore  was 
advised  by  Chatham  to  concede  some  measure  of  toleration,  and  the  project 
of  legalizing  quarterage  was  abandoned. 

But  tolls,  quay-dues,  intrusion  money  and  quarterage,  were  not  the  only 
form  of  oppression  which  the  Catholic  traders  underwent.  The  Gavelling 
Act  and  the  Discovery  Act  have  attracted  much  notice,  but  it  may  be 
questioned  whether  any  part  of  the  penal  code  contributed  so  much  to 
impoverish  and  degrade  the  people  at  large  as  the  sections  of  the  Acts  of 
William  and  Anne  which  made  education  a  felony.  Throughout  the  greater 
part  of  the  eighteenth  century  no  Catholic  could  teach  school  in  Clonmel 
under  the  penalty  of  transportation  for  the  first  offence,  and  high  treason  for 
the  second  (cc).  Towards  the  end  a  Catholic  by  application  to  the  Protestant 
bishop,  having  satisfied  him  he  was  a  person  of  good  morals  and  the  like, 
could  obtain  licence  to  teach  from  the  Consistory  Court  (dd).  We  get  glimpses 
of  the  law  in  operation  from  such  reports  as  that  of  James  Castell,  Mayor  of 
Clonmel  in  173 1,  to  the  Committee  of  the  Irish  House  of  Lords. 

There  is  but  one  Private  Popish  Schoolmaster,  as  I  can  finde  in  the  said  Towne, 
whose  name  is  Cornelius  Lynch,  and  goes  from  house  to  house  to  instruct  Popish 
children  (ee). 

At  a  later  period  when  there  was  greater  connivance,  some  three  or  four 
"philomaths"  were  located  in  different  parts  of  the  town,  but  so  utterly 
destitute  were  the  Catholics  of  any  regular  system  of  education,  that  a  list  of 
seven  schools  in  1820  does  not  contain  a  single  Catholic  one  (jf). 

To  such  Catholics,  however,  as  were  willing  to  barter  their  religion,  the 
doors  of  knowledge  were  flung  wide  open.  By  indenture  dated  7th  May, 
1685,  Richard  Moore  of  Clonmel,  and  Stephen  Moore  of  Hoar  Abbey  conveyed 
to  Charles  Alcock  and  Thomas  Batty,  their  heirs  and  assigns,  the  lands  of 
Clonbough  and  Tulla  mac  James,  683ac.  2r.  lip.  for  the  purpose  of  erecting 
and  maintaining  "  a  Free  School  for  the  education  and  teaching  of  all  the 
Protestant  freemen's  children  of  the  town  of  Clonmel  gratis."  Power  of 
appointing  and  removing  the  master  or  masters  was  vested  in  James,  Duke  of 
Ormond,  Richard  and  Stephen  Moore  and  their  heirs,  together  with  the 

(cc)  "  Whatsoever  person  of  the  popish  religion  shall  publickly  teach  school,  or  shall  instruct 
youth  in  learning  in  any  private  house,  or  shall  be  entertained  to  instruct  youth  as  usher,  under- 
master,  or  assistant  by  any  protestant  schoolmaster,  he  shall  be  esteemed  to  be  a  popish  regular 
clergyman,  and  be  prosecuted  as  such,  and  incur  such  penalties  and  forfeitures  as  any  popish  regular 
convict  is  liable  unto  by  the  laws." — 8  Ann.  c.  3,  sec.  16. 

(dd)  Among  the  papers  of  a  parish  priest  of  Carrick,  Dr.  Connolly,  still  remembered  there,  was 
found  such  licence  granted  to  him  by  R.  Hobson,  Surrogate  of  Waterford. 

(ee)  Parliamentary  Returns,  P.R.O. 

(ff)  Piggott's  Directory,  Manchester,  1820. 


History  of  Clonmel.  149 

Mayor  of  Clonmel  for  the  time  being.  The  Free  School  was  built  close  to 
St.  Mary's  Church,  and  its  primary  intent  being  to  benefit  the  children  of  the 
free  burgesses  and  commonalty  of  the  town,  it  came  to  be  known  as  the 
Corporation  School  (gg).  While  the  Free  School  held  out  temptations  to  the 
better-class  Catholics,  there  was  another  school  which  openly  and  professedly 
proselytized  the  helpless  and  destitute  poor.  This  was  the  Charter  School. 
In  the  first  fervour  of  the  movement  to  bring  the  blessings  of  the  GosjJel 
within  reach  of  "the  poor  creatures,  our  fellow-subjects,"  as  Boulter  termed 

(g^)  In  later  times,  as  in  earlier,  the  Free  School  earned  an  evil  reputation  for  proselytism.  The 
Revv.  Samuel  O'SuIlivan,  Mortimer  O'SulIivan,  William  Phelan,  William  A.  Butler — to  name  only  a 
few — changed  their  creed  there,  preliminary  to  obtaining  scholarships  in  Trinity  College,  Dublin. 

The  history  of  the  school  as  far  as  it  can  be  gleaned  may  be  set  down  here.  The  earliest  head 
master  appears  to  have  been  Andrew  Coulter  ;  his  tomb  which  may  still  be  seen  in  St.  Mary's 
Church,  bears  the  following  inscription  : — HicJacet  Corpus  Andre^e  Coulter,  nuper  schol.  et  Bach. 
Clonmeliensis  JQui  obiit  20  Julii  Anno  Domino  1706.  Et  anno  63  Aetatis  Suae.  In  1733  John 
Hayman,  a  native  of  Youghal,  was  master.  That  year  Sir  Thomas  Prendergast  and  Guy  Moore 
were  candidates  for  the  borough  in  a  parliamentary  election  when  Hayman  acted  as  the  returning 
officer.  In  the  petition  against  Moore's  return,  it  was  proved  that  Hayman  had  spoken  and 
canvassed  for  Moore,  that  he  had  been  tutor  to  Moore's  children,  and  though  not  worth  ;^5o,  he  had 
oflFered  that  sum  to  be  spent  in  Flahavan's  public-house  on  condition  of  Flahavan's  voting  for  Moore. 
The  next  master  to  whom  there  is  reference,  was  Rev.  J.  D.  Harwood.  In  the  Corporation  Minute 
Book,  29th  May,  1755,  is  the  memorandum:  "It  appears  by  affidavit  of  the  Rev.  John  Dalton 
Harwood  schoolmaster  of  this  town  since  the  25  of  March  last  before  the  Mayor  of  this  Corporation 
that  he  layd  out  and  expended  on  new  buildings  made  in  addition  to  the  Schoole  house  the  sum  of 
one  hundred  and  twelve  pounds  and  seven  pence  half  penny  stg.  to  the  great  advantage  of  the  said 
schoole.  In  consideration  therefore  in  case  he  dyes  or  be  removed  from  said  schoole  that  he  or  his 
Executors  t)e  allowed  the  three  fourths  of  the  above  sum  so  expended  in  said  building  by  the  person 
or  persons  that  shall  hereafter  be  made  or  inducted  into  said  schoole,  next  after  his  Decease  or 
Remuvall  and  that  a  Deede  may  be  made  under  the  Common  Seale  of  said  Corporation  to  the  said 
Rev.  John  Dalton  Harwood  to  the  purpose  to  secure  the  payment  thereof." 

Harwood  appears  to  have  been  followed  by  Rev.  Richard  Carey,  under  whom  the  school 
obtained  its  greatest  measure  of  success.  In  18 16  on  application  from  the  Commissioners  of 
Education  to  the  Lord  Chancellor,  the  endowments  and  government  of  the  school  were  vested  in 
the  Commissioners,  on  the  grounds  of  mismanagement.  The  old  school  (which  occupied  the  site  of 
the  present  Protestant  Parochial  Schools)  having  become  ruinous,  the  site,  ir.  28p.,  was  exchanged 
(Feb.  28th,  1824)  with  William  Bagwell  for  the  present  one  which  contains  3r.  28p.  A  sum  of 
^'4,600  was  then  raised  on  the  endowments  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  new  buildings,  the  last 
instalment  of  which  was  repaid  only  in  November,  1905.  These  were  built  to  accommodate  118 
pupils  with  apartments  for  36  boarders.  Rev.  Robert  Bell  was  at  this  period  appointed  head  master 
by  William  Bagwell,  who  as  patron  exercised  all  corporate  rights.  Bell  was  followed  about  1850  by 
Rev.  Thomas  Kettlcwell.  The  Endowed  Schools'  Commission  in  March,  1856,  found  29  on  the  roll, 
the  education  given  satisfactory,  but  the  general  management  deplorable  ;  the  house  did  not  contain  a 
solitary  boarder.  On  the  death  of  Kettlewell  in  1874  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hutchinson  was  appointed,  and 
the  school  was  for  some  years  fairly  successful.  Rev.  Mervyn  Kennedy  succeeded  August  ist,  1882, 
by  the  nomination  of  Stephen  Earl  of  Mountcashell,  and  John  Marquess  of  Ormonde.  A  commission 
under  the  Educational  Endowments'  Act  which  sat  in  1889  found  that  the  school  was  ^"943  in  debt, 
and  i8th  March,  1890,  a  new  scheme  for  its  government  was  approved  of  by  the  Lord  Lieutenant  in 
Council.  By  this  scheme  the  interest  of  the  corporation  in  the  school  was  ignored,  and  a  governing 
body  created  of  seventeen  persons  exclusively  Protestant.  Furthermore,  as  an  instance  of  how  a 
strict  trust  may  be  stretched,  the  endowment  which  Richard  Moore  gave  to  the  freemen  of  the  town 
being  Protestants,  was  shared  with  those  whom  he  would  style  in  the  language  of  the  time  "  sectaries 
and  phanatiques,"  namely,  Presbyterians,  Methodists  and  Quakers.  The  head  masters  since  have 
been  W.  R.  Hatte  appointed  8th  September,  1897,  died  loth  April,  1901  ;  R.  H.  Ashmore  appointed 
20th  May,  1901,  resigned  August,  1903  ;  J.  H.  McClelland  appointed  2nd  October,  1903. 

Among  the  distinguished  personages  who  received  their  early  education  at  the  Clonmel  Free 
School  were  John  Marshall,  Chief  Justice,  John  Scott,  Earl  of  Clonmel,  Archdeacon  Lee,  S.F.T.C.D., 
Dr.  Leahy,  Archbishop  of  Cashel,  W.C.  Taylor,  William  Archer  Butler,  Richard  Baron  Pennefather, 
Edward  Pennefather,  Chief  Justice. 


150  HISTORY    OF   CLONMEL. 

them,  bishops  and  country  gentlemen,  parliaments  and  lords  lieutenant,  vied 
with  one  another  in  founding  schools  and  granting  endowments.  On  23rd 
April,  1747,  Sir  Charles  Moore  of  Powerstown  granted  39  acres  a  little  to  the 
east  of  the  town,  at  a  rent  of  £ll  a-year.  Subscriptions  were  collected,  and 
a  large  school  built  at  a  cost  of  £900.  A  rent-charge  of  £75  on  711  acres,  was 
subsequently  bequeathed  by  John  Dawson.  For  a  time  there  was  some 
success.  In  1766  forty  children  of  Catholic  parents  were  instructed  "in 
English  and  arithmetic,  in  husbandry  and  housewifery,  in  the  Scriptures  and 
the  principles  of  the  Protestant  established  religion,"  being  provided  with 
diet  and  lodging.  But  the  enthusiasm  died  out ;  the  undisguised  souperism 
of  the  scheme  disgusted  the  more  rational  Protestants,  and  when  Howard, 
the  philanthropist,  visited  the  Clonmel  Charter  School,  it  was  already  in 
extremis. 

Clonmel  School  June  I2th  1787,  twenty  nine  boys.— House  dirty :— Wanted  beds 
and  bedding. — In  the  infirmary  only  two  bedsteads  and  a  little  dirty  straw  and  lumber. 
Pantry  empty :— children  half  starved  and  almost  naked.— Usher  no  allowance :  —the 
master  said,  he  paid  one,  as  he  was  too  old  to  teach.  Allowance  for  soap  and  candles 
only  £5.  On  application  to  the  local  committee  for  allowance  for  necessaries  the 
answer  was  "  the  Society  is  too  poor ;  they  cannot  afford  it."  The  last  report  in  the 
book  was  June  1st,  1785. 

Howard's  visit  was  not  without  effect. 

May  5th  1788,  27  Boys.  I  found  this  school  in  much  better  order ;  the  bed  rooms 
were  clean. — By  hearing  several  of  the  boys  read,  I  was  convinced  that  proper  attention 
is  now  paid  to  that  important  part  of  their  education. — The  Society's  clothes  are  so 
very  bad,  that  if  the  boys  be  not  clothed  again  before  Christmas  they  must  be  almost 
naked  (M). 

The  Charter  School  dragged  on  -its  wretched  existence  until  1823  when 
it  was  closed,  the  endowments  amounting  to  £163  a  year  being  transferred  to 
the  Protestant  Parochial  School. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  surest  way  to  make  a  religious  body  flourish  is 
to  persecute  it  (ii).  This  statement,  however,  has  limitations  which  are 
obvious  to  every  student  of  history.  When  the  Catholics  of  Clonmel  emerged 
from  the  penal  times,  they  were  reduced  to  utter  impotence,  social  and 
commercial.  Old  men,  not  long  deceased,  used  recall  a  time  when  there  was 
not  in  the  town  a  trader  of  that  religion  who  could  sell  by  wholesale  a  ton  of 
coal  or  a  stone  of  sugar  fjjj.  And  furthermore,  the  effects  of  the  penal  code 
were  by  no  means  confined  to  the  material  ones.  The  spirit  of  the  people 
was  completely  broken,  and  as  citizens  they  had  lost  all  self  respect.    In 

(hhj  An  Account  of  the  Principal  Lazarettos,  etc.,  London,  179 1. 
(ii)  Sanguis  martyrum,  semen  ecclesiae. — TertuUian. 

(jj)  The  Directory  of  1787,  supra,  may  be  consulted,  but  it  is  to  be  noted  that  several  names, 
apparently  Catholic,  were  not  so,  e.g.,  Comins,  Daniel,  Keating,  Murphy,  White. 


History  of  Clonmel.  i5i 

1790  the  Earl  of  Westmoreland,  lord  lieutenant,  visited  the  town ;  the 
Catholics  headed  by  Dr.  Egan,  bishop  of  the  diocese,  presented  an  address — 
their  first  articulate  utterance  since  James  11.  had  entered  Clonmel  a  century 
before.  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  this  address  was  written  two  years  after 
the  proclamation  of  the  Rights  of  Man,  and  fifteen  after  the  American 
Declaration  of  Independence — written  too  at  a  time  when  they  were  denied 
the  elementary  rights  of  freemen. 

To  his  Excellency  John  Earl  of  Westmoreland  Lord  Lieutenant  General  and 
General  Governor  of  Ireland. 

The  Humble  Address  of  the  Roman  Catholics  of  Clonmel. 
May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

The  Roman  Catholics  of  Clonmel  at  the  same  time  that  they  share  in  the  joy 
universally  diffused  through  all  ranks  of  people  here  by  your  Excellency's  presence, 
cannot  but  consider  themselves  peculiarily  happy  in  being  admitted  to  avail  themselves 
of  so  precious  an  opportunity  to  express  their  unalterable  allegiance  to  the  Person  and 
Government  of  the  best  of  Sovereigns  and  to  express  it  at  the  feet  of  his  Majesty's 
immediate  representative,  his  Excellency  the  Earl  of  Westmoreland — a  representative 
whom  they  feel  most  endeared  to  them  as  well  from  his  Majesty's  confidence  in  him,  as 
from  his  own  distinguished  public  and  private  virtues  and  his  beneficient  applauded 
administration. 

Permit  it  to  be  added.  May  it  please  your  Excellency,  on  their  part  that  earnest 
as  far  as  can  depend  on  them  to  promote  your  Excellency's  well  known  generous 
intentions  for  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  this  nation,  and  coinciding  with  the 
fellow  subjects  of  their  communion  throughout  the  kingdom,  in  inviolable  attachment 
to  his  Majesty's  Royal  Person,  Family  and  Government  in  a  demeanour  peaceful  and 
duly  submissive  to  the  laws,  they  have  nothing  more  at  heart  than  thus  to  contribute 
by  the  mite  of  their  best  exertions,  to  render  your  Excellency's  rule  over  this  country, 
smooth,  successful  and  honorable  whilst  they  hope  by  such  conduct,  springing  in  them 
from  principle,  and  cherished  in  them  by  inclination,  to  insure  a  continuance  of  that 
protection  which  they  gratefully  acknowledge  to  have  hitherto  enjoyed  under  the 
auspices  of  your  Excellency. 

May  the  visit  with  which  your  Excellency  honours  this  town  be  as  satisfactory  to 
yourself  and  to  the  Countess  of  Westmoreland  as  it  is  grateful  to  the  Publick  at  large 
and  to  the  Roman  Catholics  of  Clonmell  in  particular. 

For  and  in  the  name  of  the  Roman  Catholics  of  Clonmell. 

Wm.  Egan. 
Clonmell  Oct.  20  1790. 

While  the  penal  code  reduced  the  great  mass  of  the  people  to  serfdom, 
its  effects  on  the  gentry  who  executed  it  were  even  worse  ;  it  brutalized  them. 
Administering  laws  which  made  plunder  a  virtue ;  set  up  as  pashas  who 
might  practice  every  abuse  of  power  and  heap  on  the  people  every  indignity 
without  limit  or  question,  it  is  no  wonder  if  they  often  lost  that  self- 
restraint,  that  forbearance,  that  poise  and  balance  of  mind  which  separates 
the  civilized  man  from  the  savage.  "  The  habits  of  the  Irish  gentry,"  says 
Goldwin  Smith,  "grew  beyond  measure  brutal  and  reckless,  and  the 
coarseness  of  their  debaucheries  would  have  disgusted  the  crew  of  Comus. 
Their  drunkenness,  their  blasphemy,  their  ferocious  duelling,  left  the  squires  of 
England  far  behind.     If  there  was  a  grotesque  side  to  their  vices  which 


152  History  of  Clonmel. 

mingles  laughter  with  our  reprobation,  this  did  not  render  the  influence  less 
pestilent  to  the  community  of  which  the  malice  of  destiny  had  made  them 
the  social  chiefs.  Fortunately  their  profligacy  was  sure  in  the  end  to  work 
its  own  cure ;  and  in  the  background  of  their  swinish  and  uproarious  drinking 
bouts,  the  Encumbered  Estates'  Act  rises  to  our  view  "  (kk).  And  the  gentry 
of  Tipperary  were  not  better  than  their  class.  The  great  mansions  and  parks 
which  are  scattered  through  the  county,  still  witness  to  their  extravagance  if 
they  do  not  always  to  their  taste.  They  played  the  role  of  "  fine  old  Irish 
gentlemen,"  and  convinced  the  world  that  they  were  not  avaricious  by 
squandering,  and  that  they  were  not  cowards  by  fighting  (II).  Their  drinking 
habits  were  best  left  to  the  charities  of  history.  In  the  last  generation  stories 
were  told  how  in  a  drunken  frenzy,  one  gambled  away  an  estate  by  the 
townland ;  another  having  won  a  parliamentary  election,  celebrated  the 
victory  in  a  bacchanalian  orgie  with  his  supporters,  the  member  himself 
dying  of  delirium  tremens  shortly  after  (mm).  A  third  invited  his  mortgagee 
to  dine  and  blacked  the  face  of  his  drunken  guest,  but  the  mortgagee  had 
his  revenge  by  foreclosing  the  itiortgage  and  levelling  the  house  (nft). 
Another  obtained  a  knighthood  by  wild  buff'oonery  at  a  saturnalia  in  honour 
of  the  lord  lieutenant,  who  visiting  Tipperary  did  as  Tipperary  did  (oo). 
Even  the  punctilious  William  Perry  excused  his  neglect  of  correspondence 
on  the  ground  he  had  been  celebrating  the  "  Old  Glorious,"  while  William 
Bagwell  in  his  leases  inserted  as  consideration  for  renewal  "  six  bottles  of 
right  good  f rench  clarett "  (pp). 

In  the  great  Irish  characteristic  of  fighting,  the  Tipperary  gentry  earned 
special  distinction.  "  Tipperary  and  Galway,"  writes  Sir  Jonah  Harrington, 
"  were  the  ablest  schools  of  the  duelling  science.     Galway  was  most  scientific 


(kk)  Irish  History  and  Irish  Character,  Oxford,  1862,  p.  140 ;  c.f.,  Madden's  "  Resolutions 
Proper  for  the  Gentlemen  of  Ireland,"  Dublin,  1744.  Young's  Tour  passim,  Historical  MSB.,  15 
Rep.,  Pt.  vii.,  pp.  312-332.  "  Ireland 90  Years  Ago,"  Sir  Jonah  Harrington's  Personal  Sketches,  etc.,  etc. 

fllj  "  Backwardness  will  be  attributed  to  the  man  who  does  not  fight  upon  every  trifling  occasion 
as  avarice  is  objected  to  him  who  does  not  ruin  himself  by  fashionable  extravagance."  Charlemont 
Papers,  Hist.  MSB.  12,  Rep.  x.,  p.  108. 

(mm)  Related  by  the  late  John  Bagwell,  M.P.,  of  a  kinsman,  one  of  the  Bagwells  of  Kilmore. 

(nn)  This  elegant  episode  was  told  by  one  of  the  Grubbs  who  was  guest  with  Osborne,  the 
mortgagee,  at  Kilmore  on  the  occasion. 

foo)  Sir  Richard  Jones,  who  long  lived  in  a  large  house  on  the  quay  near  the  present  brewery. 
The  honour,  however,  was  recalled  the  following  day,  but  it  was  too  late,  for  Lady  Jones  had 
already  communicated  with  her  friends. 

fPp)  "  The  agreeable  company  of  your  nephew.  Will  Newman  and  some  other  friends  to  drink 
the  Old  Glorious  prevented  my  acknowledging  your  letter."— W.  G.  Carleton,  13  Feb.  1760.  "Six 
bottles  of  right  good  french  clarett  and  a  rump  of  beef  as  a  renewal  fine  on  the  fall  of  each  life." — 
Lease  of  Burgagery,  Bagwell  to  Domville,  i8th  Oct.,  1755.  But  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  the 
Irish  squirearchy  sinned  alone.  The  great  Pitt  and  his  pot  companion,  Viscount  Melville,  often 
edified  parliament ;  a  wag  of  the  time  wrote — 

Can't  see  the  Speaker  Will,  can  you  ? 
Don't  see  the  Speaker,  Mel  ?    I  see  two. 

The  Irish  drinking  bout  only  was  more  bestial. 


History  of  Clonmel,  iss 

at  the  sword.  Tipperary  most  practical  and  prized  at  the  pistol."  This  skill 
in  the  use  of  arms  came  of  a  long  course  of  breeding.  At  an  earlier  period 
they  proclaimed  at  assizes  the  old  Irish  landowners  still  haunting  the  country 
to  be  "  Tories  and  Rapparees,"  and  forthwith  shot  them  at  discretion  (qq). 
When  the  enemy  were  shot  or  fled,  they  found  excuses  for  pistoling  one 
another.  The  case  of  Stephen  Moore  who  consistently  "  removed "  the 
opponents  of  his  family  interest,  has  been  already  referred  to,  but  the 
curious  memorial  of  his  career  deserves  fuller  notice. 


Here    Lyes    the    Body 
OF   James    Slatterie 
The    Second    Son    of 
M"*     John     Slatterie 
WHO    was    Ki[ll]ed 

BY     JOHN     MANDEVILLE 

The  XIV  Day  of  May 
17io    in    the    24th 
Year  of  His  Age 
And  John  Slatterie 
Co[uncellor]  At  Law 
A  Mem[ber]  of  [Pa]rl[mt] 

WHO    WAS    KIL[l]e[D] 

By  Stephen  Moor 
Y^  13  OF  N"*   1726 


Mandeville  and  his  second  in  the  duel,  James  St.  John,  who  were 
Catholics,  fearing  legal  penalties  petitioned  the  Duke  of  Ormond  and 
received  a  pardon  I2th  September  following  (rr).  Many  indeed  of  these 
fights  were  embittered  by  religious  feeling.    At  the  election  for  Tipperary 

(qq)  For  example  :— "  We  hear  from  the  County  of  Tipperary  that  John  Sergeant  shot  one 
Dunlee  a  noted  and  proclaimed  Tory  as  he  was  crossing  the  road."— D«6/f«  Evening  Post,  May  i8th, 

1734- 

(rr)  Palatine  Rolls,  P.R.O.  The  tomb  lies  close  to  the  ruined  church  of  Kilgrant.  It  consists 
of  a  horizontal  slab  some  seven  feet  by  four,  resting  on  a  base  of  masonry.  An  attempt  to  obliterate 
the  inscription  is  indicated  by  the  portions  of  the  words  in  brackets.  Three  other  members  of  the 
family  are  named  in  a  part  of  the  inscription  carried  round  the  edge. 


154  History  of  Clonmel. 

consequent  on  the  death  of  George  IL,  the  opposing  conducting  agents  were 
Thomas  Prendergast  of  Ballylomasna,  and  Daniel  Gahan  of  Coolquil.  Feeling 
ran  high,  and  Gahan  challenged  Prendergast's  right  to  act  or  even  to  vote  at 
all,  on  the  grounds  his  wife  was  a  papist,  being  one  of  the  Keating  family. 
Both  parties  adjourned  to  the  Green  behind  the  courthouse ;  Prendergast 
was  shot  dead  and  Gahan  escaped  from  the  infuriated  crowd  only  by 
mounting  a  horse  and  riding  boldly  across  the  river.  But  in  truth,  the 
Tipperary  gentry  were  ready  to  fight  in  any  cause  or  none ;  everyone  had, 
at  some  time,  to  defend  "his  honour."  Lord  Llandaff,  Hely-Hutchinson,  Lord 
Clonmel  (to  name  only  a  few)  were  all  "out."  Even  John  Bagwell,  brought 
up  by  the  Harpers  in  Cork,  a  strict  Dissenter,  had  to  qualify  with  a  few 
scalps  at  his  belt  for  admission  into  the  savage  tribe.  He  was  "  out "  three 
times  fssj. 

Sir  Jonah  Barrington  gives  the  code  of  honour  in  extenso,  and  with 
unconscious  satire,  lawyer  that  he  was,  reports  cases  illustrative  of  its 
working. 

The  practice  of  Duelling  and  Points  of  Honour  settled  at  Clonmell  Summer  Assizes 
1777  by  the  Gentlemen  Delegates  of  Tipperary,  Gal  way,  Mayo,  Sligo  and  Roscommon 
and  prescribed  for  general  adoption  throughout  Ireland. 

RULES. 

I. — The  first  offence  requires  the  first  apology  though  the  retort  may  have  been 
more  offensive  than  the  insult.  Example.  A  tells  B  he  is  impertinent,  &c.  B  retorts 
that  he  lies ;  yet  A  must  make  the  first  apology,  and  then  after  one  fire  B  may  explain 
away  the  retort  by  subsequent  apology. 

2. — But  if  the  parties  would  rather  fight  on,  then  after  two  shots  each,  but  in  no 
case  before  B  may  explain  first  and  A  apologise  afterwards. 

3. — If  a  doubt  exists  who  gave  the  first  offence,  the  decision  rests  with  the  seconds ; 
if  they  can't  agree  the  matter  must  proceed  to  two  shots  or  to  a  hit  if  the  challenger 
require  it. 

4. — When  the  lie  direct  is  the  first  oifence,  the  aggressor  must  either  beg  pardon, 
exchange  two  shots  previous  to  apology,  or  three  shots  followed  by  an  explanation,  or 
fire  on  till  a  severe  hit  be  received  by  one  party  or  the  other. 

5. — As  a  blow  is  strictly  prohibited  amongst  gentlemen,  no  verbal  apology  can  be 
received ;  the  alternatives  therefore  are  the  offender  handing  a  cane  to  the  injured 
party  to  be  used  on  his  own  back,  at  the  same  time  begging  pardon ;  firing  on  until  one 
or  both  is  disabled,  or  exchanging  three  shots  and  then  asking  pardon. 


fss)  The  last  notable  Tipperary  gentleman  who  seems  to  have  engaged  in  an  "  affair  of  honour  " 
was  Richard  Butler,  second  and  last  Earl  of  Glengall.  In  the  twenties,  a  publication  flourished  in 
London  called  The  Age.  It  gave  special  prominence  to  the  scandals  of  the  upper  classes,  and  being 
well  informed  and  the  names  hardly  disguised  by  hyphens,  society  was  much  fluttered.  Lord 
Glengall  publicly  charged  Lord  William  Lennox  with  being  the  writer  of  some  particularly  venomous 
paragraphs.  In  reply  to  a  demand  for  an  explanation,  Glengall  affirmed  the  truth  of  the  accusation, 
and  a  meeting  was  the  result.  The  duel  was  fougl\t  at  Cowes  Castle,  August,  1826,  Colonel  Anson 
being  second  to  Glengall,  and  Lieutenant  Gordon  of  the  Blues  to  Lennox.  According  to  the 
Hampshire  Telegraph  •*  an  exchange  of  shots  took  place  without  doing  any  person  injury  ;  the  seconds 
then  declared  that  enough  had  been  done  by  both  parties,  and  the  principals  left  the  ground  without 
explanation."  The  Times  report,  however,  states  that  after  the  shots  Lord  Lennox  declared  himself 
satisfied. 


History  of  Clonmel.  iss 

6.— If  A  gives  B  the  lie  and  B  retorts  by  a  blow,  being  the  two  greatest  oflFences 
no  reconciliation  can  take  place  till  after  two  discharges  each  or  a  severe  hit ;  after  which 
B  may  ask  A's  pardon  humbly  for  the  blow  and  then  A  may  explain  simply  for  the  lie. 
N.B.--Challenges  for  undivulged  causes  may  be  reconciled  on  the  ground  after  one  shot. 

7. — But  no  apology  can  be  received  in  any  case  after  the  parties  have  actually  taken 
their  ground  without  exchange  of  fires. 

8. — In  the  above  case  no  challenger  is  obliged  to  divulge  his  cause  of  challenge,  if 
private,  unless  required  by  the  challenger  to  do  so  before  the  meeting. 

9. — ^All  imputations  of  cheating  at  play,  races,  &c.,  to  be  considered  equivalent  to 
a  blow,  but  may  be  reconciled  after  one  shot  on  admitting  their  falsehood  and  begging 
pardon  publicly. 

10. — Any  insult  to  a  lady  under  a  gentleman's  protection  to  be  considered  as  by  one 
degree  a  greater  offence  than  if  given  to  the  gentleman  personally. 

II.— Offences  originating  from  the  support  of  ladies*  reputation  to  be  considered  as 
less  unjustifiable  than  any  others  of  the  same  class. 

12. — In  simple  unpremeditated  recontres  with  the  small  sword  the  rule  is  first  draw, 
first  sheathe ;  unless  blood  be  drawn  then  both  sheathe  and  proceed  to  investigation. 

13. — No  dumb-shooting  or  firing  in  the  air  admissible  in  any  case ;  children's  play 
must  be  dishonourable  on  one  side  or  the  other  and  is  accordingly  prohibited. 

14. — Seconds  to  be  of  equal  rank  in  society  with  the  principals  they  attend,  inas- 
much as  a  second  may  either  choose  or  chance  to  become  a  principal  and  inequality 
is  indispensable. 

15. — Challenges  are  never  to  be  delivered  at  night  unless  the  party  to  be  challenged 
intend  leaving  the  place  of  offence  before  morning ;  for  it  is  desirable  to  avoid  all  hot- 
headed proceedings. 

16. — The  challenged  has  the  right  to  choose  his  own  weapon,  unless  the  challenger 
gives  his  honour  he  is  no  swordsman,  after  which  however  he  cannot  decline  any 
second  species  of  weapon  proposed  by  the  challenged. 

17. — The  challenged  chooses  his  ground ;  the  challenger  chooses  his  distance ;  the 
seconds  fix  the  time  and  terms  of  firing. 

18. — The  seconds  load  in  presence  of  each  other  unless  they  give  their  mutual 
honours  they  have  charged  smooth  and  single,  which  should  be  held  sufficient. 

19. — Firing  may  be  regulated — ^first  by  signal ;  secondly  by  word  of  command ;  or 
thirdly  at  pleasure.  In  the  latter  case  the  parties  may  fire  at  their  reasonable  leisure 
but  second  presents  and  rests  are  strictly  prohibited. 

20. — In  all  cases  a  miss  fire  is  equivalent  to  a  shot,  and  a  snap  or  a  non-cock  is  to 
be  considered  as  a  miss-fire. 

21. — ^Seconds  are  bound  to  attempt  a  reconciliation  before  the  meeting  takes  place, 
or  after  sufficient  firing  or  hits  as  specified. 

22. — Any  wound  sufficient  to  agitate  the  nerves  and  necessarily  make  the  hand 
shake,  must  end  the  business  for  that  day. 

23. — If  the  cause  of  meeting  be  such  that  no  apology  can  or  will  be  received,  the 
challenged  takes  his  ground  and  calls  on  the  challenger  to  proceed  as  he  chooses ;  in 
such  cases  firing  at  pleasure  is  the  usual  practice. 

24. — In  slight  cases  the  second  hands  his  principal  but  one  pistol,  but  in  gross  cases 
two,  holding  another  case  ready-charged  in  reserve. 

25. — When  seconds  disagree  and  resolve  to  exchange  shots  themselves,  it  must  be 
at  the  same  time  and  at  right  angles  with  their  principals,  thus : — 


156  History  of  Clonmel. 

If  with  swords,  side  by  side  with  five  paces  interval. 

N.B. — All  matters  and  doubts  not  herein  mentioned  will  be  explained  and  cleared 
up  by  application  to  the  committee  who  meet  alternately  at  Clonmell  and  Gal  way,  at 
the  quarter  sessions,  for  that  purpose. 

Crow  Ryan,  President, 


^^^^^^.\  Secretaries  (tt). 
Amby  Bodkin,  J 


This  grotesquely  scientific  barbarism  could  in  the  end  only  work  its  own 
destruction.  Duelling  became  partly  a  profession,  partly  a  pretence.  But  it 
took  some  time  before  the  public  could  see  the  comic  side  of  such  fights  as — 

Clonmel  June  I.  Last  Tuesday  morning  a  duel  was  fought  in  a  field  near  Springs 
house  between  Alexander  English  of  Springfield  Esq.  and  Robert  Bradshaw  of  Alleen 
Esq.  Each  fired  a  case  of  pistols,  and  a  ball  from  one  of  Mr.  Bradshaw's  shots  grased 
the  right  thigh  of  Mr.  English  without  doing  any  injury,  each  gentleman  behaving  with 
becoming  valour.  The  second  to  Mr.  English,  James  Thomill  of  Tipperary  Esq.  To 
Mr.  Bradshaw  Edward  Croker  of  BrufF  in  the  county  of  Limerick  (uu). 

Perhaps  the  most  noteworthy  of  the  local  duellists  was  "  Counsellor  " 
Walsh.  David  Walsh  was  the  representative  of  a  family  settled  near 
Clonmel,  probably  from  the  time  of  King  John  ;  the  townlands  "Mooretown- 
walsh,"  "  Croanwalsh,"  and  others  record  their  territorial  importance.  His 
great  grandfather,  John  Walsh,  at  the  Cromwellian  period  was  Ormondes  law 
adviser,  and  therefore  succeeded  in  recovering  considerable  part  of  the 
estates.  In  1780  "  the  Counsellor  "  was  returned  to  parliament  for  Fethard 
in  the  O'Callaghan-Ponsonby  interest.  At  the  bar  Walsh's  leadership  was 
acknowledged ;  in  parliament  he  seemed  destined  to  achieve  equal  fame. 
During  the  debate  consequent  on  the  Declaration  of  Irish  Independence  he 
showed  a  sagacity  and  foresight  which  his  leader,  Grattan,  unfortunately 
lacked.  A  contemporary  has  sketched  the  episode :  "  Mr.  David  Walshe,  an 
able  pertinacious  lawyer,  courageous  and  not  conciliating,  had  a  clear  head, 
a  suspicious,  perverse  mind,  and  a  temper  that  never  would  outstretch  itself 
to  meet  pacific  objects.  He  debated  well  but  was  too  intemperate  to  acquire 
or  maintain  a  general  popularity.  His  speech  on  this  memorable  night 
concluded  with  these  remarkable  expressions  : — 

"  I  repeat  it  that  until  England  declares  unequivocally  by  an  Act  of  her 
own  Legislature,  that  she  had  no  right  in  any  instance  to  make  laws  to  bind 
Ireland,  the  usurped  power  of  English  legislation  never  can  be  considered  by 
us  as  relinquished.  We  want  not  the  concessions  of  England  to  restore  us 
our  liberties.  If  we  are  true  to  ourselves,  we  possess  the  fortitude,  we  possess 
the  will,  and  thank  God  we  possess  the  power  to  assert  our  rights  as  men  and 
accomplish  our  independence  as  a  nation  "  (vv), 

fit)  Personal  Sketches  and  Recollections  of  His  Own  Times. — Glasgow  Edition,  pp.  261-5. 

fuu)  Freeman* s  Journal,  June,  1775. 

(w)  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Irish  Nation,  Barrington,  p.  108. 


History  of  Clonmel.  is? 

Walsh  lived  in  an  atmosphere  of  gunpowder,  though  several  of  his  duels 

were  of  the  opera-bouflfe  order : — 

We  hear  from  Clonmell  that  a  dispute  having  arose  last  week  between  Captain 
Byron  of  the  army  and  Mr.  Walsh  of  that  town,  they  resolved  on  deciding  it  by  a  Duel 
at  an  appointed  Place  in  the  country  where  they  accordingly  met  and  each  Gentleman 
discharged  a  Pistol.  One  was  hit  on  the  Instep  which  broke  the  buckle  in  his  shoe,  and 
the  other  had  a  Ball  passed  through  his  skirt  and  coat  pocket  on  which  the  Seconds 
interfered  afresh  and  happily  prevented  further  ill  consequences  by  reconciling  the 
parties  (ww). 

His  encounter  with  the  celebrated  Curran  was  equally  wonderful. 

Curran,  when  a  stripling  unknown  to  fame  provoked  a  quarrel  in  the  Circuit  Court 
of  Clonmel  with  Walsh,  the  mob  favourite  of  the  day,  and  they  went  out  accompanied 
by  the  whole  court,  except  the  judge  and  jury.  They  were  taken  to  a  field  well  enclosed 
with  hedges,  and  placed  in  opposite  comers  just  as  if  they  had  been  a  pair  of  bulls 
turned  into  a  paddock.  The  whole  population  from  the  outside  of  the  fence  eagerly 
watched  and  encouraged  their  mutual  advances.  They  both  fired  and  missed  :  "lame 
and  impotent  conclusion,"  provocative  of  derisive  cheers  amid  the  echoes  of  which  the 
combatants  re-entered  the  court  to  receive  the  ironical  congratulations  of  their  long- 
robed  brethren.    The  affair  had  occupied  three  quarters  of  an  hour  (xx). 

After  many  a  fight,  the  end  of  the  old  fire-eater  came  with  a  fearful  and 
pathetic  fitness.  Broken  in  fortune  and  character,  he  lived  for  many  years  in 
the  fine  mansion  at  the  corner  of  Mary  and  Peter  streets..  One  evening  in 
1802,  the  sole  retainer  who  shared  the  house  with  him,  returned,  unable  to 
obtain  the  necessaries  of  life.  A  few  minutes  later  Walsh's  career  closed. 
The  pistol  with  which  he  had  paid  the  mistaken  debt  of  honour  to  others, 
rendered  a  like  service  to  himself  (yyj. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  centiu-y  the  gentry  began  to  raise  their  eyes 
above  the  level  of  the  table  or  the  saddle.  The  volunteer  movement,  and  the 
agitation  for  parliamentary  independence,  were  inspiring  ideals.  For  the 
first  time  the  Cromwellian  landowners  appear  in  Irish  history  with  that  dignity 
which  the  passion  for  a  cause  confers.  The  earliest  volunteer  corps  raised  in 
Tipperary  was  a  company  formed  on  May  1st,  1776,  by  Sir  Cornelius  Maude, 
together  with  a  troop  of  horse  under  Captain  Benjamin  Bunbury.  Not  until 
three  years  later,  June  4th,  1779,  the  "  Clonmel  Independents  "  were  formed. 


(ww)  Freeman's  Journal^  June  14,  1764. 

(ax)  BenUey's  Magazine,  June,  1853. 

(yy/  Duelling  was  not  altogether  confined  to  the  gentry,  nor  its  pernicious  influence  limited  by 
social  rank.  The  Catholic  archbishop  of  Cashel,  as  well  as  the  bishops  of  Waterford,  had  repeatedly 
to  warn  the  people  against  the  practice.  **  Spectators  are  severely  punished  by  the  church  because 
by  their  presence  they  countenance  that  horrid  crime  and  thereby  excite  the  passions  of  the  unhappy 
duellists  and  encourage  them  to  murder  each  other.  A  person  who  is  mortally  wounded  in  a  duel 
even  though  he  may  repent  and  be  absolved,  is  to  be  denied  Christian  burial.  Moreover,  the 
following  persons  incur  ex-communication,  viz.  :— He  who  sends  a  message  verbal  or  written,  for 
fighting  a  duel ;  the  bearer  of  said  message  ;  and  the  person  who  accepts  or  receives  it,  although 
there  should  be  no  duel." — Statutes  of  Archbishop  Bray,  p.  104.  It  is  probable,  too,  that  the  example 
of  their  "  betters  "  gave  not  a  little  encouragement  to  faction  fighting. 


158  History  of  Clonmel. 

They  consisted  of  two  companies,  one  light  battalibn,  the  uniform  being 

scarlet  coat  with  black  facings  and  white  buttons,  white  vest  and  breeches. 

The  following  was  the  staff:— 

Colonel,  Richard  Moore. 

Major,  John  Watson. 

/William  Lloyde. 

I  George  Robbins. 
Lieutenants,    ^  John  Jones. 

[Terence  McGrath. 

^Hugh  Meagher, 
Adjutant,  John  Kelly. 

Chaplain,  Nicholas  Milly  O'Doyle. 

Surgeon,  Robert  Constable. 

Secretary,  Thomas  Morton. 

Still  more  picturesque  was  the  troop  of  horse  formed  6th  January,  1781, 

known  as  the  "  Clogheen  Union."    The  uniform  was  scarlet,  faced  light  blue ; 

edged  silver  lace,  white  buttons,  silver  epaulets,  white  jackets  edged  red. 

The  furniture  was  goat  skin  turned  red  ;  the  staff — 

Colonel,  Cornelius  O'Callaghan. 

Captain,  Thomas  Clutterbuck. 

Lieutenant,  James  Butler. 

Adjutant,  Thomas  Vowell. 

Surgeon,  John  Foliot. 

"""sSS^}   Charles  Tuckey. 

The  "  Carrick  Union  "  and  "  Caher  Union  "  companies  were  almost 
entirely  Catholic.  The  former  was  enrolled  September,  1779;  the  latter 
January,  1781 ;  their  respective  staffs  being — 

Carrick, 

Colonel,  George  Earl  Tyrone. 

Major,  William  Alcock. 

Captain,  Edward  M.  Mandevil. 

T  ;o.,to«o«*e  i  Richard  O'Donnell. 

Lieutenants  [  wiUiam  Smyth. 

Ensign,  Richard  Sauce. 

Adjutant,  William  Smjrth. 

Cahir, 

Colonel,  Hon.  Pierce  Butler. 

Captain,  William  Hayes. 

Lieutenants.  {feiSh^H^J^, 
Ensign,  Pierce  Butler  (zz). 


(sz)  •'  Munster  Volunteer  Registry,  by  Richard  Kenna  of  Curraghmore  Rangers,  Light 
Dragoons."  The  *  Hon.  Pierce  Butler '  became  in  1786  loth  Baron  Cahir,  and  the  last  of  the 
ancient  line.  Lieutenant  Richard  Nagle  was  his  kinsman.  Kate  Nagle,  sister  of  Richard,  was  the 
theme  of  Lysaght's  poem — "  Lovely  Kate  of  Garnavilla." 


History  of  Clonmel.  i69 

The  "  first  Munster  Volunteer  review  was  held  in  a  field  on  the  banks  of 
the  river  near  Clonmel "  on  lOth  July,  1782.  The  Hibernian  Magazine  of  the 
date  contains  a  somewhat  eccentric  report  of  the  proceedings. 

The  artillery  and  infantry  assembled  on  the  Grand  Parade  and  marched  thence  to 
the  ground.  Tipperary  artillery  Captain  Clement  Sadlier,  2  field  pieces  on  the  right, 
Cashel  ditto  on  the  left.  Infantry,  Ormond  Union  4  companies,  Major  William  Barker. 
Waterford  First  Royal  Dragoons  3  companies.  Ormond  Independents  4  companies, 
Colonel  Daniel  Toler.  Cashel  Volunteers  4  companies.  Colonel  Richard  Pennefather. 
Limerick  Independents  4  companies,  Lieutenant-Colonel  John  Prendergast.  Iverk 
Volunteers  I  company.  Colonel  Richard  Cox.  Fethard  Volunteers  2  companies,  Lieut.- 
Colonel  Mathew  Jacob.  Carrick  Union  I  company.  Colonel  the  Rt.  Hon.  Earl  Tyrone, 
K.S.P.  Clonmel  Independents  2  companies.  Colonel  Richard  Moore.  Callan  Union  I 
company,  Captain  Richard  Elliot.  Tipperary  Volunteers  I  company.  Captain  D.  G. 
Russell. 

Twenty-one  rounds  of  artillery  on  the  flank  greeted  the  General  Henry  Prittie  on 
his  arrival  at  12  o'clock.  He  was  met  by  Lord  Le  Poer,  Colonel  of  3rd  Ulster 
Volunteers,  etc.,  etc.  The  evolutions  were  performed  to  the  entire  satisfaction  and 
applause  of  the  General  and  the  most  numerous  and  splendid  concourse  of  people  ever 
seen  in  this  part  of  the  kingdom.  The  General,  his  aides-de-camp,  the  Earl  of  Tyrone, 
Lord  Le  Poer  with  other  gentlemen  were  sumptuously  entertained  at  dinner  by  Colonel 
Moore  and  the  Clonmel  Independents  at  the  Court  House. 

With  the  spread  of  the  military  spirit,  the  sentiment  of  nationality  which 
had  been  dormant  since  the  days  of  Swift  awoke  again ;  the  strangely 
unfamiliar  words  "liberty"  and  "independence"  began  to  be  heard  once 
more  in  the  mouths  of  country  gentlemen  and  traders  in  towns.  It  is 
instructive  to  note  the  growth  of  national  opinion  in  Tipperary. 

[1780.]  A  most  respectable  and  numerous  meeting  of  freeholders  was  held  in 
Clonmel  on  30  March  presided  over  by  Lord  Kingsborough,  as  the  High  Sheriff  did  not 
attend.  Sir  Edward  Newenham  moved  several  spirited  resolutions  which  were  seconded 
by  John  Bagwell  of  Belgrove,  Counsellor  FitzGerald,  John  Bagwell  of  Kilmore,  Daniel 
Toler,  Mr.  Frazer,  and  others.  These  gentlemen  showed  that  unless  parliament  secured 
the  independence  of  the  kingdom  there  was  no  security  for  the  late  commercial 
advantages  (a). 

Two  years  later  mere  political  logic  gave  way  to  open  defiance  of 
England ;  the  artillery  on  the  flank  and  the  infantry  in  the  centre,  had  not 
thundered  in  vain  : — 

We  the  Grand  Jury  of  the  Coiinty  of  Tipperary  at  Spring  Assizes  1782  assembled, 
think  the  duty  we  owe  to  our  country  and  ourselves,  calls  upon  us  thus  to  declare — 

That  the  King,  Lords  and  Commons  of  Ireland,  are  the  only  power  competent  to 
make  laws  to  bind  this  kingdom,  and  that  every  attempt  by  any  other  body  of  men  to 
exercise  this  right  is  unconstitutional  and  a  grievance. 

Francis  Mathew,  Sheriff. 

But  though  the  "  other  body  of  men  "  for  the  time  being  bowed  to  the 
inevitable,  yet  British  statesmen  henceforth  from  Portland  to  Pitt,  only  sought 
an  opportunity  to  undermine  the  parliamentary  fabric  raised  by  Grattan. 

(a)  Hibeniian  Magazine^  p.  229. 


160  HISTORY   OF  CLONMEL. 

Judicious  doles  from  the  pension  fund,  and  an  open  traffic  in  peerages, 
corrupted  the  members.  The  grudging  concession  of  the  limited  franchise, 
of  the  right  to  serve  as  jurors  and  purchase  land,  did  not  satisfy  the  Catholics 
while  it  exasperated  the  extreme  Protestants — the  staunchest  supporters, 
perhaps,  of  parliamentary  independence.  Finally,  the  excesses  of  the  French 
revolution  added  to  the  alarm  of  the  one,  while  they  extinguished  in  the 
other  all  hope  of  constitutional  reform.  To  this  train  of  combustibles  the 
spark  was  laid  by  the  Presbyterians  who  formed  the  body  known  as  the 
United  Irishmen.  Frankly  republican,  they  sympathised  with  the  French 
and  opened  negociations  for  a  French  invasion  of  Ireland  (b).  The  British 
Government,  now  in  panic,  let  loose  on  the  country  hordes  of  soldiery  and 
merciless  yeomanry  to  explode  the  disaffection  before  the  French  could 
arrive.  Picketing,  flogging,  half-hanging,  pitch  capping,  went  on  through- 
out a  great  part  of  Ireland.  In  Tipperary  the  agent  provocateur  selected  by 
Lord  Camden,  was  Thomas  Judkin  Fitzgerald,  High  Sheriff  of  the  county. 

Fitzgerald  who  lived  at  Lisheen,  near  Cashel,  belonged  to  the  half  savage, 
petty  gentry,  denounced  by  Young  and  the  writers  of  the  time  as  the  plague 
of  the  country.  His  real  name  was  Uniacke,  but  his  father  and  grandfather 
having  made  marriages  of  convenience,  adopted  the  names  Judkin  and 
Fitzgerald.  A  fitter  instrument  could  not  have  been  chosen.  Week  after 
week  Fitzgerald  and  his  Hessian  troop  scoured  the  country.  Peasants 
suspected  of  being  "  croppies  "  were  lodged  in  gaol.  On  market  days  a 
number  of  them  were  brought  forth,  stripped  half  naked  and  tied  to  a  car ; 
they  were  then  drawn  from  the  Main  Guard  to  the  West  Gate  and  back,  two 
soldiers  one  at  either  side  flogging  them  alternately  (c).  Nor  were  his  victims 
confined  to  the  humbler  class.  One  of  the  best  known  traders  in  Carrick,  a 
man  named  Doyle,  was  flogged  in  the  hope  of  extracting  some  information 
about  the  croppies,  but  he  had  none  to  give.  Similarly  Jeremiah  McGrath, 
the  innkeeper  of  Clogheen.  At  a  sessions  in  Cashel  under  the  Insurrection 
Act,  three  tenants  of  Lord  LandafF  were  tried  by  over  a  dozen  yeomanry 
magistrates  and  acquitted.  A  few  days  later  Fitzgerald  arriving  there, 
ordered  Mr.  Smithwick  and  Mr.  Butler,  of  Ballycarron,  to  bring  them  back 
under  the  penalty  of  being  flogged  themselves;  the  unhappy  men  were 
brought  back  and  flogged.  The  sheriff  imprisoned  Mr.  Denis  O'Meagher,  of 
Kilmoyler,  with  his  father  and  uncle,  and  Mr.  Smithwick,  at  that  time  a  man 
of  eighty ;  the  Hon.  Francis  Hutchinson,  however,  procured  their  release. 


(b)  These  parties  are  described  under  religious  names  as  the  most  convenient  classification. 
Their  raisott  d'etre  was  not  religion  but  other  motives,  political,  social  and  racial. 

(c)  Thirty  years  since,  a  woman  then  in  extreme  old  age  who  witnessed  this,  several  Saturdays 
from  a  window  in  the  Main  Street,  gave  the  revolting  particulars  to  the  writer. 


History  of  Clonmel.  i61 

Fitzgerald  boasted  in  Clonmel  one  day  that  he  would  have  a  papist  of  large 
fortune,  a  deputy  governor  of  the  county,  either  flogged  or  hanged.  John 
Lalor,  of  Cranagh,  being  the  person  pointed  at,  accompanied  by  Hutchinson 
immediately  proceeded  to  Clogheen  where  Fitzgerald  was  engaged  in 
flogging.  The  sheriff  denied  that  the  threat  was  intended  for  Lalor,  but 
Colonel  John  Bagwell,  who  was  a  close  friend  of  Lalor's,  at  once  set  out  for 
Dublin.  There  he  learned  from  Cooke,  the  Under  Secretary,  that  Fitzgerald 
had  actually  applied  for  a  warrant  to  arrest  Lalor  (d).  If,  indeed,  the  conduct 
of  this  miscreant  had  not  been  investigated  by  juries  of  his  own  class,  we 
should  reject  the  evidence  as  simply  incredible.  The  principal  merchant  in 
Carrick-on-Suir  at  this  period  was  Mathew  Scott.  His  personal  character 
and  his  numerous  acts  of  charity  and  benevolence  to  the  poor  of  that  town 
were  sworn  to  by  Charles  Wall  of  Coolnamuck,  Richard  Sause,  the  banker 
of  Carrick,  Rev.  James  Smyth,  Protestant  rector.  Captain  Lorenzo  H.  Jephson 
and  others.  In  April,  1798,  it  was  testified  that  he  placed  at  the  disposal  of 
Captain  Jephson  1,000  barrels  of  oats  to  be  sold  to  the  poor  at  a  low  price, 
and  at  the  same  time  raised  a  large  sum  of  money  to  carry  on  the  ratteen 
manufacture  for  the  purpose  of  giving  employment.  But  anyone  who 
sympathized  with  the  poor  and  the  down  trodden  in  those  days  was  a  marked 
man.  On  the  22nd  June,  1798,  the  High  Sheriff  with  a  party  of  Hessian  and 
yeomen  cavalry  came  to  Carrick  (e).  Scott  was  put  under  arrest,  being 
charged  by  the  sheriff  with  sending  pikes  to  Ross  concealed  in  oats.  In  vain 
did  the  unhappy  man  protest  that  he  had  never  sent  a  barrel  of  oats  to  Ross 
with  pikes  or  otherwise ;  in  vain  did  the  gentry  of  the  town  and  neighbour- 
hood assure  the  sheriff  of  his  loyalty  and  undertake  to  bail  him  in  the  sum 
of  £100,000.  He  was  brought  to  Clonmel  and  lodged  in  gaol.  Three  days 
later  General  St.  John,  commanding  in  the  district,  sent  Hackett,  the  mayor 
of  Clonmel,  to  intimate  to  Scott  that  he  should  be  released  on  finding  bail. 


(d)  On  the  occasion  of  their  visit  to  Clogheen  Fitzgerald  flogged  McGrath  supra.  Hutchinson 
described  the  episode  :  *'  I  was  myself  present  when  similar  acts  were  committed  by  Mr.  Fitzgerald . 
In  the  town  of  Clogheen  there  was  a  man  of  some  property  and  good  character  who  kept  an  inn  ; 
and  this  man  was  brought  out  of  his  house  by  Mr.  Fitzgerald,  tied  up  to  a  ladder  and  whipped.  When 
he  had  received  some  lashes  Mr.  Fitzgerald  asked  him  'Who  swore  you  ? '  The  man  answered 
he  never  was  sworn.  After  a  few  more  stripes  the  question  was  repeated  and  received  with  a 
similar  answer.  The  remedy  was  resumed  for  the  supposed  obstinacy  with  this  additional 
suggestion,  •  If  you  do  not  confess  I'll  cut  you  to  death.*  The  man  unable  to  bear  the  torture  any 
longer  then  did  name  a  person  who,  he  said,  had  sworn  him  ;  but  the  moment  he  was  cut  down  he 
said  to  Lord  Cahir,  *  The  man  never  swore  me,  but  he  [Fitzgerald]  would  cut  me  to  death  if  I  did 
not  accuse  somebody,  and  to  save  my  life  I  told  the  lie.'  "—Proceedings  in  House  of  Commons  on 
petition  of  T.  J.  Fitzgerald,  p.  38. 

(c)  On  this  occasion  he  arrested  Timothy  Lynch,  a  chandler  and  a  yeoman  of  Captain  Jephson's 
corps,  "  for  having  the  low  forehead  of  a  rebel,"  and  imprisoned  him  in  Clonmel.  He  struck  with 
his  sword  Laurence  Keating  walking  in  the  street,  and  bade  him  *'  as  a  damned  rascal  kneel  down 
and  take  off  his  hat  to  the  High  Sheriff,"  etc.,  etc. — all  put  in  evidence. 

M 


162  History  of  Clonmel. 

The  latter  declined,  but  appealed  to  the  general  for  immediate  trial  by  court 
martial.  The  High  Sheriff  being  summoned  from  Cashel,  made  the  excuse 
that  two  pf  his  witnesses  had  absconded,  and  Scott  despairing  of  a  trial 
entered  into  bonds  for  £20,000,  and  was  released  after  twelve  days' 
imprisonment. 

At  the  Clonmel  summer  assizes,  1/99,  in  the  case  of  Scott  v,  Fitzgerald 
for  £5,000  damages,  the  defence  set  up  by  the  sheriff  was  that  he  had  acted 
on  the  information  of  one  Stephen  Devanny.  On  cross  examination  it  came 
out  that  the  sheriff  had  taken  Devanny  with  him  from  Clonmel  gaol  in  order 
to  point  out  rebels  in  Carrick.  Furthermore,  Devanny  was  at  the  time 
undergoing  sentence  for  perjury  ffj. 

More  remarkable  still  were  the  facts  elicited  in  the  case  Wright  v. 
Fitzgerald  at  the  Assizes,  March  14th,  1799.  This  was  an  action  for  £l,000 
damages  brought  by  Mr.  Bernard  Wright,  a  teacher  of  French,  against 
Thomas  Judkin  Fitzgerald,  late  high  sheriff. 

"  William  Nicholson  Esq.  deposed  that  he  knew  both  plaintiff  and  defendant.  That 
plaintiff  hearing  the  high  sheriff  had  expressed  an  intention  of  arresting  him  (plaintiff), 
was  accompanied  by  witness  to  the  high  sheriff.  Witness  told  the  latter  Wright  had 
come  to  surrender  himself,  on  which  the  high  sheriff  said  to  Wright  *  Fall  on  your 
knees  and  receive  your  sentence  for  you  are  a  rebel,  and  you  have  been  a  principal  in 
the  rebellion ;  you  have  to  receive  five  hundred  lashes  and  then  to  be  shot.*  Witness 
endeavoured  in  vain  to  convince  the  high  sheriff  of  Wright's  innocence  whom  he  had 
known  from  his  childhood  and  had  always  known  to  be  a  loyal  man." 

"Solomon  Watson,  a  Quaker,  affirmed  that  he  had  known  defendant  having 
flogged  some  labourers  on  account  of  the  kind  of  waistcoats  they  wore.  He  had  known 
defendant  knock  down  an  old  man  in  the  street  for  not  taking  off  his  hat  to  him.  On 
29  May,  1798,  the  high  sheriff  told  witness  he  was  going  to  whip  a  set  of  rebels.  Saw 
Wright  brought  to  the  ladder  under  a  guard ;  had  his  hands  to  his  face,  seemed  to  be 
praying ;  saw  him  on  his  knees  at  the  ladder.  Defendant  pulled  off  Wright's  hat, 
stamped  on  it,  dragged  him  by  the  hair,  struck  him  with  his  sword  and  kicked  him  ; 
blood  flowed ;  and  then  dragged  him  to  the  ladder ;  selected  some  strong  men  and  cried 
*  Tie  up  citizen  Wright.'  Wright  begged  to  have  a  clergyman  but  his  request  was 
refused ;  then  the  flogging  began.  Defendant  ordered  first  fifty  lashes.  He  pulled  a 
paper  written  in  French  out  of  his  pocket,  gave  it  to  Major  Riall  as  furnishing  his 
reasons  for  flogging  Wright  (g).  Major  Riall  read  the  paper  and  returned  it. 
Defendant  then  ordered  fifty  lashes  more,  after  which  he  asked  how  many  lashes 
Wright  had  received,  being  answered  he  said  *Cut  the  waistband  of  the  rascal's 
breeches,  and  give  him  fifty  there.'  The  lashes  were  inflicted  severely ;  defendant  then 
asked  for  a  rope ;  was  angry  there  was  no  rope ;  desired  a  rope  to  be  got  ready,  while 
he  went  to  the  general  for  an  order  to  hang  him.  Defendant  went  down  the  street 
towards  the  general's  lodgings.  When  he  returned  he  ordered  Wright  back  to  jail, 
saying  he  would  flog  him  again  the  next  day. 


(f)  Mathew  Scott  Merchant  Pltff .,  Thomas  Judkin  Fitzgerald  Defend.     Clonmel  Assizes,  i  Aug., 

1799. 

(g)  In  the  debate  in  the  Commons  on  this  case  Hon.  Mr.  Yelverton  read  the  letter  of  which  the 
translation  ran  :  "  Sir,  I  am  extremely  sorry  I  cannot  wait  on  you  at  the  hour  appointed  being 
unavoidably  obliged  to  attend  Sir  Laurence  Parsons.     Yours,  Baron  Clues.    To  B.  Wright,  Esq." 


History  of  Clonmel.  i63 

"  Major  Riall  being  examined,  deposed  that  the  high  sheriff  produced  two  papers, 
one  of  which  being  in  French  he  (the  high  sheriff)  did  not  understand,  but  gave  it  to  him 
to  read  as  containing  matter  that  furnished  ground  for  the  flogging.  Witness  read  the 
paper,  and  returned  it  saying  it  was  no  wise  treasonable ;  that  it  was  from  a  French 
gentleman,  the  Baron  de  Clues,  making  an  excuse  for  not  keeping  an  appointment, 
being  obliged  to  wait  on  Sir  Laurence  Parsons.  Wright  however  was  flogged  after 
witness  had  explained  the  nature  of  the  letter  to  the  high  sherifif.  Next  day  witness 
accompanied  the  high  sheriff  to  see  Wright  in  gaol.  Saw  him  kneeling  on  his  bed, 
while  they  were  speaking  to  him,  being  unable  to  lie  down  with  soreness.  Witness 
further  deposed  that  he  knew  of  three  innocent  persons  flogged  one  of  whom  was 
Wright. 

"  The  Rev.  T.  Prior,  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  deposed  that  he  had  known 
Bernard  Wright  from  his  earliest  youth,  and  that  he  had  always  conducted  himself  as 
an  orderly,  loyal,  and  moral  man. 

"  The  high  sheriff  in  an  animated  speech  of  two  hours  defended  the  practice  of 
flogging  as  a  means  of  discovering  treasonable  secrets ;  that  he  had  flogged  a  man 
nam^  Nipper,  alias  Dwyer,  who  confessed  that  Wright  was  a  secretary  of  the  United 
Irishmen,  and  this  information  he  could  not  get  before  the  flogging." 

The  jury  found  a  verdict  for  Wright  with  £500  damages.  On  6th  April 
following,  Fitzgerald  petitioned  the  House  of  Commons  "  to  be  indemnified 
for  certain  acts  done  by  him  in  the  suppression  of  the  late  rebellion."  The 
government  mustered  their  followers,  and  carried  through  an  Act  of  Indemnity 
in  accordance  with  the  prayer  of  the  petitioner.  But  the  judges,  to  their 
honour,  refused  an  application  in  the  Exchequer  to  set  aside  the  Clonmel 
verdict.  Fitzgerald,  however,  was  at  no  loss  ;  he  had  done  the  government 
business  efficiently.  In  the  House  of  Commons  "  Mr.  Secretary  Cooke  bore 
testimony  to  the  national  services  performed  by  the  petitioner,"  and  on  August 
5th,  1801,  the  King  was  graciously  pleased  to  confer  the  dignity  of  Baronet 
on  Thomas  Judkin  Fitzgerald,  Esq.,  of  Lisheen  (h). 

Throughout  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  there  was  not  at  any  time  the 
least  attempt  at  insurrection  in  Tipperary.  When  the  Wexford  conflagration 
was  at  its  height.  Dr.  Bray,  the  Catholic  archbishop  of  Cashel,  wrote  to  Dr. 
Moylan  of  Cork — "  I  am  happy  to  understand  the  County  Cork  is  so  tranquil. 
This  county  is  perfectly  so  "  (i). 


(h)  Report  of  Trial,  Wright  v.  Fitzgerald,  Clonmel  Assizes.  Proceedings  on  petition  of  Thomas 
J.  Fitzgerald  to  the  House  of  Commons.  T.  Clarke  Luby,  who  from  his  family  and  local  connexion 
must  have  had  excellent  opportunities  of  knowing  the  Fitzgeralds,  has  given  an  extraordinary  account 
of  the  end  of  the  family.  "  It  is  almost  unnecessary  to  add  that  the  memory  of  this  wretch  is 
embalmed  in  the  traditional  hatred  of  the  people  in  Tipperary  ;  so  much  so  that  a  few  years  ago 
when  his  grandson,  under  the  pressure  of  some  private  misfortunes,  committed  suicide  by  tying  a 
heavy  stone  round  his  neck  and  drowning  himself,  the  rage  of  the  peasantry  would  hardly  suSer 
his  remains  to  receive  human  not  to  say  Christian  burial.  It  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  that  the 
unfortunate  man's  body  Anally  found  a  grave.  It  appears  Sir  Thomas's  son  also  met  with  a  violent 
death,  and  his  great  grandson  hanged  himself  by  accident,  showing  how  his  great  grandfather  used 
to  hang  the  "  croppies."— Life  of  O'Connell,  p.  148. 

(i)  Bray  to  Moylan,  7th  July,  1798,  Renehan  Papers,  p.  374.  In  the  light  of  all  this,  the  "  98 
Memorial "  set  up  in  front  of  the  Town  Hall,  looks  as  grotesque  from  an  historic  as  it  is  from  an 
esthetic  stand-point. 


164  History  of  Clonmel. 

The  country  was  now  prostrate,  held  down  by  a  force  of  140,000  men. 
One  section  of  the  Protestant  national  party  had  joined  the  insurgents ;  the 
other  section  had  united  with  government  in  crushing  them.  The  opportune 
time,  therefore,  had  arrived  for  the  English  minister  to  carry  out  his  design 
of  a  legislative  union.  In  June,  1799,  Lord  Castlereagh  made  urgent  appeals 
to  Dr.  Bray  to  procure  discreetly.  Catholic  signatures  in  favour  of  the  Union 
in  Tipperary  and  Waterford.  But  the  archbishop  was  not  so  easily  caught ; 
he  assured  his  lordship  that  he,  as  a  Catholic  bishop,  had  little  influence. 
The  Union  might  prove  to  be  a  useful  measure,  but  bishops  injure  their  own 
character  and  the  cause  of  religion  by  interfering  against  the  wishes  of  the 
people  (j),  Cornwallis,  the  viceroy,  came  at  the  same  time  to  Marlfield  to 
visit  the  Bagwells,  three  of  whom  were  members  of  parliament.  He  made 
John  Bagwell,  the  father,  some  offers  but  the  bargain  was  not  struck,  for 
Bagwell  held  out  for  higher  terms  (k).  However,  after  much  effort,  some 
opinion  in  favour  of  the  Union  was  manufactured.  Lord  Clare,  through  his 
notorious  niece  the  baroness  of  Cahir,  obtained  a  petition  from  that  town  for 
the  Union.  Hely-Hutchinson  gave  his  support  and  influence  on  the  promise 
of  the  Earldom  of  Donoughmore  (I).  Agar,  Protestant  archbishop  of  Cashel, 
secured  his  son-in-law,  Hawarden,  in  consideration  of  further  promotion, 
ecclesiastical  and  civil  (m).  But  the  overwhelming  majority,  Protestant  and 
Catholic,  were  opposed  to  the  measure.  Tipperary  County  sent  a  strong 
petition,  among  the  signatures  being  Lords  Lismore,  Clonbrock,  Mountcashel 
and  Maxwell,  Sir  Thomas  Osborne,  Hon.  John  Hussey,  C.  B.  Ponsonby, 
William  Bagwell,  W.  H.  Armstrong.  John  Bagwell  wrote  to  Cornwallis  that 
"  the  principal  part  of  the  freeholders  of  the  county  of  Tipperary  have 
signed  resolutions  against  the  Union."  Public  opinion,  therefore,  had  to  be 
suppressed.    What  took  place  in  Clonmel  is  instructive  and  characteristic. 

CLONMEL. 

Feb.  2,  1799. 
A  considerable  number  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  this  town,  deeming  it  proper 
to  meet  and  express  their  sentiments  on  the  important  subject  of  a  Legislative  Union 
between  this  country  and  Great  Britain,  signed  a  requisition  to  the  Mayor  for  that 
purpose  which  was  complied  with,  and  Thursday,  January  31st,  was  appointed  by  the 
Mayor  for  the  meeting  and  published  in  the  Clonmel  Journal,  but  on  the:day  preceding, 
a  notice  was  inserted  that  no  meeting  could  take  place — in  consequence  of  which  the 
Mayor  was  waited  on  by  several  gentlemen  to  assign  his  reason  for  such  a  notice,  when 
he  informed  them  that  the  general  officer  commanding  the  district,  came  to  him  and 
desired  that  no  such  meeting  should  take  place,  and  that  if  it  was  attempted  he  would 
disperse  it  with  a  military  force.    [Italics  in  original.] 


(j)  Renehan  Papers,  p.  375. 
(k)  Cornwallis  Correspondence. 
(I)  Created  29th  December,  1800. 

(m)  Agar  was  created  Viscount  Somerton  21st  December,  1800.    Archbishop  of  Dublin,  7th 
December,  1801. 


History  of  Clonmel.  i65 

We  therefore  the  undersigned  inhabitants  of  the  town,  feeling  it  inconsistent  with 
the  duty  we  owe  our  country  and  ourselves,  to  remain  silent  at  this  momentous  crisis, 
do  by  individual  signature  to  the  resolutions  declare  them  to  be  our  sentiments. 

That  though  the  project  of  a  Legislative  Union  of  this  country  with  Great  Britain 
has  for  the  present  been  defeated  by  the  wisdom  and  independence  of  that  Parliament, 
which  such  a  measure  was  intended  to  abolish,  we  consider  it  our  duty  equally  with 
that  of  the  kingdom  at  large  thus  publicly  to  declare  our  sentiments,  as  we  have  reason 
to  apprehend  such  an  attempt  may  in  a  future  desperate  moment  be  revived. 

That  this  kingdom  has  rapidly  advanced  in  prosperity  since  the  establishment  of 
an  Independent  Legislature  in  the  year  1782 — and  that  the  town  of  Clonmel  has  shared 
largely  in  the  general  improvement. 

That  the  advantages  promised  by  the  advocates  of  this  measure  are  dubious  and 
speculative,  and  that  even  were  they  ascertained  and  positive,  we  would  not  consent  to 
purchase  them  by  a  surrender  of  our  liberties  and  constitution. 

Signed  by  109  of  the  principal  inhabitants  among  whom  were  the  following  gentle- 
men constituting  the  Bankers  of  the  town — William  Riall,  Charles  Riall,  P.  Riall  («). 

But  patriotic  appeals  to  the  national  well-being  had  little  effect  on  a 
Parliament  whose  only  interest  in  the  country  was  of  the  kind  the  shark  takes 
in  his  prey.  One  of  the  members  for  Clonmel,  Stephen  Moore  of  Sapperton, 
of  the  numerous  Mountcashel  progeny,  had  his  eye  on  a  postmastership,  a 
lucrative  office  at  the  time.  The  other  member,  Thomas  Newenham,  a  strong 
anti-unionist,  conveniently  retired  for  a  barrister,  John  Dennis,  who  was  more 
open  to  the  persuasive  gifts  of  Under  Secretary  Cooke.  Lord  Mathew,  the 
senior  county  member,  sprung  from  a  family  sympathizing  with  the  common 
people  and  secretly  sharing  their  religion,  consistently  opposed  the  union. 
The  attitude  of  the  Bagwells  is  curiously  illuminative.  John  Bagwell  was 
junior  member  for  the  county  ;  his  two  sons,  John  and  William,  were  members 
for  the  boroughs  of  Cashel  and  Rathcormack  respectively.  All  three  were  at 
first  opposed  to  the  union.  After  the  visit  of  Cornwall  is  to  Marlfield,  the 
viceroy  was  able  to  assure  the  Duke  of  Portland  that  Bagwell  would  give 
"  unqualified  support  to  the  union,"  and  he  adds  significantly  "  the  objects  he 
solicited  were  promised."  But  in  the  slippery  diplomacy  of  the  time,  Bagwell 
soon  learned  the  difference  between  performance  and  promise,  and  so  in  the 
final  division,  6th  February,  1800,  the  three  Bagwells  once  more  voted  against 
the  union.  In  the  "Original  Black  List"  of  Sir  Jonah  Barrington,  the 
episode  is  thus  set  down  : — 

Names,  Observations, 

John  Bagwell,  sen.  ...  ...        Changed  twice;  got  half  the  patronage  of 

Tipperary ;  his  son  a  Dean,  etc.,  etc. 

John  Bagwell,  jun.  ...  ...        Changed  twice ;  got  the  Tipperary  Regiment, 

etc. 

William  Bagwell     ...  ...        His  brother;  changed  sides  twice ;  concluded 

as  a  Unionist  (0). 

(n)  Rights  of  the  Imperial  Crown  of  Ireland,  George  Barnes,  Dublin,  1803,  p.  no.  "The 
military  commander  who  prevented  the  meeting  is  Sir  Charles  Asqill,  Bart.,  condemned  to  be 
hung  in  America  and  whose  life  was  saved  by  the  intercession  of  the  late  Queen  of  France." 

(0)  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Irish  Nation,  Appendix.    This  was  the  price  of  the  qualified  support. 


166  History  of  Clonmel. 

Thus  in  a  morass  of  corruption  disappeared  Grattan*s  Parliament,  the 
solitary  attempt  made  by  the  Cromwell  ian  squires  in  250  years  of  power  to 
fulfil  their  responsibilities. 

At  this  point  the  topographical  changes  in  the  town  during  the  previous 
century  and  a  half  may  be  conveniently  noted.  From  the  Cromwellian 
settlement  in  1654  onward,  the  population  steadily,  if  slowly,  increased ;  the 
thousand  or  so  enumerated  in  the  census  of  1660,  had  multiplied  five  fold 
in  1766.  That  year  owing  to  an  outbreak  of  persecuting  spirit.  Parliament 
ordered  a  return  to  be  made  of  the  number  and  proportion  of  Protestants  and 
Catholics.    The  vicar  of  St.  Mary's  reported  : — 

A  Relation  of  the  number  of  families  in  the  parish  of  Clonmel  in  the  Diocese  of 
Lismore  and  separate  counties  of  Tipperary  and  Waterford  by  Rev.  Joseph  Moore, 
Vicar  thereof. 

Number  of  Protestant  Families    320 
Number  of  Popish  Families        1 1 26 
2  Reputed  Popish  Priests. 
2  Reputed  Fryars  (p). 

Taking  a  family  average  of  five,  and  allowing  for  the  country  portions 
of  the  parish,  the  town  population  would  be  about  5,000.    With  the  growth  of 
population,  wealth  increased  in  fair  proportion,  and  the  town  wore  a  tolerably 
decent  aspect.    Travellers  who  had  passed  through  the  congeries  of  hovels 
that  most  Irish   towns   then   were,   had   nothing  but  praise  for    Clonmel. 
Clarendon,  Lord  Lieutenant,  describes  it  in  1686  as  "  a  very  pretty  town ; "  a 
French   authority   in   1744  as  "  a  fairly  strong  town,  and  passably  good- 
looking  and  prosperous"  (gj.     Smith,  the  historian  of  Waterford,  was  equally 
impressed  though  his  language  is  somewhat  equivocal.     "  The  town  has  a 
handsome  appearance  from  this  side  of  the  water."    More  enthusiastic  by 
nature  than  the  philosophic  Smith  was  John  Wesley,  who  came  to  preach  in 
May,  1756.     "The  pleasantest  town  beyond  all  comparison,  which  I  have  yet 
seen  in  Ireland."    Luckome,  a  tourist  who  visited  Clonmel  just  before  its 
expansion  under  the  milling  industry,  gives  interesting  details.     "  It  consists 
of  four  cross  streets,  formerly  fortified  with  a  square  wall.    The  streets  lead 
to  each  of  the  gates.    The  portcullises  of  some  of  the  gates  are  remaining 
though  useless.    There  is  a  very  spacious  bridge  over  the  Suire,  just  out  of 
the  gate  to  the  right,  of  twenty  arches.    The  market  house,  the  only  uniform 
building  I  saw  in  the  whole  town,  is  indeed  very  neatly  built  mostly  of 
marble  in  the  best  taste,  but  lessens  the  passage  of  the  Main  Street."    De 
Burgo  in  1762  is  lavish  of  praise  :  "  A  beautiful  and  opulent  town,  a  well- 
known  emporium  of  trade,  whose  two  fairs  on  5  May  and  5  November  are 
very  largely  attended." 


(PJ  Parliamentary  Returns,  F.R.O.  (qj  Grand  Dictionnaire,  Moreri. 


History  of  Clonmel.  i67 

Perhaps  not  a  little  of  the  prosperous  air  which  the  town  assumed  w^s 
due  to  the  fact  that  many  of  the  local  gentry  resided  within  the  walls. 
Among  the  Clonmel  wills  are  those  of  Moores,  Alcocks,  Beeres,  Hamertons, 
Dennisons,  Meades,  Salmons,  and,  at  a  later  period,  Biggs,  Bagwells, 
Gordons,  Kellets,  Markhams,  Luthers,  Walshes. 

The  changes  which  the  street  nomenclature  underwent,  are  indicative  of 
the  politico-religious  ascendancy  of  the  period.  '*  Our  Ladie  Street "  became 
"Church  Lane."  "Lough  Street,"  for  some  years  after  the  Cromwellian 
assault  called  "  Breech  Street,"  and  subsequently  from  the  gaol  erected  there 
"Jail  Street,"  was  named  in  1798  "Johnson  Street,"  in  compliment  to  Sir 
Henry  Johnson,  Colonel  of  the  5th  Foot,  who  defeated  the  insurgents  at 
Ross  (r).  In  the  same  year  the  the  ancient  "  Boat  Street "  was  designated 
"  Duncan  Street,"  to  commemorate  the  victory  over  the  Dutch  fleet  of  Admiral 
Duncan,  Lord  Camperdown.  Previously  another  British  admiral,  Edward 
Hawke,  had  given  his  name  to  the  old  "  Sheelane  Street,"  and  after  Trafalgar 
it  was  only  fitting  that  the  name  of  Nelson  should  find  a  habitat ;  the 
thoroughfare  by  the  barrack  and  the  new  courthouse  became  therefore 
"Nelson  Street."  And  not  only  was  there  cultus  paid  to  the  admirals  and 
generals,  but  the  lords  lieutenant  of  the  day  were  duly  enshrined.  "  New 
Jail  Street "  was  styled  "  Richmond  Street "  on  the  visit  of  the  duke  of  that 
name  to  the  town  in  1808.  Similarly  "Banfield's  Buildings,"  reminiscent  of 
honourable  and  successful  industry,  became  "  Anglesey  Street" 

Luckome  greatly  admired  the  "  uniformity  "  of  the  market  house,  "  being 
neatly  built,  mostly  of  marble  in  the  best  taste."  The  reader  will  with 
difficulty  recognize  the  old  Main  Guard  building  under  this  literary  raiment. 
But  though  the  marble  existed  only  in  the  writer's  fancy,  the  fabric  itself  was 
not  unpicturesque.  The  ground  storey  in  which  the  present  shops  are 
constructed,  was  once  an  open  arcade.  Five  semi-circular  arches  supported 
by  massive  cylindrical  columns  formed  the  west  front,  and  two  of  a  similar 
character,  the  north.  When  the  sun  was  high,  and  the  arcade  afforded  strong 
contrasts  of  light  and  shadow  with  groups  of  lazzaroni  lying  about,  faint 
memories  of  Venice  were  doubtless  recalled  to  the  classical  tourist.  Nor  was 
the  building  altogether  wanting  in  historic  associations.  In  1662  the  Ormonds 
after  the  lapse  of  two  generations  were  again  lords  of  the  Palatinate.  To 
house  therefore  the  local  Chancery,  Common  Pleas  and  courts  of  criminal 
jurisdiction  with  becoming  dignity,  no  less  a  person  than  Sir  Christopher 


(r)  Johnson  was  a  brave  man,  but  an  incapable  general.  Cornwallis  did  not  share  in  the 
enthusiasm  for  him  of  the  Clonmel  loyalists.  His  estimate  of  Johnson  is  summed  up  in  the  one 
word  "blockhead." 


History  of  Clonmel.  i69 

roof-line,  the  two-storied  houses  with  dormer  windows  in  the  attic,  the 
occasional  gable  projecting  on  the  street,  the  neglected  footways,  the  open 
sewers,  were  all  seen  even  by  the  grandfathers  of  men  still  living.  Perhaps 
the  most  distinctive  feature  were  the  shop  signs.  These  were  fixed 
over  the  doors  flush  with  the  wall,  or  more  commonly,  were  suspended 
from  a  projecting  crane.  Like  everything  else  at  the  period,  they  were 
characteristically  English— "The  Sun"  of  the  House  of  York,  "The  Swan  " 
of  that  of  Lancaster,  "The  Royal  Oak  "  of  Charles  H.,  "The  Spread  Eagle" 
of  the  Crusaders,  "  Shakespeare's  Head  "  where  Thomas  Gordon  sold  State 
Lottery  tickets.  Then  there  were  "The  Plough,"  "The  Bear,"  "The  Yellow 
Bottle,"  "The  Letters,"  "The  Wheat  Sheaf,"  "The  Anchor,"  "The  Bell," 
and  one  or  two  with  Irish  names  as  "The  Shamrock"  and  "The  Rock  of 
Cashel." 

About  1750  the  principal  inns  appear  to  have  been  the  "  Spread  Eagle  " 
at  the  end  of  the  cul  de  sac  adjoining  the  West  Gate,  subsequently  known  as 
Grubb's  Court,  and  the  "  Bear  "  in  Braham's  Lane,  off  the  High  Street.  Later 
on  we  find  "the  Great  Globe  and  the  Little  Globe,  nearly  joining  on  the  left 
hand  side  of  Dublin  Street  as  you  come  from  the  metropolis,  and  the  Ormond 
Inn  in  Johnson's  Street,  all  very  respectable  Houses."  And  clubs  were  not 
quite  unknown.  "  The  Commercial  Buildings  or  Coffee  House  stands  in  the 
Main  Street  near  the  old  Court  House.  It  is  a  new,  large  and  well-built 
edifice,  but  no  way  remarkable.  It  is  supported  by  an  annual  subscription  of 
two  guineas  from  each  member;  military  Gentlemen  and  Strangers  are 
admitted  gratis  "  (s). 

The  post  office  appears  to  have  made  several  peregrinations  through  the 
town  according  to  the  domicile  of  the  master  appointed  at  each  vacancy.  In 
1787  it  was  carried  on  by  Thomas  Shaw  in  Main  Street,  "woolen  draper, 
timber  merchant  and  post  master  office  "  (sic).  As  a  by-occupation  the  post 
naturally  was  often  neglected.  In  December,  1759,  for  example,  William 
Perry  asks  Carleton,  the  Cork  banker,  to  acknowledge  remittances,  "  as  our 
post  office  in  Clonmell  has  at  times  been  negligent  I  should  be  glad  to  hear 
of  their  being  got  to  hand."  Sometimes,  however,  the  non-arrival  of  the 
mails  was  due  to  another  cause — the  Knights  of  the  Road  intercepted  them  (t). 
But  the  postal  service  on  its  side  had  complaints  to  make.  The  privilege  of 
franking  which  belonged  to  members  of  the  legislature  was  largely  availed 
of  by  the  general  public,  and  nowhere  more  than  in  Clonmel.    An  Inspector 


fs)  Mason  Survey,  P.R.O. 

(t)  For  example— 1742.     Proclamation  for  apprehending  and  convicting  the  Persons  aincerned 
in  robbing  the  Post  Boy  and  Post  Mail  in  the  Road  from  Cashel  to  Clonmel. 


170  History  of  Clonmel. 

of  Franks  who  visited  the  town  in  1773  found  that  out  of  1,035  franked  letters 
only  509  were  genuine,  and  there  was  no  remedy ;  Lees,  the  secretary,  could 
not  prevail  on  the  grand  jury  to  find  a  bill. 

A  public  building  which,  at  the  period,  attracted  more  notice  than  the 
post  office  was  the  County  Gaol.  This  stood  in  Lough  Street,  directly  opposite 
to  the  present  SS.  Peter  and  Paul's  church.  It  was  erected  towards  the  close 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  was,  according  to  Sir  Richard  Cox,  the 
strongest  prison  in  Ireland  at  the  time  (u).  This  character,  however,  it  failed 
to  maintain,  for  the  newspapers  regularly  contain  notices  of  the  escape  of 
prisoners. 

[1767]  Clonmel,  July  15. — About  one  o'clock  yesterday  morning  six  men  and  a 
woman  made  their  escape  from  our  Jail  by  knocking  down  the  woman,  her  son  and 
servant  maid  who  kept  the  Jail  and  forcing  from  them  the  key  of  the  Hatch  Door,  and 
had  it  not  been  for  the  vigilance  of  Capt.  Moore,  our  worthy  chief  magistrate,  all  the 
Felons  who  were  confined  in  other  apartments  would  likewise  have  effected  their 
escape  (v). 

So  frequent,  indeed,  were  the  escapes,  that  in  1772  the  high  sheriff, 
Chidley  Moore,  applied  to  the  Dublin  authorities  for  a  military  guard.  Even 
then  the  gaol  was  sometimes  broken.  In  1776  Hayes  who  was  awaiting  trial 
for  the  murder  of  Ambrose  Power  of  Barretstown,  escaped.  For  this,  Slattery 
and  Cole,  the  gaolers,  were  tried  the  following  assizes  and  imprisoned.  Yet 
on  July  5th  the  next  year  eight  more  prisoners  were  at  large.  The  description 
of  the  gaol  given  by  Howard,  the  philanthropist,  reveals  perhaps  a  more 
extraordinary  state  of  things. 

Clonmell  Gaol  [1787.]  The  six  dungeons  very  dirty.  A  large  dunghill  in  the 
yard.  A  military  guard  as  in  most  of  the  prisons  in  Ireland,  consisting  of  twelve 
men  under  the  command  of  a  sergeant  and  corporal.  Some  of  them  were  playing  at 
tennis  in  the  prison  yard.  Such  diversions  as  occasion  riot  and  confusion  should  in 
these  places  be  strictly  prohibited.  Several  prisoners  died  here  [of  typhus]  a  little 
before  the  April  assize  1787.  At  my  last  visit  I  found  that  men  and  women  debtors  were 
confined  in  the  same  room.  Though  the  dungeons  were  crowded  yet  at  night  some  of 
the  wives  and  children  of  the  felons  continued  with  them.  Few  of  the  men  were  in 
irons  and  the  savage  custom  of  putting  irons  on  women  is  practised  only  in  England. 
A  new  gaol  for  this  county  is  now  building. 

1787  June  12.     Debtors  lO.    Felons,  etc.  51. 

1788  May  5.      Debtors  19.    Felons,  etc.  62  (w). 

The  new  gaol  was  built  on  the  site  of  the  present  constabulary  barrack 
in  Richmond  Street.  A  description  of  it  while  it  was  yet  new  has  come 
down  to  us. 

in)  Smith  MSS.,  K.I.A. 

(v)  The  Public  Register. 

fw)  An  account  of  the  Principal  Lazarettos,  etc.    London,  1791. 


History  of  Clonmel.  i71 

It  is  in  form  of  a  Greek  1 1  with  a  large  yard  in  the  centre  and  is  surrounded 
with  a  very  high  wall.  Notwithstanding  the  strength  of  this  prison  many  have  effected 
their  escape  out  of  it  within  these  twelve  years.  Until  of  late  the  cells  were  most 
uncomfortable  situations,  especially  in  winter,  the  windows  having  no  other  barrier 
against  the  inclemency  of  the  weather  than  whatever  little  wisp  of  straw  the  prisoners 
could  stuff  between  the  bars.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Stephenson  and  Robert  Grubb  Esq.  (to  whom 
the  unfortunate  people  confined  from  time  to  time  in  the  gaol  are  much  indebted)  took 
'  particular  care  to  have  these  windows  glazed  with  the  addition  of  wooden  shutters  (x). 

No  executions  took  place  within  the  gaol ;  the  culprits  were  drawn  on  a 
car  to  Gibbet  Hill,  or  Gallows  Hill,  as  it  is  now  called.  Occasionally,  as  in  the 
case  of  Father  Sheehy,  they  were  hanged  in  the  street  in  front  of  the  gaol  fyj. 
The  bodies  were  usually  handed  over  to  the  relatives,  and  instances  are  on 
record  in  which  persons  executed  were  restored  to  life.  Edmund  Grady  was 
tried  for  rape  at  the  spring  assizes,  1776,  and  hanged  on  the  27th  April.  He 
was  duly  carried  away  for  interment,  but  the  spinal  column  not  having  been 
broken  he  revived  during  the  wake.  After  sometime  he  was  recaptured  and 
brought  up  again  for  sentence  at  the  next  spring  assizes,  with  the  result : 

Clonmel  May  5  [1777.]  Edmund  Grady  who  was  hanged  last  year  and  came  to 
life  again  was  on  Saturday  executed  in  the  street  facing  the  jail  door.  The  sheriff  gave 
previous  directions  to  the  hangman  not  to  attempt  cutting  Grady  down  until  such  time 
as  he  gave  orders,  and  accordingly  he  hung  over  an  hour  and  five  minutes  (0). 

Besides  the  gallows  and  the  gaol  there  was,  for  venial  offences,  the 
pillory.  This  was  erected  outside  the  east  gate,  and  doubtless  was  regularly 
furnished  with  its  quota  of  victims,  male  and  female.  The  corporation 
appears  to  have  been  responsible  for  its  maintenance. 

Vill,  de  Clonmel,  ff.  At  a  Council  held  6  December,  1695,  before  John  Moore, 
Mayor. 

Ordered.  That  the  Stocks  in  the  Suburbs  be  viewed  and  repaired  by  the 
Bailiffs 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Corporation,  24  June,  1755. 

Ordered.  That  the  new  stocks  made  for  the  use  of  the  Corporation  be  payd  for  by 
the  Chamberlain. 

From  the  earliest  period  the  markets  were  held  at  the  "  Town  Cross." 
But  the  inconvenience  of  exposing  for  sale  in  the  public  street,  flesh  meat  and 
fish,  was  long  felt.    In  the  seventeenth  century  shambles  were  constructed 


fx)  Mason  Survey,  P.R.O. 

(y)  The  last  execution  on  Gallows  Hill,  of  which  I  have  seen  a  notice,  was  29th  August,  1785. 

(z)  Hiberttian  Magazine,  May,  1777.  The  report  of  these  assizes  is  instructive.  "  Christopher 
Loughlin  for  stealing  a  pair  of  candlesticks  out  of  the  dwellinghouse  of  Joseph  Grubb  of  Clonmel,  to 
be  executed  on  Saturday,  the  third  of  May  next.  Patrick  Kielly  for  rescuing  a  deserter  at  Cashel  to 
be  whipt  at  Cashel,  on  Saturday,  the  19th  of  April  next  and  the  Wednesday  following,  being  the  two 
market  days.  John  Listoon  the  elder,  being  a  papist,  for  concealing  fire  arms,  fined  £$0  and  to  be 
confined  twelve  months,"  etc.,  etc. 


172  History  of  Clonmel. 

in  the  lane  off  the  High  Street,  afterwards  known   as  the  Blue  Anchor. 

Subsequently  they  fell  into  disuse,  and  from  1650  onward  Shambles'  Lane 

was  only  a  name.     In  1746  John  Power,  a  former  town  clerk,  leased  a  piece 

of  ground  to  the  rere  of  the  Tholsel  from  Samuel  Perry  at  a  rent  of  £5  a  year. 

On  this  new  shambles  were  erected,  and  the  obliging  corporation  passed  a 

law  prohibiting,  under  severe  penalties,  the  sale  of  meat  elsewhere  than  in  ' 

the  shambles.    A  public  service  was  thus  rendered,  and  Power  was  enabled 

to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  county  family — the  Powers  of  Kilfane  (aa).    By 

the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  these  shambles  began  to  get  out  of  repair 

and  new  ones  were  built  in  the  lane  to  the  north  of  Hawke  Street.    "  Within 

a  few   years  a  very   fine   and  extensive  shambles  was  erected  by  John 

Bagwell,  Esq.,  from  whom  it  is  rented  by  the  Butchers ;  the  old  shambles 

was,  indeed,  a  scandalous  one  "  (hb).    About  1790,  when  the  old  Jail  in  Lough 

Street  was  pulled  down,  the  site  was  converted  into  a  potato  and  vegetable 

market.    This  continued  for  some  thirty  years  until  the  market  in  New  Street 

was  opened. 

The  markets  were  subject  to  the  control  of  an  important  functionary 

called  the  borough   weighmaster.    By  the  Act  4  Ann,  c.   14,  the  mayor 

appointed  a  weighmaster  who  was  sworn  "  justly  and  indifferently  to  weigh 

all  goods  brought  unto  him  between  buyer  and  seller  "  at  a  charge  of  one 

halfpenny  "  a  draught "  under  one  cwt.,  and  one  penny  over.      The  mayor 

was  also  to  provide  a  standard  balance  and  weights.    The  Clonmel  Dear 

Hundred  Jury  in  1710  prescribed — 

That  the  sworn  way  master  of  Clonmell,  may  see  all  goods  waid,  directed  to  be 
waid  by  him,  and  pass  his  own  note  under  his  own  hand,  and  no  other  note  may  pass 
but  his,  or  appoynt  some  protestant  to  officiate  the  same,  pursuant  to  the  late  Act  of 
Parliament. 

Besides  securing  justice  to  the  public  in  the  weight  of  goods,  the  quality 

of  certain  articles  was  guaranteed  by  law.    The  charter  of  James  I.  enacted 

that— 

Ye  said  Mayor  of  ye  said  town  of  Clonmel  for  ye  time  being  and  his  successors  for 
ever  successevely  be  ye  Clerk  and  Master  of  ye  Say  within  ye  town  and  Borough 
aforesaid  and  ye  fifrandiises  of  ye  same  and  have  ye  assize  of  Bread,  Wine  and  Beer  and 
ye  correction  and  amendment  of  ye  same  from  time  to  time. 

And  this  power  the  mayor  exercised  down  to  a  comparatively  late 
period. 


(aa)  John  Power  was  father  of  Ambrose  Power,  of  Barretstown,  who  took  an  active  part  against 
the  White  Boys  and  was  murdered  by  them  at  his  own  door  November  27th,  1775.  His  great  grand- 
son married  Harriet  Bushe  of  Kilfane,  and  was  created  baronet  15th  July,  1836. " 

(bb)  Mason  Survey. 


History  of  Clonmel. 


173 


Assize  of  Bread. 

By  order  of  the  Worshipful  Richard  Moore,  Esq.,  Mayor  of  Clonmel,  the  price  of 
flour  being  4  li.  per  Bag,  with  an  allowance  to  the  Baker  of  8s.  the  Wheaten,  and  Qs.  on 
the  Household. 

Wheaten.  I  Household. 


lb. 

0/. 

dr.         1 

lb. 

oz. 

dr. 

One  penny 

0 

i 

00 

00 

05 

3 

Two  penny 

0 

00       ! 

00 

10 

6 

Four  penny 

I 

00 

01 

01 

05 

3 

Six  penny 

I 

08 

03       1 

02 

00 

0 

Nine  penny 

2 

04 

04 

03 

00 

0 

Twelve  penny  3 

01 

3       1 

4 

00 

2 

Richard  Moore,  Mayor. 

As  the  Bakers  are  allowed  Qs.  on  the  Quarter  of  Household  Bread,  the  Mayor 
expects  that  they  will  bake  an  equal  quantity  of  the  Household  and  of  the  Wheaten. 
He  will  not  suffer  any  bread  to  be  made,  baked  or  sold  except  by  a  Registered  Baker 
and  marked  with  his  name. 

June  14,  1800  (cc). 

Perhaps  nothing  can  express  better  than  this  the  distance  that  separates 
us  from  the  eighteenth  century. 


(cc)  Clonmel  Journal,  July  16,  1800. 


Ohapxbr  X. 


CLONMEL   IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY, 

CHE  Moore  regime  in  Clonmel  came  to  an  end  in  l8oo,  and  that  of  the 
Bagwells  began.  On  the  9th  of  August  of  that  year,  John  Bagwell, 
of  Marlfield,  purchased  from  Lords  Enniskillen  and  Desert,  as 
trustees  for  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  "  the  lordship,  manor  or  reputed 
manor  of  the  town  of  Clonmel,  and  all  rights,  royalties  and  franchises 
appertaining  thereto."  The  grant  purported  to  convey  "  all  the  messuages, 
houses,  lands,  wastes  and  waste  plots,  within  the  walls  of  the  said  town  of 
Clonmel,  and  all  the  burgagery  land  and  a  parcel  entitled  Duke's  Island  in 
the  barony  of  Upperthird  and  County  of  Waterford"  (dd). 

The  Bagwells  have  been  already  met  with  in  these  pages,  but  a  family 
which  was  thus  brought  into  such  important  relations  with  the  town,  and 
which  largely  influenced  its  history  for  the  next  fifty  years,  deserves  fuller 
notice. 

In  a  ledger  kept  by  Phineas  Riall,  merchant,  during  the  opening  years 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  two  families  of  the  name  occur.  The  first  is  "Mr. 
John  Bagwell"  who  farmed  the  lands  of  Ballyboy,  and  subsequently 
Ballylehane,  near  Ardfinnan.  He  was  successful,  it  would  seem,  in  his 
occupation  of  grazier,  for  in  January,  1710,  he  purchased  the  fee  farm  of 
RathcuUiheen,  Waterford,  on  the  freemen's  roll  of  which  city  his  name  and 
that  of  his  eldest  son,  John,  are  found  fee).    The  second  family  mentioned  is 


(dd)  The  conveyance  included  the  advowson  of  St.  Mary's,  though  that  patronage  had  been 
vested  in  the  corporation  for  centuries,  and  though  there  was  not  a  particle  of  evidence  to  show 
that  the  Ormonds  ever  even  claimed  it.  Reading  such  documents  one  is  sometimes  tempted  to  varv 
the  dictum  of  Douglas  Jerrold— "  Now  Barabbas  was  a  conveyancer." 

(cc)  William  Bagwell  by  deed  executed  I7lh  September,  1760,  sold  these  lands  for  /■760  to 
Simon  Newport.     I  cannot  trace  this  branch  of  the  Bagwells  further. 


History  of  Clonmel.  175 

that  of  "  Johnny  Bagwell  "  of  Clonmel.  He  appears  to  have  been  a  draper 
or  tailor,  as  under  date  November,  1707,  Riall  debits  Phanuell  Cooke  with 
"  £1  IS.  7d.  pd.  Johnny  Bagwell  for  your  coat"  The  founder  of  the  Marlfield 
family  was,  it  is  certain,  John  Bagwell,  of  Clonmel,  whose  will  was  proved 
in  1754,  and  it  may  be  taken  as  equally  certain  that  he  was  son  of  the 
"Johnny  Bagwell"  of  Riall's  ledger,  for  we  find  him  also  engaged  in  the 
drapery  trade  (ff).  But  John  Bagwell  sold  woollens  to  some  purpose  ;  he  was 
able  to  set  up  one  son,  John,  as  a  country  gentleman  at  Kilmore  where  the 
Bagwells  subsequently  won  a  fame  akin  to  notoriety.  The  other  son,  William, 
married  Anne,  daughter  of  John  Harper,  of  Cork,  partner  in  the  banking  firm 
of  Harper  and  Armstead,  and  thus  laid  the  foundation  of  the  family  fortune. 
In  1754  William  Bagwell,  as  the  nominee  of  the  resident  freemen  against  the 
Moore  party,  fought  the  most  memorable  parliamentary  election  in  the 
history  of  the  town.  Having  unseated  Moore  on  petition,  he  survived  the 
election  only  two  years,  leaving  a  son,  John,  who  was  brought  up  by  the 
Harpers  in  Cork. 

This  John,  about  1781,  purchased  from  the  assigns  of  Stephen  Moore,  in 
bankruptcy,  the  fee-farm  of  Marlfield.  He  carried  on  the  corn  and  rape 
mills  there  for  several  years  with  conspicuous  success,  and  soon  became  one 
of  the  most  notable  figures  in  the  county.  The  Nonconformist  creed  which 
his  family  had  professed  was  an  obstacle  to  his  social  progress,  and  he  soon 
discarded  it.  Bagwell  had,  however,  a  better  qualification  for  admission 
into  the  ranks  of  the  Tipperary  gentry,  and  that  was  he  could  stand  fire. 
After  three  duels,  he  obtained  a  considerable  measure  of  social  recognition. 
Having  taken  an  active  part  in  the  formation  of  the  Tipperary  Militia  in 
I793>  he  was  rewarded  for  his  exertions  by  the  position  of  colonel  (gg),  and 
subsequently  was  returned  member  for  Tipperary  in  the  Irish  Parliament. 
Such  was  the  man  who  now  became  lord  of  the  manor  of  Clonmel. 

In  1800,  also,  Bagwell  acquired  a  sort  of  property  in  the  town — an 
"  incorporeal  hereditament "  that  will  be  sought  for  in  vain  in  Blackstone, 
or  the  evidence  of  it,  in  the  Registry  of  Deeds — namely,  the  ''patronage"  of 
the  borough.  On  the  31st  December  of  that  year,  the  following  entry  (one  of 
several)  appears  in  the  corporation  minute  book. 


iff)  In  the  executors'  accounts  of  John  Carleton,  Darlinghill,  are  the  items  "  Mr.  John  Bagwell, 
April  7,  1 73 1.  By  funerale  charges  in  his  way  £y]  Qs.  5d.  By  mourning  for  the  children 
jf45  15s.  3d."  Besides  John  Bagwell  there  were  in  Clonmel  at  the  period  Thomas  Bagwell, 
merchant,  William  Bagwell,  timber  importer,  and  Samuel  Bagwell,  collector  of  land  and  assessed 
taxes. 

(ik)  The  celebrated  J.  P.  Curran  one  day  in  Clonmel  being  asked  by  a  fellow  barrister  who  the 
veteran  riding  at  the  head  of  the  militia  regiment  was,  replied  "  Marshal  Saxt  with  the  flour  of 
Tipperary  at  his  back. " 


176  History  of  Clonmel. 

At  a  meeting  for  the  purpose  of  electing  five  burgesses  in  the  room  of  the  Hon. 
William  Moore,  the  Hon.  and  Rev.  Robert  Moore,  the  Hon.  John  Moore,  William 
Folks  Moore,  and  John  Robertson  resigned. 

Ordered  that  Colonel  John  Bagwell  of  Marlfield,  Esq.,  Lieut.  Colonel  William 
Bagwell,  Richard  Bagwell,  Lieut.  Colonel  John  Bagwell,  Benjamin  Bousfield,  John 
Keighly  jun.,  Arthur  Gething  of  Lorintoun,  Charles  Riall  of  Clonmel,  Edward  Crocker 
of  Ballinaguard,  and  William  Pennefather  of  Darlinghill,  Esq.,  be  and  are  hereby 
admitted  Freemen  of  this  Corporation. 

The  valuable  consideration  is  not  set  forth,  but  the  names  of  the  second 
party  to  this  agreement  merit  attention.  They  are  John  Bagwell,  the  new 
patron  ;  his  three  sons  ;  his  son-in-law ;  his  cousin  german ;  his  wife's  brother- 
in-law,  Croker ;  Croker's  cousin  german,  Pennefather,  together  with  Benjamin 
Bousfield  and  Arthur  Gething — poor  relations  probably ;  not  discoverable  in 
the  pedigrees.  In  this  family  arrangement  there  is  no  appearance  on  the 
part  of  the  persons  who  might  be  supposed  to  be  principally  concerned  in 
the  corporation  of  Clonmel,  namely,  the  resident  citizens.  Not  even  the 
formal  legal  notice  was  served  on  them ;  and  they  probably  looked  on  the 
whole  thing  as  the  succession  of  an  Amuruth  to  an  Amurath.  Only  among 
certain  corporate  officials  was  there  a  flutter.  On  the  24th  July,  1801,  John 
Burke,  chamberlain  of  the  town,  wrote  to  a  friend : — 

I  can  hear  it  whispered  that  all  grounds  leased  by  the  late  Corporation  will  be 
severely  investigated  fhh). 

During  this  year  the  Bagwells  evidently  busied  themselves  about  the 
spoils,  for  on  4th  June,  l802,  Burke  again  wrote  : — 

I  have  reason  to  think  the  24th  of  this  month,  will  put  a  period  to  my  agency ;  it 
is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  present  Corporation  can  be  friendly  to  me  or  permit  me 
to  hold  any  place  of  emolument  under  them,  from  my  opposition  to  that  party  for 
many  years  past.  My  not  being  a  satellite  of  theirs,  but  at  all  times  firmly  attached  to 
the  Earl  of  Mountcashel  and  his  fast  friends,  renders  me  incapable  of  holding  an 
Employment  or  even  Grounds  from  them. 

They  will  take  all  if  they  can,  now  is  the  cry.  Every  lease  is  bad  and  illegally 
granted  by  the  Old  Corporation.    From  such  Grippers,  Lord  deliver  us  {it). 

Yet  though  there  was  not  a  ripple  on  the  surface  of  public  opinion, 
Bagwell  did  not  acquire  a  more  absolute  dominion  of  Marlfield  than  he  did  of 
the  corporation — its  privileges,  parliamentary  and  municipal,  its  patronage, 
and  in  a  sense,  its  revenues  and  estates.  The  sum  paid  to  the  Moores  is  not 
now  discoverable,  if  it  ever  will  be ;  there  can  be  no  question,  however,  as  to 
the  value  received  by  Bagwell.  The  Commissioners  of  Inquiry  into  Irish 
Municipal  Corporations,  held  a  nine  days'  session  in  Clonmel,  October  1833. 
The  evidence  given,  and  the  report  of  the  Commissioners,  form  a  memoir  pour 
servir  as  instructive  as  it  is  unimpeachable.  The  corporate  machinery  is 
thus  described  by  the  Commissioners : — 

(hhj  John  Burke  to  Kingston  Power,  Kilworth.  fii)  Same  to  same. 


History  of  Clonmel,  177 

It  is  declared  by  the  charter  of  6  James  I.,  that  the  mayor  and  bailiffs  for  the  time 
being,  and  the  17  other  free  burgesses  shall  constitute  the  common  council.  The 
election  of  mayor  or  bailiffs  was  to  be  made  by  the  burgesses  and  the  commonalty,  [i.e.,  the 
freemen.]  Every  other  power  seems  to  have  been  given  to  the  mayor,  bailiffs,  free 
burgesses  and  the  commonalty.  Among  these,  however,  was  a  power  of  making  bye- 
laws  "  for  the  public  good  and  sound  government  of  the  said  town  or  borough  "  ;  and 
by  the  means  of  this  latter  power  the  commonalty  seem  to  have  been  deprived  of  every 
other.  The  commonalty  can  now  neither  elect  the  mayor  or  the  bailiffs,  or  admit  a 
freeman,  without  the  previous  nomination  of  the  council ;  so  that  for  a  great  number  of 
years  every  power  has  been,  in  fact,  exercised  by  this  select  body ;  and  this  select  body 
again  influenced  and  guided  by  the  patron  or  head  of  the  corporation. 

The  nature  of  the  influence  and  guidance,  we  learn  from  the  evidence  of 
William  Chay tor,  the  Bagwell  mayor. 

The  Commissioners — Has  any  one  individual  the  power  of  appointing  a  mayor? 

Mr.  Chay  tor — Yes.  Mr.  Bagwell  of  Marlfield  has  the  patronage  of  the  Corporation, 
at  least  as  far  back  as  I  can  remember ;  beyond  his  time  I  know  nothing  of  it.  I  should 
suppose  I  know  it  for  the  last  thirty  years ;  and  his  son  and  grandson  after  him.  Their 
recommendation  and  wishes  were  always  attended  to  in  the  Corporation ;  they  were 
supposed  to  be  the  head  of  the  Corporation.  I  have  never  known  an  instance  to  the 
contrary  to  their  wishes  being  attended  to  in  the  appointment  of  mayor,  and  during  a 
minority,  the  wishes  of  their  friends,  were  attended  to  in  like  manner. 

Not  only  did  the  Bagwells  appoint  the  mayor,  but  on  the  principle 
custodire  aistodes  they  secured  the  town  council  and  the  commonalty  also. 

Mr.  Chaytor — I  do  not  suppose  that  any  person  would  be  proposed  to  the  Council 
or  admitted  to  freedom  without  the  approbation  of  Mr.  Bagwell,  whose  influence  would 
procure  the  admission  of  any  number  of  freemen  he  pleased,  or  procure  their  rejection. 

Mr.  Bagwell  is  as  influential  in  appointing  freemen  as  he  is  in  anything  else. 

To  point  the  moral,  Edward  Labarte,  town  clerk,  stated — 

From  20th  January,  1819,  to  28th  December,  1832,  seven  persons  admitted  to  the 
freedom,  namely,  Mr.  Bagwell  and  his  six  cousins.    They  were  all  non-resident. 

The  corporation  being  thus  constituted,  the  sequel  is  obvious.  • 

The  ruling  body  seems  for  many  years  to  have  possessed  unlimited  and  irresponsible 
power  over  the  property  of  the  corporation,  a  power  which  it  appears  to  have  occasionally 
exercised  very  liberally  in  favour  of  some  of  its  own  members.  The  consequence  is 
that  the  rental  of  the  corporation  estates,  bears  now  but  little  proportion  to  their 
territorial  extent  or  value. 

No.  8  in  the  rent-roll,  is  the  Spa  lands  leased  to  John  Bagwell,  in  July,  1812,  for 
ever,  at  the  rent  of  £21  present  currency. 

It  appears  by  the  corporation  book,  that  on  the  24th  of  June,  i8i2,  it  was  ordered 
that  the  mayor  [Bagwell's  brother-in-law]  do  forthwith  execute  a  lease  for  ever  of  the  Spa 
lands  in  the  county  of  Waterford  with  all  the  mills,  tenements  and  timber  thereunto 
belonging,  as  formerly  let  to  George  Cole,  Esq.,  of  Clonmel,  deceased,  and  lately  in 
possession  of  William  Baker,  of  Dublin,  Esq.,  to  John  Bagwell  of  Marlfield,  in  as  full 
and  ample  a  manner,  etc,  at  the  yearly  rent  of  twenty  guineas  to  commence  rent  from 
the  25th  of  March  last  past. 

N 


178  History  of  Clonmel. 

A  lease  was  granted  in  pursuance  of  that  order,  bearing  date  in  July,  l8l2.  The 
lands  demised  are  situate  in  the  county  of  Waterford  about  an  English  mile  from 
Clonmel,  and  contain  4lac  ir.  Irish  measure.  It  would  seem  that  this  lease  was  made 
at  an  under  value. 

At  the  time  that  this  lease  was  ordered  and  granted,  Mr.  Bagwell  was  patron  of  the 
corporation,  and  also  one  of  the  bailifis  and  burgesses. 

Mr.  Bagwell  himself,  and  several  of  his  relatives  were  present  at  the  council  which 
made  that  order. 

We  were  referred  to  another  instance  of  the  council's  directing  a  lease  to  be  granted 
to  a  member  of  its  body,  that  is,  to  Colonel  William  Bagwell.  The  order  for  this  lease 
is  dated  the  20th  January,  1819,  viz. :-— "Ordered,  that  the  Mayor  do  forthwith  execute 
a  lease  for  ever  to  the  Right  Honourable  William  Bagwell,  of  all  that  and  those  parts 
of  the  corporation  lands,  in  as  ample  a  manner  as  same  were  demised  to  William 
Craddockby  lease  bearing  date  the  23rd  of  September,  17 19,  and  assigned  by  James 
Craddock,  representative  of  said  William  Craddock  to  John  Hayman,  late  of  Clonmel, 
gentleman,  and  as  lately  occupied  by  John  Daniel  and  his  under  tenants,  at  the  yearly 
rent  of  £20."  This  is  supposed  to  be  No.  9  in  rental.  At  the  time  this  order  was  made, 
Colonel  William  Bagwell  was  present,  and  was  then  one  of  the  bailiffs,  and  it  would 
seem  that  several  of  his  relations  and  connexions,  members  of  the  council,  were  also 
present  Colonel  William  Bagwell  went  into  possession  of  the  lands  immediately  after 
the  order  was  made,  as  Craddock's  lease  had  expired.  No  lease  pursuant  to  the  order, 
appears  to  have  been  executed. 

We  did  not  discover  any  bye-law  on  the  corporation  books,  regulating  the  granting 
of  leases,  but  the  entire  power  of  disposing  of  the  corporate  property  is  assumed  by  the 
council ;  we  presume  under  the  bye-law  of  lOth  June,  1754. 

But  the  facility  of  annexing  the  corporate  property  was,  perhaps,  the  least 
valuable  part  of  the  Bagwell  patronage.  For  the  truth  is,  that  nearly  all  of 
the  huge  estate  with  which  the  De  Burghs  had  originally  endowed  the  town, 
was  already  appropriated  by  the  Ormonds  and  other  patrons.  At  a 
comparatively  late  period  the  Bagwells  acquired  by  purchase  the  burgagery 
lands,  which  unquestionably  once  belonged  to  the  town.  When  the  fact  was 
forgotten,  popular  rumour  traced  the  title  of  these  lands  also  to  their  corporate 
jobbery. 

If  the  patron  did  not  derive  much  emolument  from  the  lands,  there  were 
certain  offices  connected  with  the  corporation  of  a  highly  valuable  character. 

The  Commissioners— Had  the  Bagwell  family  any  influence  in  the  election  of 
members  of  parliament  for  this  borough  ? 

Mr.  Chaytor— Yes,  they  had ;  they  were  equally  influential  till  the  Reform  Bill. 

The  blessed  peace  which  was  vouchsafed  to  the  borough,  as  the  result  of 
this  domestic  arrangement,  we  learn  from  a  reply  of  the  town  clerk  to  the 
Under  Secretary  of  the  day  : — 

Clonmel,  17  March,  1829. 
Sir-— I  have  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  13th  instant,  and  in 
reply,  have  to  inform  you  that  since  the  Union  there  has  not  been  a  contest  for  the 
representation  of  the  Town  and  Borough  of  Clonmel. 

I  am,  Sir,  etc., 

Edward  Labarte. 
To  William  Gregory,  Esq. 


History  of  Clonmel.  179 

The  members  of  parliament  for  the  period  were  William  Bagwell ;  John 
Kiely  his  first  cousin ;  James  Hewit  Massey-Dawson,  and  his  son-in-law,  Eyre 
Coote — Coote  being  a  stepson  of  Jane  Bagwell. 

Besides  the  mayoralty,  to  which  a  salary  of  £l8o  was  attached,  the  patron 
enjoyed  the  right  of  presentation  to  the  Protestant  living  of  St.  Mary's, 
about  £500  a  year,  to  the  weighmastership  of  the  town  worth  a  similar  sum, 
not  to  mention  less  lucrative  oflSces,  as  that  of  bailiff,  and  master  of  the  Free 
School.  And  so  completely  were  the  corporate  interests  merged  in  those  of 
the  Bagwell  family,  that  the  tolls  of  both  were  collected  and  funded  together ; 
while  the  corporate  leases  were  kept  in  Mr.  Bagwell's  oflSce,  James  Douglas 
being  at  once  sheriff  of  the  town  and  agent  for  Mr.  Bagwell  (jj). 

The  pocket  borough  system,  however,  was  nearing  the  end.  Parliamen- 
tary reform  was  coming,  and  with  it  inevitably,  the  reconstruction  of  municipal 
corporations  on  a  popular  basis.  Even  in  Clonmel  one  might  discern  the 
signs  of  the  times.  Two  years  after  Bagwell  had  secured  the  patronage  of 
the  town,  he  set  about  building  new  shambles.  These  were  completed  by 
9th  of  September,  1803,  when  a  by-law  was  made  by  the  corporation 
forbidding  the  sale  of  butchers'  meat  elsewhere  than  in  the  shambles,  under 
a  penalty  of  twenty  shillings,  and  forfeiture  of  the  meat  so  exposed  for  sale. 
The  Clonmel  Gazette  ventiu-ed  to  comment  on  the  '  supreme  power '  of  the 
patron  who 

Obliged  the  butchers  of  Clonmel  to  march  with  their  property  from  the  station 
where  they  could  exercise  their  calling  at  a  ninetieth  part  of  the  profits'  expense,  to 
another  where  those  of  them  who  deal  most  extensively  are  compelled  to  pay  a  fifteenth, 
and  the  less  wealthy  a  tenth.  Who  also  transferred  the  victuallers  of  the  poor  to  the 
costly  stalls  of  those  for  the  affluent. 

An  inoffensive  poor  inhabitant  who  with  another  rents  a  small  shop  in  the  Main 
Street,  a  few  weeks  since  had  a  quantity  of  mutton  forcibly  taken  out  of  his  house, 
notwithstanding  the  shrieks  of  his  affrighted  wife,  and  Bagwell  afterwards  sent  to  him 
and  promised  to  restore  the  mutton,  if  he  would  take  a  stall.  He  has  since  been 
threatened  with  a  process  of  ejectment 

The  writer  having  further  charged  Bagwell,  as  Colonel  of  the  Tipperary 
militia,  with  witholding  the  "  marching  guinea  "  from  some  of  the  recruits, 
a  libel  action  was  the  result  (kk).  Though  the  paper  was  ruined,  the  episode 
is  noteworthy  as  evidence  of  the  growth  of  an  independent  press,  and  of 
healthy  public  opinion. 


(jj)  Report  of  Commissioners  on  Municipal  Corporations  in  Ireland.  William  Hanna  and 
Maurice  King,  Sub-Commissioners.— London,  1835.  Evidence  Taken  at  the  Clonmel  Corporation 
Inquiry.    Printed  at  the  Free  Press  Office,  Clonmel,  1833. 

(kk)  Bagwell  V.  Power,  Clonmel  Assizes,  August  nth,  1804. 


180  History  of  Clonmel. 

The  corporation,  too,  evading  its  legitimate  responsibilities,  was  being 
superseded  by  other  bodies.  The  Protestant  vestry  of  St  Mary's  fulfilled  at 
the  time  some  of  the  functions  of  the  corporation. 

1804.  Mr.  Daniel  Brien  having  offered  to  light  about  200  lamps,  or  such  number 
of  lamps  as  shall  appear  to  the  Committee  to  be  necessary,  for  no  nights,  and  to 
collect  the  money  to  be  laid  in  for  that  purpose,  at  the  rate  of  £i  4s.  per  lamp  for 
lighting  and  collecting  same,  the  Committee  first  putting  the  said  lamps  and  iron 
work  in  good  order. 

Ordered  That  the  Committee  do  execute  a  contract  with  the  said  Daniel  O'Brien 
on  said  terms  (//). 

In  1830,  under  the  Act  9  Geo.  IV.,  c.  82,  a  statutory  body  of  twenty-one 
commissioners  was  created  for  the  purposes  of  lighting  and  watching  the 
town.  These  were  elected  by  the  inhabitants  generally,  and  were  empowered 
to  levy  a  tax  on  all  houses  and  tenements  of  the  value  of  £5  upwards.  The 
amount  levied  ilnder  the  applotment  was  £753  14s.  8d.  (mm). 

But  the  first  positive  step  towards  the  extinction  of  the  old  corporation, 
was  the  deprivation  of  its  power  to  elect  the  member  of  parliament  (nn). 
By  the  Act  2  William  IV.,  the  94  Bagwell  nominees  gave  place  to  a 
constituency  of  521  householders  of  £10  valuation,  and  the  following  year 
the  first  contest  in  Clonmel  as  an  open  borough  took  place.  Though  every 
efi^ort  was  made  to  hold  the  seat  by  money  bribes,  and  the  ofi^er  of  leases  to 
the  more  influential,  John  Bagwell  was  expelled  by  a  majority  of  ten  votes 
from  the  family  borough  (00).  The  same  year  the  Municipal  Corporation 
Inquiry  was  held,  and  henceforward  the  old  corporation  was  regarded  by 
friend  and  opponent  alike,  as  on  its  death  bed.  In  1843  the  new  corporation 
created  by  the  Municipal  Reform  Act  came  into  existence.      The  first  mayor 


(11}  Vestry  Book.  From  the  same  book  the  following  curious  entry  is  derived  : — "  1795 
31  March.  Ordered  that  the  sum  of  £^2  stg.  to  be  laid  in  and  applotted  on  this  parish  by  the  Church- 
wardens, be  paid  over  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  County  agreeable  to  the  Act  of  Parliament  [for 
Augmenting  the  Militia]  for  the  purpose  of  providing  seven  men  to  serve  in  the  militia  of  this  County, 
as  being  the  number  allotted  on  this  parish,  and  five  to  fill  up  vacancies." 

(mm)  The  watching  was  done  by  a  dozen  men  who  paraded  the  streets  at  night  and  sang  out  the 
passing  hours.  They  were  clad  in  great  coats  and  provided  with  wooden  rattles,  and  probably  were 
more  picturesque  than  useful. 

(nn)  The  mayor,  bailiffs,  burgesses  and  freemen,  made  up  the  constituency  under  the  old 
corporation.  During  the  Moore  "  patronage  "  the  only  condition  of  freedom  was  friendship  for  that 
family,  and  in  point  of  fact  two- thirds  of  the  corporation  were  non-residents  who  had  no  connection 
with  the  town.  The  Bagwell  "  patronage  "  was  not  so  absolute  ;  for  a  Committee  of  the  House  of 
Commons  on  the  petition  of  Spring  Rice  against  the  return  of  J.  P.  Vereker  for  Limerick  in  1820, 
decided  that  the  gratuitous  making  of  non-resident  freemen  was  ultra  tires.  Bagwell's  selection  of 
freemen  was  thereby  restricted  to  residents  in  Clonmel.  Furthermore,  the  Reform  Act  confined  the 
elective  franchise  to  persons  claiming  by  right  of  birth,  apprenticeship  or  marriage,  or  by  statute. 

(00}  In  the  case  Strangman  v.  Hackett,  Kilkenny  Assizes,  August,  1835,  Smith,  K.C.,in  opening 
defendant's  case  stated  that  £^  per  vote  was  paid  by  Mr.  Bagwell's  agents.  Two  leases  are  known 
to  the  writer  to  have  been  granted  in  consideration  of  election  influence. 


History  of  Clonmel.  i«i 

selected  was  John  Hackett,  who  from  being  a  journeyman  printer,  had  by 
ability,  courage,  and  public  spirit,  won  for  himself  the  foremost  place  among 
his  fellow  citizens.  At  a  time  when  the  whole  machinery  of  the  law  was  in 
operation  against  the  rights  of  the  common  people,  he  smote  amain,  week 
by  week  in  the  Free  Press,  tithe  proctors,  partisan  magistrates,  and 
exterminating  landlords.  Damages  amounting  to  hundreds  of  pounds  were 
obtained  against  him  in  the  law  courts,  but  he  survived  all,  and  having 
been  the  stoutest  opponent  of  the  old  corporation,  he  became  first  mayor  of 
the  new  (pp). 

The  half  century  preceding  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws  in  1845  is  the 
most  important  in  the  commercial  and  industrial  history  of  Clonmel.  The 
population,  which  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  did  not  much  exceed 
10,000,  steadily  grew  each  decade  until  it  reached  about  1845  some  20,000  (qq). 
The  number  of  houses  in  the  former  period  on  which  house  and  window  taxes 
were  paid,  was  1,349 ;  the  number  in  1841,  2,330.  The  economic  causes  which 
led  to  this  expansion  deserve  some  notice. 

The  parliamentary  bounty  on  the  carriage  of  corn  to  Dublin,  which  gave 
Irish  agriculture  its  first  start,  was  followed  by  .the  Napoleonic  wars.  These 
raised  the  prices  of  all  produce  to  an  unprecedented  height,  and  though  the 
prosperity  was  largely  unreal  and  measured  merely  by  a  paper  currency, 
the  stimulus  given  was  for  the  time,  deep-felt  and  effective.  On  the  25th 
January,  1790,  for  example,  flour  at  the  Anner  Mills  was  £2  3s.  9d.  a  bag ; 
wheat  I5d.  a  stone.  Ten  years  later,  July  I2th,  1 800,  the  Clonmel  Gazette  lists 
flour  £4  a  bag  ;  wheat  3s.  Id.  a. stone  (rr).  Though  this  latter  was  doubtless  a 
famine  price,  it  is  probable  that  the  average  for  the  first  twenty  years  of  the 
centiu-y  was  not  much  below  £2  lOs.  (ss).  As  a  consequence,  a  great  part  of 
the  country  was  brought  under  tillage  ;  the  kilns  which  may  still  be  seen  on 
every  farm,  recall  the  three-course  rotation  of  the  time — potatoes,  wheat  and 
oats,  followed  by  liming  and  manuring.  When  Napoleon  collapsed  in  1815, 
the  landed  interest,  who  controlled  parliament,  passed  the  corn  laws, 
prohibiting  the  importation .  of  foreign  grain.  This,  coupled  with  the 
development  of  manufactures  and  growth  of  population  in  England,  gave  Irish 
agriculture  an  artificial  stimulus  for  another  thirty  years.    While  prices  even 


(pp)  It  is  often  taken  for  granted  that  the  penal  system  disappeared  pari  passu  with  the  penal 
laws.  Mr.  Lecky  writes  of  Ireland  as  late  as  1833 — "  It  is  scarcely  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  the 
British  Constitution  had  no  existence  there." — Leaders  of  Public  Opinion,  p.  260. ' 

fqq)  In  1821,  13,012  ;  1831,  15,134;  184I1  20,917. 

(rr)  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  no  files  of  the  old  Clonmel  newspapers  were  kept,  and  therefore 
it  is  impossible  to  give  a  full  study  of  the  extraordinary  economic  conditions  of  the  time. 

(ss)  The  English  price  was  9iBs.  6d.  a  quarter. — Six  Centuries  of  Work  and  Wages — Rogers,  p. 
494. 


182 


History  of  Clonmel. 


in  short  years  did  not  approximate  to  the  average  of  the  former  period,  yet 
they  afforded  an  ample  margin  of  profit.  The  quarter  of  wheat  in  the  years 
1828-1838  averaged,  according  to  the  Dublin  Gazette,  49s.  nearly ;  in  London 
during  the  same  eleven  years  it  was  56s.  Qd  ftt).  Clonmel  now  became  one 
of  the  greatest  grain  markets  of  the  kingdom;  for  except  a  comparatively 
small  amount  that  went  by  canal  to  Limerick  and  Dublin,  the  whole  com  of 
Tipperary  and  the  neighbouring  counties  passed  through  the  town.  The 
following  returns  of  corn  negociated  in  Clonmel  itself,  are  taken  from  the 
Report  of  the  Select  Committee  on  Irish  Agricultural  Distress,  1839 : — 


Years 

Barrels  of  Wheat 

Barrels  of  Barley 

Barrels  of  Oats 

Barrels  of  Bere 

1826 

188,000 

47.000 

86!ooo 

100 

1827 

192,200 

38,000 

95 

1828 

191,200 

43,000 

86,800 

105 

1829 

189,000 

44,000 

82,000 

100 

1830 

188,190 

49,000 

90,000 

80 

183I 

189,000 

43,000 

93,000 

120 

1832 

.    187,000 

36,000 

92,000 

100 

1833 

188,000 

37,000 

101,800 

.95 

1834 

188,200 

44.000 
38,000 

80,000 

fc8s 

1835 

192,600 

86,800 

105 

In  the  earlier  years  of  the  century  the  great  bulk  of  the  grain  was  exported 
in  its  unmanufactured  state  ;  by  degrees  the  exceptional  advantages  of  cheap 
labour  and  abundant  water  power  were  availed  of;  so  that  about  1840 
between  sixty  and  seventy  mills  were  in  operation  throughout  the  county. 
Some  of  these  mills  were  very  large.  Shiel,  who  visited  Clonmel  in  1828, 
likened  them  to  cotton  factories  in  Lancashire.  "Malcomson's  mill,"  he 
writes,  "  is,  I  believe,  the  finest  in  Ireland.  I  felt  dizzy  at  the  play  of  the 
machinery.  Here  half  the  harvest  of  the  adjoining  counties  as  well  as  of 
Tipperary,  is.  powdered  under  the  huge  mill  stones  that  I  saw  wheeling  with 
incalculable  rapidity.  Honest  David  showed  me,  with  some  touch  of  the 
pride  of  wealth,  this  great  concern.  We  ascended  flight  after  flight  of  stairs 
to  a  vast  height.  On  reaching  one  of  the  loftiest  stages  of  the  building,  I  saw 
a  young  man  shovelling  the  flour  into  a  large  tube  and  covered  with  its 
particles.      'That  is  my  son,'  said  David,    'he  will  teach  others  by  first 


(tt)  This  I  calculate  from  some  figures  in  "  Ireland  after  the  Union  "—Martin,  p.  100,  London, 
1853.  The  only  Clonmel  prices  1  have  met  during  this  period  are  1826,  22  Dec,  Flour  37s.  a  bag. 
Wheat  IS.  6d.  a  stone.  1832,  Nov.  7,  Flour  35s.  a  bag.  Wheat  I4d.  a  stone.  1843,  8  July,  Flour 
31s.  a  bag.    Wheat  i5d.  a  stone. 


History  of  Clonmel.  183 

practising    his    business    himself.' "    (uu)*      The    proportion    of    flour    to 

wheat   now   exported,    we    learn    from    the    returns  for  the   year  ending 

April  30th,  1832:— 

Hundreds  of  flour,  230,503. 
Barrels  of  wheat,  28,678. 
Barrels  of  oats,  19,445. 
Barrels  of  barley,  3,878. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  mills  of  Clonmel  and  the  immediate 
neighbourhood,  with  the  particulars  now  ascertainable  (w). 

1.  POULBUEE :  two  pairs  of  stones.  This  was  at  first  a  tucking  mill  and  was  con- 
verted into  a  com  mill  in  1792  by  Edmund  Daniel,  who  in  the  January  of  that  year 
obtained  from  Sir  Thomas  Osborne  a  new  pepper-corn  lease,  in  exchange  for  other 
lands. 

2.  PoULBUEE :  two  pairs  of  stones.  Originally  built  by  Daniel  and  worked  to  a 
comparatively  late  period  by  J.  Heneberry. 

3.  Anner  Mills  :  ten  pairs  of  stones.  First  mill  begun  by  Robert  Grubb,  1763  ; 
the  mills  of  which  the  ruins  exist,  were  built  by  him  in  1780 ;  worked  by  his  family  and 
subsequently  by  the  Clibboms,  relatives  in  the  female  line,  until  consumed  by  fire  in 
1880. 

4.  Redmondstown  :  four  pairs  of  stones.  Built  about  1775  by  Joseph  Grubb 
who  obtained  a  lease  of  the  lands  for  lives,  from  Gamaliel  Fitzgerald  Magrath,  2 
November,  1774.    They  were  worked  until  1878  when  they  were  burnt. 

5.  Rathronan  :  four  pairs  of  stones.  Originally  built  by  John  Thompson,  a 
Quaker,  who  appears  to  have  soon  got  into  financial  difficulties.  It  was  last  worked  by 
T.  K.  O'Mahoney  and  like  so  many  others,  was  burnt  about  1882. 

6.  Marlfield  :  thirteen  pairs  of  stones.  Built  in  1769  by  Stephen  Moore ;  rented 
by  Edward  Collins  from  his  assigns  in  1780,  until  purchased  by  John  Bagwell.  The 
latter  carried  on  baking  and  biscuit  making  with  great  success,  especially  during. the 
period  of  the  French  and  second  American  wars.  Mills  converted  into  a  whiskey 
distillery  by  the  firm  of  John  Stein  &  Co.  about  1817,  and  the  manufacture  of  whiskey 
continued  until  the  late  fifties,  when  the  business  was  sold  to  the  Jamesons,  of  Dublin, 
who  closed  the  place  a  few  years  subsequent 

7.  Marlfield  :  four  pairs  of  stones.  This  mill  whieh  was  situated  close  to  river 
is  supposed  to  have  been  erected  also  by  the  Moores.  It  was  worked  by  persons  named 
Shanahan  and  Dunn  in  succession,  until  about  thirty  years  ago  when  it  was  burnt 

8.  Manor  :  ten  pairs  of  stones.  This,  the  oldest  of  the  Clonmel  mills,  was  re- 
erected  by  Samuel  Morton  about  1785.  Business  continued  by  Morton  and  Thomas 
Grubb  his  partner,  and  subsequently  by  Thomas  Cambridge  Grubb.  Mill  destroyed 
by  fire  about  20  years  since. 

9.  Hughes'  Mill  :  six  pairs  of  stones.  Situated  on  Little  Island  and  built  by 
Thomas  Hughes. 

10.  SuiR  Island  :  eight  pairs  of  stones.  This  replaced  an  old  mill  probably  dating 
from  the  seventeenth  century,  which  was  used  for  grinding  rape  seed.  Built  about 
1785  by  Robert  Samuel  Grubb  and  afterwards  owned  by  Abraham  Murray.  Starch 
also  was  manufactured  in  considerable  quantities. 


(tiu)  Shiel's  Sketches,  IL,  p.  356.  The  extent  of  these  mills  we  may  conjecture  from  their 
valuation  under  the  first  Poor  Law  Act.  Malcomson's  were  valued  at  j£750  per  annum,  the  Manor 
Mills  ;^28o,  Marlfield  Distillery  ;f  r,ooo,  the  Clonmel  Gas  Works  ^"300. 

(w)  It  must  not  be  supposed  that  they  were  at  all  times  able  to  work  the  full  number  of  pairs 
of  stones,  but  on  the  other  hand,  some  of  the  larger  ones  worked  a  night  as  well  as  a  day  stretch. 


184  History  of  Clonmel. 

11.  SuiR  Island  :  six  pairs  of  stones.    Built  by  Joseph  Thomas  Grubb. 

12.  Charles  Street  :  four  pairs  of  stones.  Built  by  Peter  R.  Banfield,  who  how- 
ever became  bankrupt  through  the  collapse  of  the  Ryall's  bank  in  1820.  Milling  finally 
relinquished  there  in  1855. 

13.  LriTLE  Island  :  ten  pairs  of  stones.  Built  in  the  early  years  of  the  century 
by  David  Malcomson,  adjoined  Hughes'  mill,  and  the  latter  not  permitting  Malcomson 
to  rest  the  shafts  of  the  undershot  water  wheels  on  the  partition  walls,  the  wheels  had 
to  be  narrowed,  with  diminished  power.  The  growth  of  the  business  we  learn  from  the 
Agricultural  Committee  Report  of  1836.  From  1815  to  1819  Malcomson  exported 
34,398  cwts.  of  flour;  from  1825-1829,  357»6l8  cwts.  (p.  74).  These  mills  were 
subsequently  converted  into  a  cotton  factory,  and  after  the  Malcomson  collapse  in  1876, 
they  were  turned  to  a  boot  factory  by  James  Myers.  They  are  now  the  milk  factory  of 
Messrs.  Dwyer  and  Cleeve. 

14.  Richmond  Mills  :  three  paifs  of  stones.  Built  about  1830  by  Thomas  Samuel 
Grubb.    Owned  by  Thomas  C.  Grubb  and  D.  O'Neill  successively. 

15.  Richmond  Mills  :  six  pairs  of  stones.    Built  by  Thomas  Samuel  Grubb. 

16.  Ragwell  Mills  :  two  pairs  of  stones.  Built  about  1850  by  Robert  Lawton ; 
ceased  working  about  1878. 

17.  Ragwell  Mills  :  three  pairs  of  stones.  Built  about  1825  by  James  Smith, 
and  successively  owned  by  John  Ratcliff  and  Peter  R.  Banfield.  Workod  by  an  over- 
shot wheel  fifty  feet  diameter 

18.  New  Street  Mills:  three  pairs  of  stones.  Built  as  a  saw  mill  by  a 
contractor  named  Doolan.  Oat  crushing  machinery  put  in  by  M.  McCarthy  about 
1877.    , 

I    19.  Spa  Mills  :  two  pairs  of  stones.    Built  by  John  Flynn  and  last  worked  by 
.  Maurice  Dee  about  1878. 

20.  MiNELLA  Mills  :  three  pairs  of  stones.  Built  by  Burrows  Close  and  improved 
by  Peter  Banfield ;  now  worked  by  Phehin  Brothers. 

21.  SuiR  ViLLE :  twelve  pairs  of  stones.  Built  in  1782  by  Robert  Dudley.  Originally 
an  ironmonger  in  Dublin  Street,  Dudley  married  secondly  in  1769  Hannah  Jesup,  of 
^^Woodbridge,  and  unwisely  sank  her  fortune  in  building  the  mill  in  a  place  altogether 
unsuitable.    The  mill  was  used  in  recent  years  as  a  woollen  factory  by  Mr.  T.  Russell. 

22.  TUBBERAHEENA :  two  pairs  of  stones.  Built  by  Simmons  Sparrow  and  occupied 
subsequently  by  Thomas  Hayden  and  David  Hally.  It  stood  on  the  site  of  the  present 
Asylum  ball  court 

23.  SCROUTHEA  :  one  pair  of  stones.  Built  as  an  oaten  mill  by  John  Hally  and 
afterwards  converted  by  Richard  Crean  to  a  tannery  (ww). 

Besides  the  manufacture  of  flour  for  export,  there  was  throughout  the 
first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century,  a  flourishing  butter  market  By  the  Act  2 
Geo.  I.,  no  cask  of  butter  could  be  sold  on  which  the  tare  was  not  branded,  the 
penalty  being  forfeiture.  Similarly  none  could  be  exported.  A  further  Act 
obliged  corporations  to  appoint  public  weighmasters,  to  provide  weigh-houses 
and  scales,  and  also  regulated  the  make  of  the  firkins, -and  the  due  packing  of 
the  butter.  Each  firkin  should  be  branded  with  the  weight,  gross  and  net, 
the  name  of  the  market,  and  the  surname  of  the  weighmaster.    A  qualitative 

fww)  The  above  mills,  except  Nos.  10,  12,  14,  15,  18,  were  all  worked  by  water  power.  It  may 
be  noted  here  that  the  grain  elevator  in  universal  use  down  to  a  late  period— the  quadrant  buckets 
attached  to  an  endless  band— was  the  invention  of  a  Clonmel  millwright.  For  most  of  the  details 
about  the  Clonmel  mills  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  James  White,  Mr.  J.  E.  Grubb,  of  Carrick-on-Suir,  and 
Mr.  B.  Clibborn. 


History  of  Clonmel. 


185 


test  was  also  provided ;  since  in  case  of  doubt  as  to  the  "  merchantable  " 
condition  of  the  butter  "  two  able  merchants  of  the  place  and  two  others 
skilled  in  such  commodities,"  adjudicated.  Subject  to  such  stringent 
regulations,  the  butter  trade  inevitably  gathered  into  certain  centres,  the 
names  of  which  were  a  guarantee  of  the  weight  and  quality  of  the  article. 
"  Clonmel  "  butter  early  obtained  recognition,  and  for  a  considerable  period 
stood  at  the  top  of  the  English  trade  lists.  The  market  seems  to  have 
attained  its  greatest  popularity  about  1820.  The  returns  made  to  parliament 
for  the  seven  years,  following  are : — 


Ykars 


1821 


1822 


1823 


1824 


1826 


Firkins  Tasted, 
Weighed  and  Branded 


1825     { 


1827      { 


48,884 


54.296 


36,334 


39,399 


48,676 


37,537 


58,691 


Empty  Firkins 
Weighed  and  Branded 


29,557 


32.278 


21,650 


22,971 


24.276 


17,971 


23,582 


Fees 


£611    I    0 
123     4    9 


734  5 

9 

678  14 

0 

134  9 

10 

813  3 

10 

454  3 

6 

90  4 

2 

544  7 

8 

497  9 

9 

95  14 

3 

593  4 

0 

608  9 

0 

lOl  3 

0 

709  12 

0 

469  4 

I 

74  17 

7 

544  I 

8 

733  12 

9 

93  5 

2 

826  17  II 


In  1829  the  Act  10,  Geo.  IV.,  c.  41,  repealed  the  former  Acts  restricting  the 
sale  of  butter ;  merchants  now  purchased  at  their  stores,  and  the  smaller 
towns  opened  markets  of  their  own.  Three  years  later  the  quantity  of  butter 
sold  in  the  Clonmel  market  had  shrunk  to  21,559  cwts.     The  fees  paid  for 


186  History  of  Clonmel. 

weighing  and  branding  the  butter  were  the  private  perquisite  of  the  weigh- 

master,  William  Chaytor,  at  this  period.    Out  of  them  were  paid  the  rent 

of  the  weigh-house  and  the  wages  of  the  officials,  which  amounted  to  the  sum 

of  £167  a  year,  so  that  the  average  netted  by  Chaytor  on  the  seven  years  was 

£513  i6s.  a  year.    According  to  the  notions  of  the  time  he  was  considered  to 

have  a  vested  interest  in  the  market ;  he  received  as  compensation  therefore 

for  the  four  years  1830-1833  the  sum  of  £1,296  i6s.  lOd.  (xx). 

The   bacon   trade  reached  considerable  proportions.    Wakefield  who 

visited  Clonmel  in  December  1808,  gives  the  following  account : — 

There  is  here  an  immense  establishment  for  the  pickling  of  bacon.  12,000  hogs  are 
slaughtered  per  annum.  Liverpool  salt  is  used.  The  warehouse  in  which  it  is  pickled 
will  hold  100  tons.  It  is  paved  with  flags  and  has  channels  to  convey  the  pickle  into  a 
cistern  in  the  centre.  The  introduction  of  the  English  breed  has  been  found  very 
advantageous,  there  being  much  less  oflfal  which  brings  only  a  guinea  per  cwt.  The 
bacon  is  not  dried  here  but  sent  to  England  in  a  pickled  state,  packed  up  in  cloths.  The 
pork  merchants  are  chiefly  quakers  (yy). 

The  principal  merchants  were  Henry  Joyce,  Irishtown  ;  Robert  Banfield, 
New  Quay ;  Murphy  &  White,  Dowd's  Lane ;  Henry  Price,  Irishtown ;  Patrick 
Fennelly,  Johnson  Street ;  Robert  Grubb,  Suir  Island.  Apart  from  what  was 
manufactured  for  home  consumption,  in  the  year  ending  April  30th,  1832,  the 
number  of  flitches  of  bacon  exported  was  63,751,  and  of  lard  2,769  cwts. 

The  brewing  and  distilling  industries  were  also  in  a  prosperous  condition. 
In  the  season  1831-2,  for  example,  92,000  barrels  of  barley  were  purchased  in 
Clonmel,  of  which  less  than  4,000  were  exported,  the  rest  being  used  for 
malting  purposes.  The  brewery  of  Samuel  Morton  &  Co.  had  now  passed 
into  the  hands  of  Stephen  Going,  while  that  of  Greer  &  Murphy,  of  Nelson 
Street,  was  being  rebuilt  after  a  disastrous  fire  which  occurred  in  1829.  The 
distillery  of  John  Stein  &  Company  at  Marlfield  employed,  in  1838, 1 50  hands. 
As  the  duty  paid  was  only  26.  8d.  per  gallon,  and  the  pot-still  whiskey 
produced,  enjoyed  a  good  reputation,  the  business  steadily  expanded.  When, 
however,  between  the  years  1853  and  1858  the  duty  was  gradually  raised 
from  2s.  8d.  to  8s.,  the  Jamesons  of  Dublin,  who  had  taken  over  the  distillery 
from  Stein,  were  obliged  to  close  it. 

About  1824  the  Malcomsons,  in  addition  to  their  corn  mills,  set  up  a 

cotton  factory  ;  in  1833  it  afforded  employment  to  about  200  persons.    Shiel's 

notice  of  it  is  characteristic  : — 

We  proceeded  to  a  large  white  building  which  stands  immediately  on  the  bank  of 
the  river,  and  where  I  heaid  the  rattling  of  the  shuttle  as  I  approached  the  temple  of 

(xx)  The  butter  market  was  built  in  1817  by  subscriptions,  Chaytor  contributing  ^'loo,  and  the 
merchants  over  ;^200.  The  site  was  granted  by  the  patron  of  the  town,  William  Bagwell,  for  the 
nominal  rent  of  ;^55  Irish.  Municipal  Commission  Report,  1833.  Market  Compensation  Report, 
1828.  Evidence  given  at  Inquiry. — Tipperary  Free  Press.  The  local  prices  for  butter,  1792, 
17  March,  64s.  per  cwt.  1800  12  July,  92s.  per  cwt.  1826  22  December,  72s.  per  cwt.  1832 
7  November,  83s.  per  cwt.     1843  8  July,  74s. 

(yy)  State  of  Ireland,  I.,  p.  752. 


History  of  Clonmel.  i87 

industry  accompanied  by  the  author  of  all  the  good,  of  which  I  had  already  received 
intimation  from  the  rapidity  with  which  I  heard  some  hundred  looms  going  through 
their  operations.  A  vast  apartment,  lined  with  looms  on  either  side,  occupied  by  a 
crowd  of  little  blooming  girls,  who  with  the  most  animated  cheerfulness,  with  health 
ruddy  on  their  faces,  with  hands  and  naked  feet  plied  the  respective  machines  over 
which  they  presided  (zz). 

Besides  these  principal  industries,  there  were  others  which  are  worthy  of 
note.  The  tanning  of  leather  which  had  been  carried  on  to  a  considerable 
extent  in  the  eighteenth  century,  was  continued  by  Price,  Taylor,  Davis, 
Cashen,  Crean,  Jones  and  Keilly,  and  subsequently  by  Byrne,  Myers,  Russell 
and  others.  Soap  boiling  and  tallow  chandling  had  passed  from  Dumville, 
Phelan  and  Bond,  to  Going,  Lester,  Quinn  and  Byrne.  Steam  engines, 
machinery,  pumps,  cranes,  castings,  boilers,  pipes  and  mill  brasses,  were  made 
on  the  New  Quay  by  Jacob  and  Grubb  (a).  Cutlery  and  razors  of  a  high, 
character  were  manufactured  by  Bradford ;  tobacco  and  snuff  by  Kielly  and 
Quinn.  Nor  were  the  arts  that  minister  to  luxury  wanting.  Henry  Julian 
of  Dublin  Street  obtained  a  reputation  for  coach  building.  House  furniture 
of  excellent  design  and  conscientious  workmanship,  was  made  by  Jacob 
Graham  in  Duncan  Street,  while  persons  desirous  to  quarter  arms  had  recourse 
to  "  Richard  Sladen,  heraldic  painter,"  in  the  Irishtown.  As  photography 
was  unknown,  Edward  Hayes  of  Johnston  Street,  "landscape  and  miniature," 
painted  portraits  from  £2  upwards  (b).  Watches,  clocks  and  silverplate 
were  also  made  in  the  town,  not  as  now,  merely  retailed  there.  Under 
the  Act  23  &  24,  Geo.  III.,  c.  23,  which  obliged  makers  and  vendors  of  plate 
to  be  registered,  the  following  Clonmel  names  are  found  in  1784 — ^John  Quinn, 
William  Thompson,  John  Beauchamp,  Cavan  Ryan,  Robert  Cooke ;  in  1800 
James  Shee;  in  1808  Dennis  Madden;  and  in  1815  Theophilus  Harvey. 
Some  of  the  clocks  of  Hill,  Prossor,  Brodrick  and  Wallace,  are  still  keeping 
time  after  the  lapse  cjf  a  century  (c). 

Perhaps  the  most  interesting  feature  of  commercial  Clonmel  at  this 
period  was  its  banking  system.      During  the  first  decade  of  the  eighteenth 


(zz)  Sketches  II.,  p.  356. 

(a)  Much  of  the  work  of  this  firm  was  creditably  artistic.  The  older  lamp  posts  of  the  town 
will  repay  inspection,  while  the  standards  of  the  benches  in  St.  Mary's  Catholic  Church  might  be 
profitably  studied  by  more  recent  designers. 

(h)  A  sketch  of  Hayes*  is  in  the  writer's  possession  ;  its  truth  and  delicacy  is  surprising  for  a 
painter  who  made  Clonmel  his  habitat. 

(c)  The  registers  of  the  Dublin  goldsmiths  contain  a  few  entries  :  **  Robt.  Cuffe  was  apprenticed 
to  Hercules  Beer  in  Clonmell  in  1705."  Plate  was  assayed  in  Dublin  in  1725  for  "  Noah  Violas  of 
Clonmel  7  lb.  4  oz./'  and  "12  lb."  the  following  year.  The  next  goldsmith  of  whom  there  is  mention 
is  Jeremiah  Morgan.  The  Carleton  executors'  accounts  contain  the  entry — "  1730  November  6.  Pd. 
Jeremiah  Morgan  for  two  peeces  of  Plate  for  Mr.  Jos.  Barrett  and  Mr.  Henry  Blackmore  for  their 
trouble  in  appraising  the  Coil's  stock,— bespoke  by  Mrs.  Carleton  ;f22  i6s.  i^d."  Morgan's  son 
Hercules  succeeded  him;  '*  1762,  18  March  Pd.  Hercules  Morgan  for  2  pair  of  boot  strap  buckles." — 
Perry  Papers.    For  the  Dublin  entries  I  am  indebted  to  J.  R.  Garstin,  Esq.,  Castlcbellingham . 


188  History  of  Clonmel. 

century  the  corporation  occasionally  negociated  loans  with  Phineas  Riall, 
merchant.  Riall  also  advanced  money  on  mortgages  of  land  and  houses, 
and  dealt  in  the  bills  of  Joseph  Ball  of  London,  Burton  and  Harrison  of 
Dublin,  Joseph  Darner,  Elnathan  Lumn,  and  others.  A  little  later  John 
Bagwell,  draper  in  the  Main  Street,  received  money  for  safe  keeping ;  (d)  he 
also  accepted  the  bills  of  Armstead  of  Cork  and  Burton  of  Dublin,  and 
discharged  some  other  functions  of  a  banker  (e).  In  1754,  the  year  of 
Bagwell's  death,  Stephen  Moore  of  Marlfield,  and  William  Markham  of  New 
Abbey,  set  up  a  bank  in  Clonmel.  These  were  immediately  followed  by 
William  and  Phineas  Riall.  The  Rialls  were  Dissenters,  and  Dissenters  in 
those  days  monopolized  banking  (f),  Moore  and  Markham,  therefore^  soon 
disappeared,  and  henceforward  for  seventy  years — with  the  exception  of  a 
•  brief  interval — the  banking  of  the  whole  district  was  carried  on  by  the  Rialls. 
The  successive  partners  were  William,  the  founder,  and  his  son  Phineas; 
William  and  Charles,  the  sons  of  Phineas ;  and  finally  William,  Charles  and 
Arthur.  From  the  beginning  the  Rialls  appear  to  have  done  a  safe  business, 
and  never  seem  to  have  spread  their  paper  wholesale  after  the  fashion  of  the 
private  bankers  of  the  time.  Though  they  advanced  large  sums — often  at 
low  interest — on  landed  security,  (g)  yet  the  fact  that  in  the  earlier  period 
none  of  their  notes  were  payable  at  sight  must  have  carried  them  through 
more  than  one  crisis.  They  survived  the  crash  of  1 770,  and  the  subsequent 
one  of  1793,  and  thus  together  with  a  solid  reputation,  built  up  a  considerable 
fortune.  By  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  partners  were  possessed 
of  an  estate  in  Clonmel  and  the  neighbourhood  estimated  to  be  worth  £70,000. 
During  the  Napoleonic  period  the  Rialls  in  common  with  others,  had  to  face 
an  extraordinary  state  of  things.  In  1797  the  Banks  of  England  and  Ireland 
suspended  cash  payments.  The  metallic  currency  almost  disappeared,  and 
the  country  was  deluged  with  I O  Us,  promises  to  pay,  post  bills,  and  all 
sorts  of  instruments  of.  credit.  The  notes  paying  duty  rose  from'450,721  in 
1800  to  1,457,283  in  1804,  and  the  increased  number  was  almost  entirely  in 
notes  of  £1  and  under.  Country  gentlemen,  reputed  to  be  owners  of  an 
"  estate,"  and  successful  shopkeepers,  set  up  for  bankers — i.e.,  palmed  off 
paper  on  the  public.    When  Bank  of  Ireland  notes  came  down  the  country 

(d)  For  example — "  I  percmtarlly  desire  ye  two  hundred  pounds  of  my  money  that  lyes  in  Mr. 
Bagwell's  hands  may  be  imedeatly  called  in." — Will  of  Ellen  Cumberfort,  1748,  P.R.O. 

(^)  "  I730»  Nov.  5,  Mr.  Richard  Carleton  To  paid  him  Armstead's  bill  on  Bagwell,  jf  30.  Nov.  16. 
By  Burton's  bill  on  Bagwell  ;f50." — Carleton  Accounts. 

(f)  The  three  Rialls  named  were  three  generations.  The  last  married  into  the  Caldwells, 
Dublin  bankers,  while  the  Heywoods,  the  Liverpool  bankers,  were  his  cousins  german.  His  sister 
Elizabeth  was  wife  of  Simon  Newport,  founder  of  the  Waterford  bank. 

(^)  '*  Altho'  money  perhaps  may  be  a  little  scarce  now,  yet  within  these  few  years  it  might  have 
been  had  on  Land  Security  I  know  at  4^  p.c,  very  large  sums,  and  perhaps  shortly  may  again." — W. 
Perry  to  Simon  Newport,  31st  May,  1761. 


History  of  Clonmel.  i89 

(it  had  no  branches  then)  the  local  "banker"  exchanged  with  the  holders 

his  notes  at  a  discount  of  lO  to  25  per  cent,  and  so  got  them  into  circulation. 

These  notes  varied  from  £l0  to  13d.  face  value.      Sometimes  the  public  got 

uneasy,  and  each  holder  to  negociate  his  note  had  to  endorse  it  (h)^    The 

eleven  Irish  bankers  of  1797  had  grown  to  twenty-nine  in  1802,  and  fifty  in 

1804.    Among  the  new  comers  were  the  Watsons.      In  1800  Solomon,  John 

and  William  Watson  opened  as  a  bank,  the  shop  in  Johnson  Street,  three 

doors  from  the  Main  Guard,  west  side.    Related  as  they  were  to  the  Fennells, 

Hills,  Boles  and  other  Tipperary  Quakers,  the  Watsons  for  a  time  did  a 

roaring  business — in  the  issue  of  paper.    In  the  year  1803  they  paid  stamp 

duty  on  34,400  notes  under  three  guineas,  and  1,500  notes  under  ten  pounds. 

John  Watson  was  replaced  in  the  firm  by  Robert  Banfield.      The  meteoric 

career  of  the  bank  came  to  an  end  about  1809,  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  a  loan  to 

the  Watsons  of  £700  in  August,  1785,  was  only  repaid  in  January,  1822  (i). 

Money  therefore  was  not  required  for  carrying  on  a  bank  in  those  days. 

The  Rialls'  note  issue  during  the  financial  orgie  probably  never  fell  below 

£100,000  (j).    In  1803  they  paid  duty  on  36,300  notes  under  three  guineas,  and 

5,300  under  £lO.    But  as  the  various  bubble  banks  passed  into  the  law  courts, 

they  appear  to  have  brought  their  paper  currency  within  reasonable  distance 

of  their  convertible  assets.    When  the  end  came  the  Rialls,  alone  among  the 

private  bankers,  went  down  with  honour. 

The  banks  of  Roche  and  Leslie  of  Cork  stopped  payment  May  25th,  1 820. 

These  were  followed  by  Maunsell's  of  Limerick,  May  27th.      Within  a  week 

four  other  banks  had  closed  their  doors.     On  8th  June,  a  Clonmel  merchant 

wrote : — 

Rialls'  paid  about  SMfifSO  yesterday,  and  from  the  appearance  of  this  day  a  similar 
large  demand  would  be  made.  They  under  advice  have  closed  their  doors  and 
suspended  payments  for  the  present.  There  is  no  danger  of  eventual  loss,  but  unless 
they  had  Bank  of  Ireland  paper  for  engagements  of  all  kinds  they  would  not  keep 
open  (k). 

A  few  days  later  the  following  statement  was  circulated : — 

A  Statement  of  the  Affairs  of  William  Riall  and  Brothers,  Esqrs., 

Bankers. 

£  s.  d. 
The  Notes  of  the  Bank  in  Circulation  8  June,  1820  ...  70,000  0  0 
The  Receipts  for  Lodgments  Outstanding  ...    48,000    0    0 

The  Balances  due  for  Account  in  Ledger  ...    37,609    3    6 

£155.609    3    6 


(h)  In  some  notes  in  the  writer's  possession  a  score  of  signatures  are  traceable. 
(i)  Clonmel  Annuity  Society  Accounts. 

(j)  "  Dec.  6,  1808.    Mr.  Bagwell  believes  the  notes  circulated  by  the  Clonmel  bankers  amount 
to  about  ;f 200,000." — Wakefield's  Ireland,  II.,  p.  170. 

(k)  Robert  Grubb,  Clonmel,  to  John  Lecky,  Cork,  8th  6  mo.,  1820. 


100  History  of  Clonmel, 

The  Property  of  the  Bank, 
Cash  on  hands 
Bills  and  Notes  Receivable 
Balances  on  Bank  Account  per  Ledger 
Debts  secured  by  Mortgages,  Charges  on  Estates  and 

under  Decrees 
Debts  secured  by  Insurances 
Turnpike  Road  Debentures 

Interest  in  Modeshill  held  for  lives  renewable  for  ever 
Interest  in  Rathronan  for  lives     ... 
Interest  in  tenements  in  Clonmel  for  lives 
Stock  and  Arrears  of  Rent  on  and  due  by  tenants  at 

Modeshill    ... 
Interest  on  Bonds,  Bills  and  Book  Accounts,  at  least 
Maunsell's  and  Kennedy's  notes 
Roche's  and  Leslie's  notes 


Doubtful  debts 
Bad  debts 

£29,332  18    7 
New  Bank  cost  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  3,000    0    0 


£ 

s. 

d. 

3,876 

13 

2 

« 

7 

10 

9 

6 

21,212 

17 

8 

11,500 

0 

0 

575 

7 

2 

3,000 

0 

0 

500 

0 

0 

600 

0 

0 

700 

0 

0 

5,000 

0 

0 

1,130 

0 

0 

579 

5 

0 

6,032 

18 

7 

23,300 

0 

0 

£161,089    0    4 


£193,421  18  II 


Amount  of  available  property      ...  ...  ...  ...  161,089    0 

Due  by  Bank     ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  155,609    3 


Excess  beyond  debt        ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  £5,4791610 

Against  Casualties. 

The  Messrs.  Riall  have  stock  and  furniture  to  amount  in  value  of  at  least  £5,000, 
and  are  seized  of  Landed  Estates  and  Interests  in  and  about  the  Town  of  Clonmell 
exceeding  in  value  the  yearly  sum  of  £6,000,  subject  to  life  annuities  to  Mrs.  Riall,  the 
mother  of  the  Bankers,  and  the  Rev.  Samuel  Riall,  their  uncle,  amounting  to  £2,000, 
and  to  contingent  jointures  for  the  wives  of  the  Bankers  amounting  to  £1,500. 

William  Riall  &  Brothers. 

While  business  was  for  a  time  paralysed  in  the  town,  the  sympathy  of 

the  public  was  extended  to  the  Rialls  who  had  been  brought  down  by  the 

fall  of  financial  rookeries  such  as  Newport's  of  Waterford,  and  Williams  and 

Finn  of  Dublin  (I).    A  week  later  a  meeting  was  held  at  the  Courthouse, 

Lord  Lismore  in  the  chair;  the  following  among  other  resolutions  were 

carried : — 

Resolved.— That  a  Committee  of  the  following  confer  with  Messrs.  Riall  on  the 
means  of  resuming  their  usual  Business,  and  this  meeting  adjourn  till  Wednesday,  28, 
to  give  time  for  communications  with  London  to  effect  the  wished  for  object.  Lord 
Lismore,  Sir  John  J.  FitzCJerald,  Stephen  Moore  of  Bam,  Valentine  Meagher,  Richard 
Pennefather,  John  Palliser,  James  Jacob,  Mathew  Taylor,  Charles  W.  Wall,  Richard 
Creagh,  Dunbar  Barton,  Edmund  O'Meagher,  Samuel  Morton,  William  Barton,  Samuel 
Gordon,  David  Malcomson,  Joseph  Grubb  Benjamin. 

(I)  The  former  at  no  period  could  pay  twenty  shillings  in  the  £,  while  the  partners  in  the  latter 
were  never  worth  a  shilling  though  they  failed  for  ;f  300,000.— Evidence  before  Lords*  Committee, 
1826. 


(    '  '  ' 


\ 


i 


"    1        ,1-     I     •!••:    .   .  -t  . 


History  of  Clonmel.  i91 

Resolved. — That  fully  convinced  of  the  stability  and  integrity  of  the  Messrs.  Riall, 
that  we  do  hereby  agree  to  receive  their  notes  in  payment  of  all  rents  and  debts  due  to 
us,  and  we  hereby  strongly  recommend  the  public  in  general  to  receive  the  same  in  all 
their  dealings. 

Resolved. — That  Messrs  Riall  be  requested  to  receive  payment  of  all  sums 
receivable  and  collectable,  by  the  notes  and  receipts  of  the  firm. 

The  bank,  however,  went  into  liquidation,  and  on  28th  August,  Samuel 
Morton,  James  G.  Jacob  and  John  Domville  were  appointed  trustees  for  the 
creditors.  A  sum  of  £30,000,  secured  on  the  family  estates,  was  obtained  from 
a  fund  of  £500,000  created  by  government  for  the  relief  of  those  affected  by 
bank  failures.  Many,  however,  of  the  poorer  folk  who  held  the  notes  never, 
through  ignorance,  proved  their  claims,  and  these  notes  may  even  now  be 
met  with  after  a  lapse  of  nearly  ninety  years. 

One  good  result  followed  the  collapse  of  the  private  banks  of  1820 ;  the 
monoply  of  joint  stock  banking  hitherto  enjoyed  by  the  Bank  of  Ireland  was 
abolished.  Though  the  Act  for  that  purpose  passed  in  1820,  the  Bank  of 
Ireland,  with  the  help  of  the  law  courts,  was  able  to  render  it  inoperative  for 
four  years.  At  length  in  1825  the  Provincial  Bank  (Provincial,  for  the  Bank 
of  Ireland  still  had  a  monoply  of  a  circuit  of  fifty  miles  around  Dublin)  started 
four  establishments.  The  third  of  these  was  Clonmel,  where  the  Rialls' 
premises  were  re-opened  15th  November.  The  Bank  of  Ireland  partly  in 
alarm,  partly  in  spite,  followed  by  establishing  a  branch  the  next  year.  In 
1835  the  National  Bank  was  founded,  and  having  received  much  support 
from  O'Connell,  was  long  known  as  the  "  Liberator's  Bank."  At  its  inception 
it  was  built  on  a  peculiar  plan ;  there  were  two  bodies  of  shareholders,  English 
and  local.  The  shares  of  the  former  were  £50,  the  latter  £10,  the  amount 
paid  up  being  £7  lOs.  and  £2  lOs.  respectively.  The  management  was  local, 
the  most  notable  director  being  Charles  Bianconi.  The  Clonmel  National  Bank 
had  two  branches — Cashel  and  Thurles.  In  1852  the  number  of  shareholders 
was  1,050,  the  subscribed  capital  being  £8o,000,  and  the  paid  up  £16,235.  The 
fixed  note  issue  was  £66,431,  the  number  in  circulation  £51,995  ;  the  specie  on 
hand  November  1852,  £9,560.  From  the  first  the  bank  obtained  a  high 
degree  of  prosperity,  and  except  for  a  brief  period  through  the  dishonesty  of 
a  manager  named  Castells,  paid  dividends  ranging  from  12  to  20  per  cent. 
So  successful  was  the  business,  that  only  in  1856  the  proprietors  agreed  to 
amalgamate  with  the  present  National. 

By  far,  however,  the  most  notable  of  the  local  banks  was  the  Tipperary 
Joint  Stock  Bank,  popularly  known  as  Sadleir's.  This,  which  grew  out  of 
Scully's  Tipperary  Bank,  was  established  5th  July,  1842,  the  head  office  being 
removed  to  Clonmel  in  1847.  The  nominal  capital  was  £500,000  in  £50  shares 
(£10  paid),  but  no  more  than  a  tenth  of  that  sum  was  subscribed.    The 


192  History  of  Clonmel. 

responsible  officials  were  James  Sadleir,  Clonacody,  and  Wilson  Kennedy, 
solicitor,  Clonmel — a  member  of  a  Presbyterian  family  of  stockbrokers.  The 
shareholders  registered  in  1847  numbered  fifty-one,  of  whom  the  Sadleirs, 
Scullys,  Kennedys  and  Keatings  were  the  principal ;  there  were  besides  ten 
farmers,  two  solicitors,  a  priest  and  a  parson,  and  curiously  enough,  three 
Bank  of  Ireland  agents.  There  was  practically  no  directorate,  James  Sadleir, 
the  managing  director,  exercising  uncontrolled  authority  without  the  slightest 
attempt  at  interference  on  the  part  of  the  directors  or  the  shareholders  at 
large.  The  bank  in  truth  was  but  a  scheme  devised  by  the  notorious  John 
Sadleir,  land  agent,  financier,  papal  champion,  lord  of  the  Treasury,  for  the 
purpose  of  getting  hold  of  the  savings  of  Tipperary  farmers  and  shop- 
keepers (m).  In  this  he  was  entirely  successful,  for  by  the  beginning  of  1855 
he  had  obtained  advances  from  the  bank  amounting  to  £174,000.  Meanwhile 
Nemesis  was  rapidly  overtaking  him,  and  in  the  March  of  that  year  he  applied 
to  his  brother  James  for  an  acceptance  of  £20,000  from  the  Tipperary  bank. 
James  pleaded  that  the  bank  was  on  the  verge  of  ruin,  and  suggested  as 
security  for  the  acceptance,  a  mortgage  of  his  landed  estates.  The  mortgage 
was  drafted  in  the  bank  parlour  of  Clonmel,  15th  March,  giving  power  to 
James  Sadleir  and  Robert  Keating  (a  cousin  of  the  Sadleirs  who  was  member 
of  parliament  for  Waterford)  to  receive  the  rents  and  sell  the  estates  for  the 
benefit  of  the  bank.  But  lest  the  credit  of  John  Sadleir  should  be  affected, 
the  mortgage  was  not  registered.  Three  months  later  James  being  himself 
no  longer  able  to  extricate  John  from  his  growing  difficulties,  approached  the 
London  and  County  Bank,  of  which  John  had  been  chairman,  to  obtain  a  loan 
of  £95,000.  He  professed  to  give  a  full  account  of  his  brother's  affairs,  and  in 
reply  to  a  question  as  to  the  latter's  indebtedness  to  the  Tipperary  Bank, 
stated  that  he  owed  about  £40,000.  The  advance  was  obtained ;  a  legal 
mortgage  of  John's  Irish  estates  was  executed,  with  the  Tipperary  Bank  as 
collateral  security.  But  the  existence  of  the  previous  mortgage  was  kept  a 
profound  secret,  and  further,  the  deed  of  guarantee  required  from  the 
Tipperary  Bank  was  ingeniously  evaded.  For  by  the  Articles  of  Association 
this  deed  should  be  signed  by  several  directors  and  approved  of  by  them  at 
a  board.  Kelly,  the  Clonmel  manager,  forwarded  instead  an  official  copy  of 
a  minute  of  a  supposed  meeting  of  directors,  and  with  this  the  solicitors  of  the 
London  and  County  Bank  who  were  under  the  influence  of  its  late  chairman, 
John  Sadleir,  expressed  themselves  satisfied.  In  January,  1856,  it  became  an 
open  secret  in  London  that  the  Tipperary  Bank  was  in  difficulties,  while  about 


(m)  The  branches  were  Clonmel,   Carrick-on-Suir,  Nenagh,    Roscrea,  Tipperary,  Thnrles, 
Thomastown,  Athy. 


History  of  Clonmel.  i93 

the  same  time  a  grant  of  the  Encumbered  Estates'  Court  given  as  security  to 

Wilkinson,  Gumey  &  Co.,  was  discovered  to  be  forged.     The  news  began  to 

find  its  way  gradually  into  Ireland,  and  by  the  second  week  of  February  the 

managers  of  the  several  branches  were  preparing  for  a  run  on  the  bank.    The 

press  however  was  effectively  muzzled,  (n)  and  though  the  Tipperary  drafts 

had  been  dishonoured  at  Glyn's,  James  Sadleir  kept  the  best  side  out.     On 

Saturday,  l6th  February,  he  wired  to  John  :  "  All  right  at  all  the  branches — 

only  a  few  small  things  refused.    If  from  20,000  to  30,000  over  here  on 

Monday  morning,  all  is  safe."    But  that  day  John  Sadleir  after  a  fruitless 

attempt  in  several  quarters  to  raise  the  money,  wrote  to  Keating  that  the  end 

was  come,  and  committed  suicide  by  ppison.    A  month  later  it  was  ascertained 

that  the  liabilities  of  the  bank  amounted  to  £450,000,  its  assets  £50,000.    The 

unhappy  creditors — mostly  small  farmers  and  struggling  shopkeepers — now 

passed  into  the  hands  of  the  lawyers,  so  that  within  a  few  months  ninety 

actions  were  brought  in  the  superior  courts  against  the  partners  who  were 

nearly  all  men  of  straw — mere  creatures  of  the  Sadleirs.    The  most  important 

of  these  actions  was  the  unsuccessful  attempt  to  secure  for  the  bank,  priority 

for  the  unregistered  mortgage  of  John  Sadleir's  estates,  against  the  subsequent 

mortgage  made  to  the  London  and  County,  which  was  duly  registered.    After 

years  of  litigation,  in  August,  1881,  a  sum  of  £3,000  was  still  due  to  647 

creditors  who  were  required  to  prove  their  claims  before  llth  January,  1882. 

In  the  development  of  passenger  and  goods  communications  Clonmel 

took  a  leading  part.    As  late  as  1758  the  journey  to  Dublin  cost  about  £5, 

and  occupied  four  days,"  the  stages  being  Kilkenny,  Leighlin  Bridge  and 

Kilcullen.    The  first  regular  public  conveyance  was  set  up  in  1772,  when  a 

subscription  list  was  opened  in  Clonmel  to  establish  a  poll  carriage  on  the 

stage  to  Kilkenny,  the  promoters  being  Sir  Thomas  Maude,  Wray  Palliser, 

Francis  Mathew,  Thomas  Moore  and  John  Bagwell  of  Kilmore.      With  the 

improvement  of  the  roads  and  the  establishment  of  mail  coaches,  the  journey 

to  Dublin  was  brought  within  the  small  compass  of  seventeen  hours.    The 

Clonmel  traveller  left  at  one  in  the  morning,  and  passing  through  Kilkenny 

and  Carlow  reached  Dublin  about  seven  that  evening.    The  retiurn  journey 

was  equally  expeditious.    Leaving  the  Hibernian  in  Dawson  Street  at  a 

quarter  before  ten  in  the  morning,  our  traveller  was  enabled  to  alight  at 

"Richard  Higgins'  Mail  Coach  Hotel"  in  Duncan  Street,  Clonmel,  before 

(n)  Mr.  Patten  S.  Bridge  was  manager  of  the  Thurles  Branch.  On  the  Tuesday  of  the  fateful 
week  he  invited  Peter  Gill,  editor  and  owner  of  the  Tipperary  Ad\*ocate^  into  his  office.  He  pointed 
out  that  the  bank  had  steadily  paid  dividends  of  6,  8  and  9  per  cent.,  and  the  last  report  had  showed 
j£i7,ooo  reserve.  He  offered  ;£'ioo  on  condition  of  Gill's  insertion  of  an  editorial  as  to  the  hank's 
solvency.  Gill  refused.  Twenty  years  later  Bridge,  as  agent  for  the  Galtee  estate  of  Mr.  N.  Buckley, 
attracted  even  greater  public  notice.  He  was  twice  fired  at — the  second  occasion  encountering  a 
murderous  fusilade  in  which  he  himself  was  wounded  and  the  driver  of  his  car  killed. 


194  History  of  Clonmel. 

four  the  next  morning.  Besides  the  connection  with  Dublin  and  Cork,  a  mail 
coach  for  Waterford  left  about  six  in  the  morning,  arriving  in  Clonmel  at 
nine  that  night,  so  that  a  strenuous  tradesman  might  go  to  Waterford, 
transact  business  there,  and  return  within  the  same  day.  Further,  "  a  genteel 
car  for  passengers  and  parcels"  went  three  times  a  week  to  Kilkenny, 
covering  the  joiurney  in  six  hours.  The  arrangements  for  goods  traffic  were 
even  more  primitive.  Dray  carts  carrying  about  half  a  ton  plied  between 
Clonmel  and  the  adjacent  towns.  "  Weekly  and  occasionally  "  cars  left 
Mathew  Dunn's  "Chum  Inn,"  Thomas  Street,  Dublin,  for  Clonmel,  Water- 
ford, &c.,  while  from  Mrs.  Power's  "  Cherry  Tree,"  in  the  same  street,  there 
was  a  tri-weekly  service. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  when  Charles  Bianconi,  a  native  of  the  city 
of  Como,  by  profession  a  hawker  and  picture  dealer,  set  himself  to  the 
problem  of  transit.  The  time  was  favourable  ;  the  fall  of  Napoleon  enabled 
him  to  obtain  horses  bred  for  the  aimy,  at  the  price  of  from  £l0  to  £20,  while 
forage  was  correspondingly  cheap.  The  first  car  run  was  one  from  Clonmel 
to  Cahir,  5th  July,  181 5.  Within  the  next  thirty  years  a  net-work  of 
communication,  of  which  Clonmel  was  the  centre,  was  spread  over  the  whole 
of  Ireland.  The  cars  were  originally  one-horse  ones  carrying  four  to  six 
passengers,  but  as  the  breed  of  horses  deteriorated  he  was  obliged  to  add  a 
second.  The  additional  horse  power  enabled  him  to  enlarge  the  car,  so  that 
the  four  wheel  "  Bians,"  as  they  came  to  be  known,  carried  twelve,  sixteen 
or  more  passengers  according  to  the  season,  the  roads,  or  the  number  of 
horses  added.  In  1843  the  establishment  consisted  of  lOO  vehicles,  mail 
coaches  and  cars  of  various  sizes,  carrying  from  four  to  twenty  passengers, 
at  a  rate  of  from  six  and  a  half  to  nine  miles  an  hour  for  one  penny  farthing 
a  mile.  The  mileage  was  3,800  daily,  the  consumption  of  hay  about  4,000 
tons  and  of  oats  about  40,000  barrels  yearly.  In  1849  when  the  railways  were 
being  opened  for  traffic,  the  mileage  of  Bianconi's  cars  was  about  4,250  daily — 
the  highest  figure  reached.    The  following  table  shows  the  local  car  traffic . — 

Route,  Established.         Discontinued. 

Clonmel  and  Limerick     ...  ...  ...  ...  1815  ...  1849 

Clonmel  and  Thurles       ...  ...  ...  ...  1815  ...  1849 

Clonmel  and  Waterford  (10  a.m.) 

Clonmel  and  Ross 

Clonmel  and  Waterford  (Regulator) 

Clonmel  and  Waterford  (Telegraph) 

Clonmel  and  Cork 

Clonmel  and  Kilkenny     ... 

Clonmel  and  Tipperary  (3  o'clock) 

Clonmel  and  Tipperary  (Night  Mail) 

Clonmel  and  Dungarvan 

Clonmel  and  Roscrea 

Clonmel  and  (joold's  Cross  (G.S.  Railway  connection)  1849         ...  18 


1816  ...  1853 

1818  ...  1836 

1820  ...  1853 

1821  ...  1853 
1821  ...  1853 
1821  ...  1854 
1828  ...  1852 
1828  ...  184 


1831    ...    18 
1842    ...    1849 


History  of  Clonmel.  i95 

At  a  time  when  the  press  of  England  poured  into  the  ear  of  the  world  the 
tale  of  lawlessness,  of  savagery,  and  inherent  dishonesty  of  the  Irish  people, 
it  is  instructive  to  note  how  Bianconi  and  his  establishment  fared  at  their 
hands.  "My  conveyances,"  said  he,  "many  of  them  carrying  very  important 
mails,  have  been  travelling  during  all  hours  of  the  day  and  night,  often  in 
lonely  and  unfrequented  places ;  and  diu-ing  the  long  period  of  forty-two 
years  that  my  establishment  is  in  existence,  the  slightest  injury  has  never  been 
done  by  people  to  my  property  or  that  entrusted  to  my  care"  (o). 

More  vital,  however,  to  the  town  than  any  system  of  land  carriage  was 
the  navigation  of  the  Suir.  Wakefield  writing  in  l8o8  states,  "  The  greater 
part  of  the  goods  imported  into  Waterford  are  only  unloaded  on  the  quays 
and  sent  forward  to  Clonmel,  which  has  more  internal  commerce  than  any 
town  in  Ireland  "  (p).  Various  attempts,  therefore,  were  made  to  improve  the 
water-way,  and  to  establish  Clonmel  as  the  centre  of  a  canal  system,  a  survey 
of  the  country  between  Tipperary  and  Clonmel,  with  locks,  harbours,  etc., 
being  taken  (q).  When  in  l8l6  the  Waterford  merchants  sought  an  act  of 
parliament  for  incorporation  as  Harbour  Commissioners,  the  support  of 
Clonmel  was  obtained  only  on  condition  of  obtaining  a  share  of  the  dues  and 
being  represented  on  that  body.  But  the  Clonmel  merchants  discovered  too 
late  that  no  tolls  could  be  levied  on  ships  for  the  purpose  of  inland  naviga- 
tion (r).  In  1821  a  memorial  was  laid  before  Talbot,  Lord  Lieutenant,  for  a 
grant  to  deepen  the  river.  John  Killaly,  engineer,  reported  that  the  rocks  at 
Carrick,  the  chief  obstacle  to  the  navigation,  might  be  removed  at  a  cost  of 
£1,200,  but  no  help  was  given.  Similarly  in  l83l,Lord  Wellesley  acknowledged 
the  great  utility  of  the  proposed  works  but  regretted  that  no  funds  were 
available.  Four  years  later,  November  2nd,  1835,  a  meeting  of  gentry, 
merchants  and  others  concerned,  was  held  in  Carrick  to  form  a  joint  stock 
company  and  obtain  parliamentary  powers.  As  the  boatmen  threatened 
active  hostility,  a  deputation  of  them  was  admitted  to  the  meeting.  Lord 
Duncannon  was  in  the  chair,  and  the  principal  speaker  was  David 
Malcomson,  who  gave  an  interesting  historical  summary  : — 

It  is  now  sixty  years  since  John  Bagwell  obtained  a  grant  from  parliament  for 
improving  the  river  Suir.  At  that  time  the  people  thought  as  they  do  now,  that  their 
interests  would  be  injured  by  throwing  them  out  of  employment.  A  thousand  pounds 
were  expended  by  making  a  track-way,  as  they  then  drew  up  the  boats  by  ropes  on 

(0)  Paper  read  by  Bianconi  before  British  Association  Meeting,  Dublin,  1857.  A  good  picture 
of  one  of  Bianconi's  "  long  cars  "  starting  from  Hearn's  Hotel  may  be  seen  in  Hall's  Ireland.  A 
series  of  six  coloured  engravings  was  also  published. 

(P)  II.,  p.  22.  He  adds  in  a  note  "  Clonmel  exports  corn  and  pork.  One  merchant  has  on 
hands  sugar  to  the  amount  of  jf  10,000." 

(q)  The  original  maps  were  lent  the  writer  by  the  late  T.  C.  Grubb. 

(r)  Information  penes  J.  E.  Grubb,  Esq.,  Carrick-on-Suir,  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  most  of  the 
details. 


-    •       .'     ii    ii    *•  .*.-   ».!• 


.4 


t    .  I' 


'     '    .   .    a.      I 


History  of  Clonmel,  107 

Numerous  and  most  important  results  may  be  anticipated  from  these  operations, 
but  it  will  perhaps  be  as  well  to  enumerate  only  a  few  of  them  here. 

By  increasing  the  facilities  of  trade,  we  shall  increase  trade  itself,  for  instance,  a  few 
years  back  Lord  Duncannon  went  to  the  expense  of  building  a  quay  at  Fiddown,  a  village 
on  the  Suir,  about  5  miles  from  Carrick,  and  the  consequence  of  that  simple  improvement 
has  been,  that  in  a  single  year  120  sloops  have  discharged  cargoes  at  this  spot. 

The  Suir  which  is  now  navigable  nearly  as  far  as  Carrick  for  vessels  of  150  tons 
burden,  will  be  navigable  with  ease  for  ships  of  300  tons  burden. 

In  the  export  alone,  the  Merchants  will  save  in  freight  a  very  large  sum  annually, 
for  the  Merchants  at  Carrick  who  are  now  obliged  to  boat  their  goods,  which  consist  of 
butter,  bacon,  com,  flour,  and  immense  quantity  of  live  stock.  Twenty-two  miles  down 
the  river  to  Waterford,  will  be  enabled  to  ship  them  at  their  own  stores  and  save  the 
freight  already  mentioned.  The  merchants  of  Clonmel  will  have  to  boat  their  goods 
before  shipping,  only  12  miles  instead  of  34,  and  the  saving  of  freights  thereby  will 
ultimately  bendit  the  agricultural  interests  at  large,  and  as  the  distance  from  Clonmel 
to  Carrick  may  be  travelled  in  four  hours  by  water,  and  in  an  hour  and  a  half  by  land, 
they  will  be  able  to  superintend  their  own  shipmients,  which  will  enhance  the  value  of 
their  goods  considerably  in  the  London  market,  as  nothing  affects  the  price  of  Irish 
provisions  more  favourably  than  the  care  and  Cleanliness  with  which  they  are  shipped 
to  England,  and  to  the  feeder  and  live  stock,  the  advantages  will  be  incalculable. 

Government  having  refused  to  undertake  the  improvements  as  public  works,  and 
all  hopes  of  a  grant  of  money  towards  this  completion  having  been  abandoned,  it  is 
proposed  as  already  set  forth  to  form  a  joint  stock  company  to  be  called  "  The  River 
Suir  Navigation  Co.,"  to  be  incorporated  by  act  of  parliament,  and  be  authorised  to 
improve  the  navigation  and  repair  the  bed  of  the  river  from  Graney  Ferry  to  the  old 
bridge  of  Carrick,  and  to  levy  a  duty  of  not  more  than  6d.  per  ton  upon  all  goods 
imported  and  exported. 

The  Company  obtained  parliamentary  powers  and  at  once  set  to  work. 

Between  the  years  1836-41,  the  sum  of  £8,000  was  expended  iti  removing 

sandbanks  and  making  the  "Cut"  at  Carrick.    By  the  summer  of  the  latter 

year,  vessels  of  200  tons  were  able  to  come  alongside  the  quays  of  Carrick, 

and  sanguine  people  looked  forward  to  extending  "the  Navigation"  to 

Clonmel.    In  the  opening  five  months,  forty  vessels  of  from  eighty  to  one 

hundred  tons,  discharged  their  cargoes  at  the  Tipperary  seaport,  coal  being 

sold  there  at  the  unprecedentedly  low  price  of  from   15s.  to  17s.  a  ton. 

But  the  boatmen  were  not  going  to  take  "  the  Navigation "  lying  down. 

A  shareholder  writes  to  the  Tipperary  Constitution^  December  14th,  1842 : — 

Part  of  a  cargo  of  salt  which  arrived  in  Carrick  was  purchased  by  a  Clonmel 
merchant  No  boatman  could  be  had  to  bring  it  up  to  Clonmel,  and  ultimately 
the  vessel  was  obliged  to  proceed  back  to  Waterford  for  the  purpose  of  delivering 
the  salt  thence  to  a  Clonmel  boat    This  fact  requires  no  commentary. 

Lord  Glengall,  a  strenuous  advocate  of  the  alternative  scheme  to 
"the  Navigation,"  viz.: — a  railway  (which  being  extended  to  Cahir,  would 
improve  his  property),  seized  on  the  occasion  to  address  "the  Lsfmled  and 
Commercial  Interests  of  the  Southern  Division  of  Tipperary." 

The  boatmen,  through  the  system  of  combination,  are  masters  of  the  trade. 
Among  other  scandalous  exactions,  they  do  not  permit  a  new  boat  to  be  placed  on  the 
river  until  part  of  an  old  one  is  worked  up  into  the  new  one,  in  order  that  only  a 
certain  number  of  boats  should  ply.  The  boat  trade  also  is  in  the  hands  of  so  few  that 
it  amounts  to  a  monopoly. 


198  History  of  Clonmel. 

The  angry  controversy  was  ended  eleven  years  later  by  the  opening  of 
the  Waterford  and  Limerick  Railway. 

Throughout  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  town  steadily 
improved  in  appearance.  Many  of  the  older  two-storied  houses  were  re- 
built ;  the  rows  of  thatched  cabins  in  the  suburbs  gradually  disappeared ; 
the  waste  places  along  the  river  were  occupied  by  huge  corn  stores,  while 
the  quays  themselves  were  finely  embanked  with  limestone  ashlar.  The 
Old  Bridge  being  now  unequal  to  the  traffic,  two  new  ones  were  constructed, 
the  western  bridge  mainly  to  serve  the  Cork  and  Dublin  coaches,  the  "  New  " 
bridge  to  connect  the  growing  suburbs  on  the  south  side  of  the  town  (t). 
All  visitors  to  Clonmel  were  loud  in  praise  of  its  progress,  its  busy  air  and 
comparative  freedom  from  beggars.  One  in  1820  writes: — "It  is  a  very 
considerable  and  thriving  town.  The  streets  are  long  and  regular,  and  the 
houses  are  well  built,  the  greater  part  of  which  are  rough  cast,  and  are  either 
cream-coloured  or  white,  save  here  and  there  one  of  neat  appearance,  whose 
front  is  often  curiously  ornamented  with  blue  slates,  cut  into  various  devices. 
Within  these  few  years  Clonmel  has  been  very  considerably  enlarged. 
Mr.  Banfield  has  added  much  to  the  appearance  of  the  town  by  the  erection 
of  a  row  of  very  genteel  houses,  at  the  east  entrance,  and  Messrs.  Rialls  are 
adding  very  considerably,  both  to  its  extent  and  appearance,  in  the  erection 
of  a  whole  street  of  very  eligible  houses.  The  streets  are  clean  and  well 
paved,  but  want  that  conifortable  accommodation,  a  flagged  causeway  "  (u). 
The  "comfortable  accommodation  "  was  supplied  nineteen  years  later,  when 
another  visitor  reported:  "The  principal  streets  are  spacious  and  are  now 
being  flagged ;  the  town  is  extending  not  only  in  trade  and  commerce,  but  in 
its  buildings;  it  may  truly  be  said  to  be  one  of  the  most  thriving  and 
improving  towns  in  the  kingdom  "  (v). 

A  further  evidence  of  prosperity,  and  of  civilization  (of  which  indeed  it 
is  the  only  crucial  test),  was  the  increasing  interest  taken  in  the  poor. 
Monk  Mason's  Survey  of  Clonmel,  1813,  states  : — 

A  very  extensive  House  of  Industry  was  finished  two  years  ago  in  the  west  end  of 
the  town,  both  at  the  public  expense  of  the  county  and  by  private  subscription.  It  is  a 
common  receptacle  for  all  descriptions  of  mals  fortunes,  serving  at  the  same  time  as  a 
place  of  confinement  for  vagrants  and  lunatics,  as  well  as  an  asylum  for  the  poor  and 


ft)  The  building  of  these  bridges  excited  opposition  in  unlooked  for  quarters.  The  Corporation 
were  apprehensive  that  the  western  bridge  would  injure  their  tolls.  When,  at  the  Suininer  Assizes,  181 1, 
the  Grand  Jury  passed  a  presentment  for  building  a  bridge  '*  over  that  part  of  the  river  opposite  to 
the  salt  and  lime  works  at  Raheen,"  the  boat  owners  employed  council  to  call  up  a  fearful  vision  of 
loss  of  life  and  merchandize  through  collision  with  the  piers  of  the  proposed  bridge. 

(11)  Pigot.    Commercial  Directory.    Manchester,  1820. 

(vj  Shearman's  Directory.    Kilkenny,  1836. 


History  of  Clonmel.  lOO 

helpless.  This  building  redounds  immortal  honour  on  the  Society  of  Friends,  especially 
on  Robert  Grubb,  Esq.,  whose  unremitted  labours  and  charitable  exertions  towards 
meliorating  the  situation  of  the  poor  inhabitants  of  Clonmel,  will  never  be  forgotten. 

There  is  also  a  Dispensary  here  for  the  poor,  and  is  well  suppnorted  by  subscription. 
Such  helpless  families  as  labour  under  any  dangerous  and  spreading  disorders  are  sent 
to  the  Fever  Hospital,  in  the  House  of  Industry,  where  the  greatest  care  of  them  is 
taken  till  they  are  perfectly  recovered,  and  in  a  state  to  return  home  (w). 

Early  in  l8i8,  when  the  awful  epidemic  of  typhus  reached  the  town, 
sweeping  away  whole  families,  the  governors  of  the  "  Workhouse  "  added  a 
fourth  department,  namely,  an  orphanage  for  the  children  of  parents  who 
had  died  of  fever.  As  the  Grand  Jury  presentments  increased,  the  institution 
was  able  to  maintain  a  larger  number.  In  1820,  there  were  180  inmates  ;  in 
1834,  183  ;  divided  as  follows  : — Old  and  infirm,  90;  lunatics,  39;  prostitutes, 
vagrants,  and  others  committed  for  petty  crimes,  74.  The  grants  for  that 
year,  were  £700  for  the  lunatics  and  £1000  for  the  other  departments.  The 
following  year  the  Clonmel  District  Lunatic  Asylum  was  opened,  and  the 
lunatics  removed  thither  from  the  House  of  Industry.  The  asylum  was 
originally  intended  for  60  patients.  The  purchase  of  the  site  (11  acres) 
amounted  to  £1,347,  the  building  cost  £14,019,  and  the  furniture  £l,220.  A 
few  years  later,  1842,  the  buildings  were  enlarged  to  accommodate  100 ;  the 
Grand  Jury  presentment  for  that  year  being  £1,868.  Another  department  of 
the  House  of  Industry  was  abolished  in  1838,  when  the  "  House  of  Correction," 
adjoining  the  jail  in  Richmond  Street,  was  established.  A  contemporary 
gives  a  glowing  account  of  the  new  institution : — "  Here  the  prisoners  are 
employed  in  useful  and  profitable  labour,  such  as  carpenters,  blacksmiths, 
weavers,  shoemakers,  wheelwrights,  etc.,  and  many  individuals  who  entered 
this  prison,  idle  and  dissolute  characters,  acquire  a  practical  knowledge 
of  some  useful  trade."  Finally,  the  House  of  Industry  itself  was  trans- 
ferred to  the  Poor  Law  Commissioners;  the  first  admissions  took  place 
1st  January,  1841,  the  number  entering  during  the  second  half  of  the  year 
was  535,  the  expenditure  up  to  this  date  being  £7,862.  Besides  the  House  of 
Industry  there  was  at  this  period  an  institution  known  as  the  "  Mendicity 
Asylum."    The  Commission  of  1834  gives  the  following  account  of  it : — 

There  are  about  124  relieved  at  the  Mendicity  by  food  and  money;  lodging  is 
given  to  fifty.  Those  who  adopt  mendicancy  as  a  mode  of  living  object  to  be  confinai 
to  the  institution ;  when  they  would  get  work,  they  would  go  out.  Beggars  dislike  the 
Mendicity  on  account  of  the  fare,  which  is  stirabout  twice  a  day.  The  inmates  are 
orphans  and  widows,  and  four  or  five  infirm  old  men. 

But  in  no  direction  was  the  progress  of  Clonmel  more  marked  than  in 
education.    It  is  not  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  in  the  early  years  of  the 

(w)  MS.,  P.R.O.,  Dublin. 


200  History  of  CXonmel. 

nineteenth  century  half  the  population  of  the  town  could  neither  read  nor 
write.  Within  the  next  fifty  years  a  whole  group  of  primary  schools  was 
established,  and  a  good  education  brought  within  reach  of  the  poorest. 
This  too,  without  the  expenditure  of  one  penny  from  the  public  purse.  The 
following  were  the  public  schools  existing  in  the  town  in  the  middle  years  of 
the  century : — 

Christian  Brothers'  Schools,  SS.  Peter  and  Paul's. 

The  Christian  Brothers  were  introduced  from  Waterford  about  l8lO.  The  present 
schools  and  residence,  erected  in  1846,  on  a  site  for  which  a  rent  of  £3  lOs.  a  year 
is  paid.  The  buildings  cost  approximately  £3,300,  the  money  being  raised  by 
subscriptions  and  annual  collections  for  some  years.  In  1858  the  number  of  pupils  on 
the  rolls  was  465. 

Endowments  consist,  as  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  of  a  rent  charge  of  £37  15s. 
yearly  under  the  will  of  Terence  Lalor,  who  died  21  August,  1853 ;  fifteen  shares  in 
National  Bank,  bequeathed  by  Rev.  Michael  Burke,  P.P.,  who  died  October,  1866; 
£1,000  under  the  will  of  Mr.  J.  Barron ;  the  object  of  these  endowments  being  the 
maintenance  and  support  of  the  Christian  Brothers,  and  for  feeding  and  clothing  the 
children  attending  their  school. 

Christian  Brothers'  Schools,  St.  Mary's. 

These  schools,  which  originally  formed  the  Presentation  Convent,  were  established 
in  1830 ;  the  house  in  which  the  Brothers  took  up  residence  having  been  the  Franciscan 
Friary  until  the  removal  of  the  friars  to  Abbey  Street.  The  number  on  rolls  in  1856 
was  240. 

Endowments.— William  Kielly  by  will  21  June  1850  bequeathed  to  these  schools 
(with  others)  the  rents,  issues  and  profits  of  his  freehold  and  leasehold  property.  But 
as  his  death  occurred  within  the  statutory  period,  the  schools  derived  no  benefit 
Patrick  Rivers  who  died  6  January  1846,  bequeathed  £5  annually  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  school.  In  1858  the  Commissioners  reported  that  only  £5  l6s.  8d.  had  b€«n  paid 
on  foot  of  this  bequest.    Further  endowments  cannot  be  ascertained. 

Presentation  Convent  Schools. 

The  Presentation  Convent  was  established  2nd  October,  181 3,  by  Rey.  Thomas 
Flannery,  P.P.,  in  the  building  now  occupied  by  the  Christian  Brothers'  Schools.  The 
community  was  brought  from  Dungarvan  where  they  had  been  introduced  four  years 
earlier.  In  the  opening  year  the  number  of  children  in  attendance  exceeded  700.  A 
lease  of  10  acres  of  Grenane  was  obtained  in  1828  and  the  convent  built  there  the 
following  year.  Lace  classes  were  carried  on  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor  during  the 
famine  years.  In  1850  the  number  on  the  rolls  was  500.  The  new  schools  were  erected 
in  1865  at  a  cost  of  £1,400. 

Endowments.— Patrick  Rivers  who  died  6  January  1846  left  £5  annually  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  schools.  This  bequest  seems  to  be  now  lost.  Nicholas  Cott  in  1854 
bequeathed  £l,000  for  clothing  poor  children  attending  the  schools.  Rev.  Edmund 
Walsh,  P.P.,  in  1885  bequeathed  £l,000  to  provide  a  breakfast  for  the  poor  children 
of  the  schools.  Alice  Cantwell  left  £100  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor  children  attending 
the  schools. 

Sisters  of  CHARrrv  Schools. 

This  community  was  introduced  into  Clonmel  by  Rev.  Michael  Burke,  P.P.,  in  1848. 
The  residence  and  schools  were  provided  at  the  .sole  charge  of  Dr.  Burke  himself. 
Between  1850-60  there  were  from  300  to  400  children  on  rolls. 

Endowments. — Rev.  Michael  Burke,  died  October  1866,  bequeathed  £1,600  to  provide 
clothing  and  breakfast  for  the  poor  children  attending  the  schools.  Mr.  J.  Barron 
bequeathed  a  further  sum  which  produces  an  annual  interest  of  £14  for  the  like  purpose. 


History  of  Clonmel.  201 

Charitable  School  for  Girls. 

This  school  existed  previous  to  1788,  for  on  27  June  that  year  Mrs.  Anne  Cooke 
bequeathed  £50,  the  interest  "  to  support  the  school  lately  established  in  Clonmel  for 
the  tuition  of  poor  children  as  long  as  same  school  shall  continue."  Robert  Grubb 
bequeathed  II  December  1796,  dE2  15s.  4d.  a  year  and  rent  of  certain  premises ;  invested 
in  stock  £125  including  £15  bequeathed  by  Rebecca  Grubb  1849.  Endowments  in  1858 
amounted  to  £7  7s.  8d  from  land,  £5  5s.  from  trust  funds. 

The  school  was  managed  by  a  committee  mostly  of  ladies  who  out  of  endowments 
and  subscriptions  paid  the  mistress  £30  a  year ;  building  accommodated  120 ;  on  roll 
36;  in  attendance  15,  of  whom  II  were  Catholics.  From  10-12.30  was  devoted  to 
needlework,  and  three  days  of  the  week  an  hour  was  devoted  to  the  Scriptures.  Secular 
instruction  therefore  very  elementary ;  reading  poor,  grammar  and  geography  incon- 
siderable, in  arithmetic  no  skill  in  the  common  rules,  writing  good. 

;.  ,  Incorporated  Society's  School. 

This  was  established  in  1832  out  of  the  endowments  of  the  old  Charter  School.  John 
Dawson  devised  71  la.  Or.  I7p.  let  on  renewable  lease  £75  13s.  lod.  a  year;  Sir  Charles 
Moore,  renewable  lease  of  39a.  3r.  ip.  reserving  £li  is.  8d.  a  year,  23  April  1747; 
Corporation  of  Clonmel  grant  17  April,  1707,  £4  I2s.  4d.  a  year  in  consideration  of  a 
bequest  from  Dr.  Ladyman ;  Corporation  of  Clonmel  rent  charge  of  £7  7s.  8d.  2  August 
1707  in  consideration  of  a  donation  from  Mrs.  Pomeroy.  Endowments  in  1858  consisted 
of  750a.  3r.  l8p.  producing  a  net  annual  income  of  £163  14s.  lid.,  the  school  premises 
being  valued  at  £8  lis.  2d. 

School  built  by  Incorporated  Society  at  a  cost  of  £252,  who  appointed  the  master. 
Building  accommodated  lOO ;  on  roll  26 ;  in  attendance  17.  Amount  and  quality  of 
instruction  below  the  average,  and  the  school  generally  very  unsatisfactory. 

Friends'  Boarding  School  for  Girls. 

This  school  existed  in  1796  when  in  December  20th  that  year,  Robert  Grubb  by  will 
bequeathed  the  premises  to  twelve  trustees  to  hold  for  the  purposes  of  the  school.  He 
also  left  to  them  the  annual  rent  of  £60  derivable  out  of  the  flour  mills  held  by  Thomas 
Grubb,  such  rent  to  be  paid  to  the  governors  of  the  school  for  the  time  being  whom 
they  should  appoint  In  1846  the  trustees  on  petition  to  the  Lord  Chancellor  obtained 
power  to  lease  the  school  premises  to  Joshua  Malcomson  for  300  years  at  a  rent  of  £4,0, 
On  30  August  1847  a  lease  of  2a.  2r.  23p.  of  Prior  Park  was  obtained  from  Henry  Pedder 
in  consideration  of  £166  13s.  4d.  the  rent  being  £15  a  year.  The  new  schools  which 
cost  dE2,584  14s.  8d.  were  erected  from  funds  raised  by  mortgage  of  the  old  school 
premises  and  the  endowment. 

The  buildings  accommodated  32  boarders.  In  1858  there  were  15  in  residence  who 
paid  pensions  £37-£42.  The  school  was  most  creditably  conducted ;  the  premises 
scrupulously  clean ;  the  teachers  well  qualified.  The  pupils  were  well  instructed  in 
French,  drawing,  English  literature,  geometry,  natural  philosophy,  and  the  elements  of 
astronomy.  Music  of  any  kind  was  not  taught,  that  accomplishment  not  being  approved 
of  by  the  Society  of  Friends  (x), 

Clonmel  had  now  reached  the  climax  of  population  and  material 
prosperity,  and  therefore  its  story  might  be  supposed  to  be  fittingly  ended. 

(x)  Besides  the  public  schools  there  were  some  fourteen  "academies"  carried  on  mostly  in 
Mary  Street  and  Ann  Street.  Mrs.  William  F'oley  advertizes  in  a  local  directory  1839,  that  "  She 
obliges  her  Pupils  to  correspond  with  her  one  day  in  each  week  on  Literary  and  Historical  Subjects. 
After  the  morality  of  the  Pupils  Mrs.  F.  next  attends  to  their  manner  about  which  (most  attractive 
point  in  a  female)  she  is  so  anxious,  that  her  Pupils  never  leave  her  ;  they  are  her  constant 
companions  with  or  without  company  ;  they  surround  her  and  form  her  first  care,  which  constant 
association  cannot  fail  in  producing  that  ease  and  elegance  of  manner  which  to  be  truly  attractive 
must  be  naturally  and  unceasingly  practised." 


202  History  of  Clonmel. 

But  to  stop  here  would  be  to  cover  up  and  hide  away  some  of  the  most  vital 
facts  in  the  history  of  the  locality.  For  paradoxical  though  it  may  appear, 
the  highest  point  touched  by  the  town,  marks  the  lowest  level  in  the  condition 
of  the  industrial  population.  The  normal  condition  of  a  great  mass  of  the 
people  from  1800  to  1850  was  destitution,  and  out  of  this  arose  a  state  of 
things  which  can  only  be  described  as  smouldering  civil  war. 

During  the  eighteenth  century,  as  has  been  narrated,  the  county  Tipperary 
was  parcelled  out  in  huge  grazing  districts.  In  this  way,  partly  through 
economic  causes,  partly  through  the  supineness  of  the  landowners,  partly 
through  the  penal  code  which  restricted  the  interest  of  a  Catholic  in  land  to 
31  years  and  then  at  a  rack-rent  (y),  the  people  at  large  had  the  sort  of 
connection  with  the  soil  the  Bedouins  have.  Their  habitations  too  were 
about  as  substantial.  Arthur  Young  saw  the  farmer  leasing  the  land,  and 
his  labourers  forthwith  marking  out  their  plots  and  setting  up  their  bothys. 
This  observant  traveller  in  his  rides  around  Mitchelstown,  notices  one  day  a 
cabin  with  its  occupants,  the  husband  and  wife,  a  number  of  children  and  the 
pig,  all  in  full  swing  where  none  had  existed  the  day  before  (z).  Cabins 
were  built  in  by-ways,  in  the  corners  of  fields  or  in  disused  quarries,  while  the 
lands  were  settled  and  leased,  and  bought  and  sold,  with  as  little  notice  of 
the  people  upon  them  as  if  they  had  been  so  many  rabbits.  Lord  Glengall 
informed  the  Devon  Commission  in  1843  that  sixty  years  earlier  the  Cahir 
property  had  been  divided  among  some  twenty  lessees,  at  which  period  the 
lands  were  all  in  grass  "  with  scarcely  any  inhabitants  on  them."  The  truth 
is  that  there  existed  on  these  lands  a  population  of  over  4,000,  but  they  were 
absolutely  ignored  in  the  legal  arrangements  (aa).  When,  however,  towards 
the  end  of  the  century  tillage  was  substituted  for  grazing,  the  great  farms 
were  split  up,  sometimes  by  the  landowners  themselves,  more  often  by  the 
lessees ;  but  in  all  cases  the  occupiers  were  so  rented  that  their  margin  for 
existence  was  still  the  potato.  In  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  the 
average  rent  of  land  in  South  Tipperary  did  not  probably  much  exceed  5s.  an 
acre  (bb) ;  in  the  third  quarter  it  had  risen  four-fold ;  by  the  last  years  the 
average  reached  £3  an  acre.  Wakefield,  in  December  1808,  gives  some  local 
details. 


(y)  "  Every  papist  shall  be  disabled  to  purchase  any  lands  or  any  leases  or  terms  thereof,  other 
than  term  of  years  not  exceeding  thirty-one  years,  whereon  a  rent  not  less  than  two-thirds  of  the 
improved  yearly  value,  shall  be  reserved  during  such  term." — 2  Ann,  c.  6,  s.  8. 

(z)  Tour  II.,  37-40. 

(aa)  The  Catholic  parish  registers  show  about  4,400  in  1779,  which  number  had  increased  to 
4,900  in  1 791.  In  each  case  I  have  used  the  factor  27,  which  is  probably  too  low,  and  taken  the 
average  birth  rate  of  three  years  at  each  period . 

(bb)  Maurice  Keating,  e.g.,  rented  the  lands  of  Cooteagh,  190  acres  Irish,  from  John  Perry  in 
1759  at  3s.  3d,  to  3s.  6d,  an  acre. — Perry  Papers. 


History  of  Clonmel. 

The  high  ground  rent  for  houses  in  Clonmel  is  very  extraordinary — from  70  to  100 
guineas  per  acre,  the  leases  being  for  three  lives. 

Mr.  Sparrow  [of  Oaklands]  let  a  piece  of  land  consisting  of  25  acres  without  a 
habitation  upon  it  at  the  rate  of  12  guineas  per  acre,  and  another  of  105  acres  situated 
at  a  distance  of  a  mile  and  a  half  at  6  guineas  an  acre.  Near  Clonmel  a  farm  has  been 
let  on  account  of  local  convenience  so  high  as  14  guineas  per  acre  (cc). 

These  extraordinary  rents  were  due  to  the  price  of  agricultural  produce 
during  the  Napoleonic  wars ;  but  there  was  another  cause  in  constant  operation 
which  kept  rents  at  a  level  that  allowed  the  occupier  a  bare  subsistence.  This 
was  the  rapid  increase  in  population.  The  census  of  Tipperary  in  1821  was 
346,896 ;  in  1831,  406,977 ;  in  1841, 435,553.  The  additional  population  having 
no  outlet,  had  to  turn  back  on  the  land ;  farmers  divided  their  holdings  to 
provide  for  their  children,  and  these  in  turn  to  provide  for  theirs.  The  resists 
of  the  process  through  two  generations  appear  in  the  census  returns  of  1841. 

County  of  Tipperary. 

Number  of  Farms. 

About  I  to  5  acres          ...            ...  13,032. 

About  5  to  IS  acres        ...            ...  12,787. 

About  IS  to  30  acres      ...            ...  4,938. 

Above  30  acres               ...            ...  2,960. 

In  the  backward  state  of  agriculture  these  petty  farms  afforded  but  a 
wretched  livelihood  to  their  occupants,  and  the  rents  therefore  became  an 
intolerable  burthen.  The  general  misery  was  intensified  by  the  condition  of 
the  labouring  poor.  During  a  great  part  of  the  winter,  and  from  May  until 
August,  there  was  no  employment  to  be  had  ;  the  wages  for  the  rest  of  the 
year  varied  from  8d.  to  lOd.  a  day  according  to  the  season  (dd). 

The  Clonmel  evidence  in  the  Report  relative  to  the  Destitute  Classes, 
1834,  appears  to  verge  on  the  incredible.  From  500  to  600  labourers,  we 
learn,  came  from  Kerry  and  Cork  in  the  harvest;  and  their  wives  for  the 
most  part  went  begging. 

The  native  labourers  have  not  the  practice  of  sending  wives  and  children  begging, 
but  when  it  does  happen  it  occurs  in  summer.  Between  servants  there  is  a  sympathy 
existing  and  they  assist  each  other ;  those  in  place  assist  those  who  are  out.     It  rarely 

(cc)  Ireland  I.,  p.  277. 

((id)  Evidence  of  William  G'Donnell,  Esq.,  Carrick. — Devon  Digest  II.,  493.      In  page  267  of 

the  Report  relative  to  the  Destitute  Classes,  1834,  ^^y  be  seen  the  balance  sheet  of  a  Tipperary 
labourer : — 

Income.  X   s.   d. 

•  Three  days  employment  in  the  week  at  lod.  ...            ...    o  lo    o 

Profit  of  a  pig,  bought  at  los.,  sold  at  ^i  los.  ...            ...100 


Total  Annual  Income  ...  ;f7  10    o 

Expenditure. 

Rent  of  a  cabin  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...     i  10    o 

Leaving  to  be  expended  on  himself  and  family  in  clothes  and  food    600 


Total  Annual  Expenditure  ...  £j  lo    o 


204  History  of  Clonmel. 

happens  that  they  have  recourse  to  begging.  There  are  a  vast  number  of  respectable 
persons  in  great  want  who  are  ashamed  to  beg ;  some  live  on  a  few  dry  potatoes  for  24 
hours.  Many  destitute  persons  die  gradually  from  want  of  comfort  and  necessary  food. 
Corrigan,  a  tradesman,  knew  a  tradesman's  family  consisting  of  eight  persons,  to  go 
two  days  without  food  ;  the  friends  gave  something  the  third  day ;  they  would  rather 
die  than  ask  for  it.  In  the  county  of  Watefford,  near  Clonmel,  two  orphan  children 
died  of  starvation  about  six  years  ago ;  they  perished  on  the  road  side,  in  the  middle  of 
the  day ;  they  fainted  away  as  they  were  wayfaring.  James  Smith,  boatman,  gives  the 
story,  and  is  not  sure  whether  an  inquest  was  held. 

Perhaps  100  people  go  out  in  a  day  from  Clonmel  gathering  potatoes ;  they  consist 
chiefly  of  women  and  children.  Sometimes  farmers  boil  potatoes  purposely  for  the 
beggars.  They  give  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  the  family  applying,  and  give  as 
long  as  they  have  to  spare ;  two  handfuls  to  a  family.  It  is  very  common  for  the 
farmers  to  give  improvidently  to  beggars,  so  as  to  leave  themselves  in  want  at  the  end 
of  the  year ;  many  of  the  farmers  were  forced  to  anticipate  their  means  this  summer, 
to  buy  meal  at  a  high  rate.  Farmers  allow  beggars  to  lie  in  the  bams.  The  labourers 
generally  give  lodgings,  and  the  farmers  give  them  straw  and  potatoes ;  very  little  milk 
except  they  have  large  dairies.  Farmers  sometimes,  too,  give  a  cast-off  garment, 
particularly  to  the  children  if  they  are  naked.  Three  in  one  family  died  in  less  than  a 
week,  within  three  miles  of  Clonmel,  of  fever  caught  from  a  beggar's  family  who  slept 
in  the  house.  If  a  wandering  beggar  is  taken  ill  of  the  fever  and  cannot  get  admission 
into  an  hospital,  the  people  build  a  hovel  on  the  road  side,  or  in  a  comer  of  a  field,  and 
leave  the  family  there.  The  labouring  people  give  them  what  few  things  they  can  spare 
and  leave  them  at  the  door. 

Charity,  good  feeling,  and  sympathy  for  the  condition  of  the  applicant,  are  the 
motives  which  induce  to  relief.  Children  of  beggars  are  brought  to  habits  of  industry 
after  a  certain  age.  No  instance  could  be  remembered  of  a  professional  beggar  from 
childhood ;  they  enlist,  emigrate,  or  become  labourers.  Farmers  will  not  encourage 
stout  beggars ;  they  will  employ  the  sons  of  beggars  from  a  charitable  motive  and  a 
wish  to  discountenance  begging.  No  persons  take  to  beg^ng  from  choice ;  if  they  can 
procure  the  necessaries  of  life  they  will  not  beg ;  begging  is  looked  on  as  disgraceful ; 
even  in  a  bad  season  the  mother  and  children  would  go  into  a  mendicity  house,  but  the 
father  would  refuse. 

There  are  about  150  street  beggars  in  the  town.  The  mayor  employed  two  officers 
to  take  up  all  beggars,  and  send  them  to  the  House  of  Industry ;  it  was  given  up 
because  public  opinion  was  against  it  When  they  arrested  a  man  in  the  streets  the 
crowd  rescu^  him,  the  working  people  passing  by  thinking  it  a  hardship  to  confine  a 
man  for  begging  (ee). 

From  all  this  it  is  clear  that  the  evil  of  the  time  was  not  pauperism,  but 
poverty,  and  this  poverty  passed  into  famine,  in  seasons  when  the  potato 
crop  partly  failed— i8oo-'lo-'l8-2i-'28-'30-'34- 

The  men  are  at  that  time  ready  to  work  for  their  diet ;  the  wives  and  children 
spread  over  the  land  and  beg ;  and  begging  is  then  a  bad  profession,  as  the  people  have 
little  to  give.  At  this  time  labourers  and  even  tradesmen  can  scarcely  get  one  full 
meal  in  the  24  hours.  It  often  happens  that  a  labourer  then  goes  to  bed  supperless. 
Besides  this  they  will  often  collect  the  cornkail,  and  rape  and  nettles  and  eat  them ;  the 
latter  only  happens  in  a  dear  summer  such  as  this  year  (ff). 

The  distress  and  privations  those  people  silently  endure  are  incredible  except 
to  those  who  have  the  pain  to  witness  them.  There  is  a  periodical  starvation  in  this 
town  among  the  poorer  classes  for  want  of  employment.  There  are  some  of  them  who 
are  scarcely  able  to  procure  one  meal  a  day  (gg), 

(ee)  Report,  pp.  390-6,  also  p.  58,  Abstract. 

(Jf)  Report  on  the  Destitute  Classes.     Parish  of  Carrick-on-Suir. 

(gg)  Evidence  of  Patrick  Hayden,  Carrick.     Devon  Digest  I.,  p.  494. 


History  of  Clonmel,  206 

The  whole  population,  therefore,  depended  on  the  land,  and  as  the 
possession  of  a  piece  of  land  was  the  only  security  against  starvation,  a 
constant  struggle  for  possession  went  on.  At  periods  when  a  fall  in  prices 
or  a  bad  season  led  to  rent  being  unpaid,  and  consequent  eviction,  the 
country  was  brought  almost  to  a  state  of  anarchy.  And  these  periods  were 
frequent  In  the  beginning  of  1814  in  Clonmel  market,  wheat  was  3s.  8d. 
per  stone,  beef  lod.  and  mutton  lid.  per  lb.  Six  months  later.  Napoleon  had 
abdicated,  and  on  July  1st,  wheat  was  sold  for  is.  per  stone,  beef  and  mutton 
3/^d.  per  lb.  For  the  next  few  years  landlords  and  tenants  were  engaged  in 
fierce  conflict  Some  landlords  indeed,  proceeding  to  extremes,  were  marked 
out  for  vengeance.  On  27th  December,  181 5,  Henry  Long,  at  Toomevara, 
while  distraining  his  tenants  for  rent,  was  stoned  to  death.  Within  the  next 
few  months  three  others  were  fired  at,  and  the  authorities  in  alarm  posted 
military  at  vantage  centres,  swore  large  numbers  of  persons  as  special 
constables,  and  suspended  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  The  event,  however, 
which  stirred  the  county  to  its  depths  was  the  murder  of  William  Baker  of 
Lismacue.  Returning  from  Cashel  Sessions,  November  27th,  1 81 5,  he  was 
met  by  two  men  at  the  gates  of  Thomastown  Park  and  shot  through  the 
head.  Though  a  reward  of  £5,000  was  offered,  and  though  scores  of 
suspected  persons  were  lodged  in  the  bridewells,  the  secret  which  was  known 
to  hundreds,  was  long  kept  and  the  efforts  of  the  Crown  baffled  (hh). 

During  the  years  1814-50,  a  war  without  truce  was  waged  between  the 
landlords,  the  law,  the  magistracy,  and  the  forces  of  the  Crown  on  the  one 
side,  and  the  whole  population  on  the  other.  From  September,  1814,  to 
May,  1818,  the  baronies  of  Iffa  and  Offa,  Middlethird,  Clanwilliam, 
Kilnemanagh,  Slievardagh  and  Compsy,  were  subjected  to  the  Insurrection 
Act  From  April,  1822,  to  May,  1825,  these  baronies,  together  with  Upper 
and  Lower  Ormond,  were  again  declared  to  be  in  a  state  of  disturbance, 
and  Habeas  Corpus  suspended.  Again  in  February,  1832,  the  proclamation 
was  renewed  for  all  the  baronies,  except  Iffa  and  Offa,  which  by  this  time 
had  become  comparatively  peaceful ;  and  again  in  1847,  the  Act  II.,  Victoria 
c.  2,  for  the  Better  Prevention  of  Crime  and  Outrage  was,  by  proclamation, 
applied  to  the  entire  county  of  Tipperary.  In  addition  to  the  police 
establishment  settled  on  the  county  by  the  Act  of  1823,  there  was  an 
auxiliary  force  of  500  men  constantly  employed  on  special  service.  Parlia- 
ment throughout  this  period  instead  of  making  an  effort  to  adjust  the 
landowners'  claims,  with  the  right  of  the  people  to  existence,  literally  threw 

(hh)  Eventually  two  men  named  Keating  and  Maher  were  imprisoned  in  Cahir.  Keating, 
through  connivance  or  otherwise,  obtained  some  whisky  and  their  conversation  being  overheard, 
Keating  was  subsequently  induced  to  give  evidence,  and  Maher  was  hanged . 


206  History  of  Clonmel. 

oil  on  the  fire.  For  previous  to  1815,  tenants  could  not  be  ejected  unless  by 
an  expensive  process  in  the  superior  courts.  Even  if  the  tenant  did  not 
take  defence,  it  cost  the  landlord  about  £18  to  put  him  out,  however  petty 
the  holding.  If  the  tenant  chose  to  defend,  the  ejectment  trial  cost  the  land- 
lord any  sum  from  £50  to  £150.  But  the  Act  56,  George  IIL,  c.  88,  created  a 
process  known  as  civil  bill  ejectment,  by  means  of  which  a  tenant  whose 
rent  did  not  exceed  £50  a  year,  might  be  got  rid  of  for  a  sum  of  less  than  £2. 
Again,  the  so-called  Emancipation  Act  of  1829,  by  disfranchising  the  forty 
shilling  freeholders,  took  away  from  the  landlords  the  sole  motive  for 
continuing  the  poorer  tenantry  on  the  soil — their  use  at  the  hustings  (it). 
In  the  event  a  system  of  "  clearances  "  was  inaugurated,  which  probably  had 
no  parallel  in  any  civilized  country.  Whole  townlands  were  swept  of 
inhabitants ;  and  without  feeling  or  remorse,  hundreds  of  small  farmers  and 
cottiers  were  cast  on  the  roadside  to  perish  of  hunger,  exposure,  or  typhus. 
For  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  at  this  period  there  was  neither  workhouse 
nor  emigrant  ship  to  succour  the  wretched  people.  As  an  evidence  of  the 
spirit  in  which  evictions  were  carried  out,  the  following,  which  is  taken  from 
an  appeal  of  "  a  Tipperary  landlord  and  magistrate  "  to  Lord  Eliot,  the  lord 
lieutenant  of  the  day,  deserves  to  be  quoted : — 

As  a  proof  of  the  necessity  for  some  Enactment  to  facilitate  the  recovery  of  small 
holdings,  many  cases  might  be  given ;  one  may  here  suffice  :-^In  the  week  now  current 
the  Sub-Sheriff  of  Tipperary  attended,  accompanied  by  a  Police  escort,  to  give 
possession  under  an  "  Habere  "  of  certain  houses  and  lands  on  a  property  in  the  barony 
of  Lower  Ormond.  In  the  course  of  his  duty,  the  Sheriff  was  obliged — heartrending  as 
such  a  proceeding  was — to  have  removed  from  their  houses  and  from  their  beds  some 
members  of  a  family  lying  ill  of  a  contagious  fever!  it  being  totally  impossible  for  the 
Sheriff  or  even  the  Landlord  or  his  Agent,  if  present,  to  admit  them  to  retain,  or 
re-enter  into  possession,  such  are  the  delays  and  expenses  this  proceeding  would  admit 
of— and  which  the  Peasantry  are  too  fond  of  taking  advantage  of.  The  consequences 
are,  that  they  are,  in  those  cases  generally  dependant  on  their  neighbours'  charitable 
feelings  for  a  lodging — the  Landlords  frequently,  perhaps  at  their  own  loss,  levelling 
the  houses  to  prevent  re-occupation  (jj). 

The  attitude  of  the  Tipperary  landlords  towards  the  people,  is  indeed 
frankly  revealed  by  the  whole  tenor  of  the  pamphlet.  When  the  agrarian 
war  had  attracted  the  attention  of  the  kingdom,  an  attempt  was  made  to  deny 
the  wholesale  character  of  the  clearances.  Lord  Donoughmore  at  the  Roden 
Commission,  challenged  the  statements  of  Sergeant  Howley,  Chairman  of 
the  County  Court.      Howley  however  professed  his  readiness  to  give  the 

(ii)  To  this  latter  Act  some  authorities  ascribe  most  of  the  Tipperary  "clearances."-  Lord 
Donoughmore,  in  his  evidence  before  the  Roden  Commission  (1839),  stated: — "The  gentry  began  to 
clear  their  estates  of  the  forty-shilling  freeholders  who  had  been  done  away  with  by  the  Act" — 
Lords  Committee,  1839.    Question  No.  1277. 

(jj)  The  Pretent  State  of  Tipperary  as  regards  Agrarian  Outrages,  etc.,  by  a  Magistrate  of  the 
County.    Dublin,  May,  1842.    Appendix  7. 


History  of  Clonmel,  207 

names  of  the  wholesale  evictors,  and  added  that  "from  conferences  which  he 
had  with  the  other  assistant  barristers,  he  had  found  that  ejectments  at 
sessions  were  more  numerous  in  Tipperary  than  in  any  other  county,  and 
that  he  himself  had  more  than  150  at  one  sessions;  the  150  defendants 
represented  about  900  individuals 'YitiM-  As  Lord  Hawarden,  one  of  the 
commissioners,  was  himself  among  the  principal  exterminators,  it  is 
unnecessary  to  add  Rowley's  oflfer  was  not  accepted  (II).  And  the  statistics 
of  the  higher  courts  confirmed  the  experience  of  the  County  Chairman. 
During  the  years  1833-38  the  Tipperary  ejectments  in  the  Superior  Courts, 
Dublin,  numbered  882 — ^three  times  as  many  as  any  other  county.  As  these 
ejectments  dealt  with  extensive  holdings,  each  of  them  including  several 
sub-tenancies,  it  is  probable  that  the  number  of  persons  affected  ran  into 
thousands. 

The  consequences  are  summarised  in  the  Report  of  the  Select  Committee 
of  1830 : — "  It  would  be  impossible  for  language  to  convey  an  idea  of  the 
state  of  distress  to  which  the  ejected  tenantry  have  been  reduced,  or  of  the 
disease,  misery  and  even  vice,  which  they  have  propagated  in  the  towns 
wherein  they  have  settled;  so  that  not  only  they  who  have  been  ejected, 
have  been  rendered  miserable,  but  they .  have  carried  with  them  and 
propagated  that  misery.  They  have  increased  the  stock  of  labour,  they 
have  rendered  the  habitations  of  those  who  received  them  more  crowded, 
they  have  given  occasion  to  the  dissemination  of  disease,  they  have  been 
obliged  to  resort  to  theft  and  all  manner  of  vice  and  iniquity  to  procure 
subsistence ;  but  what  is  perhaps  the  most  painful  of  all,  a  vast  number  of 
them  have  perished  of  want." 

The  unhappy  people,  protected  neither  by  law,  by  public  opinion,  nor  by 
conscience,  now  set  about  obtaining  for  themselves  fixity  of  tenure  by  the 
method  of  assassination.  "  When  a  tenant,"  said  the  Devon  Commissioners, 
describing  Tipperary  in  1845,  "  is  removed,  he  is  looked  upon  as  an  injured 


(kk)  Lords  Committee  on  State  of  Ireland  1839. 

(ID  One  Father  Davern  in  a  series  of  letters  to  the  Nation^  gave  a  thrilling  exposure  of  the 
Hawarden  clearances.  "  Over  two  hundred  families,  comprising  thirteen  hundred  human  beings 
were  evicted  from  their  holdings  on  your  lordship's  estate.  (Here  follow  the  names,  residence, 
and  number  in  family  of  the  tenants).  Their  houses  were  burnt  or  demolished,  and  they  themselves 
were  driven  as  outcasts  on  the  highway.  Pestilence  and  fever  generated  by  famine,  slew  their 
hundreds,  but  hundreds  still  survive  to  eat  the  bread  of  sorrow  as  inmates  of  the  poor  houses 
throughout  the  county.  The  assessment  for  their  support  instead  of  being  levied  on  your  lordship's 
estate,  is  charged  on  the  capital,  industry  and  labour  of  the  merchants,  shopkeepers  and  tradesmen  of 
the  towns  which  afford  these  paupers  shelter.  I  appeal  to  the  British  Parliament  and  ask  them  how 
can  Tipperary  be  tranquil  and  happy  when  a  peer  of  Parliament,  a  Lord  in  Waiting  to  the  Queen 
will  allow  the  industrious  population  to  be  driven  to  desperation. "  The  result  of  the  terrible  exposure 
was  questions  were  asked  in  Parliament,  and  Peel  asked  Hawarden  for  an  explanation.  The 
Solicitor  General  applied  to  file  a  criminal  information  against  the  editor.  Shiel  was  retained  for 
the  defence  and  Robert  Potter  as  attorney  searched  out  in  garrets,  cellars,  and  workhduses.  Lord 
Hawarden's  scattered  tenantry.    The  case  against  the  newspaper  was  never  proceeded  with. 


208  HISTORY   OF  CXONMEL. 

man,  and  the  decree  too  often  goes  out  for  vengeance  upon  the  landlord  or 
the  agent,  and  upon  the  man  who  succeeds  to  the  farm ;  and  at  times  a  large 
numerical  proportion  of  the  neighbourhood  look  with  indifference  upon  ^the 
most  atrocious  acts  of  violence,  and  by  screening  the  criminal,  abet  and 
encourage  the  crime.  Murders  are  perpetrated  at  noon-day  on  a  public 
highway ;  and  whilst  the  assassin  coolly  retires,  the  people  look  on,  and 
evince  no  horror  at  the  bloody  deed  "  (mm),  A  few  instances  may  be  given. 
Charles  O'KeefFe,  agent  for  Valentine  Maher  of  Turtulla,  evicted  l8o  persons. 
Shortly  after,  on  October  24th,  1838,  he  was  shot  dead  in  the  street  at  Thurles, 
and  the  murderer  could  never  be  discovered.  James  Scully,  of  Kilfeacle, 
evicted  30  tenants  in  the  winter  of  1841.  The  following  April  17th,  he  was 
fired  at  and  wounded  in  the  jaw,  but  recovering,  he  was  murdered  on  the  26th 
of  November  subsequent  The  murderer  in  this  case  also  was  never 
discovered.  On  the  5th  April,  1838,  Austin  Cooper  and  Francis  Wayland, 
two  land  agents  resident  near  Tipperary,  were  proceeding  to  the  fair  of  that 
town.  They  were  accompanied  by  a  brother  of  Cooper,  and  all  three  were 
armed.  At  a  place  called  Ballinaclough  they  were  fired  at  by  three  men ; 
the  fire  was  returned  with  the  result  that  Samuel  Cooper  alone  escaped  with 
his  life  (nn).  Robert  Hall,  of  B|illygurteen,  was  shot  dead  19th  May,  1841 ; 
he  had  been  a  merchant  in  early  life,  and  becoming  involved  with  his  tenants 
in  questions  of  punctuality  and  arrears,  evictions  resulted.  Philip  Maguire, 
of  Toorin,  was  shot  at  his  own  door  in  November,  1835,  by  a  tenant  whose 
crops  he  had  distrained.  Towards  the  end  of  1838  Lord  Norbury  evicted 
some  tenants,  and  others  were  served  with  notice  to  quit.  On  1st  January, 
[839,  while  walking  in  his  park,  Durrow  Abbey,  in  company  with  his  steward, 
he  was  shot  The  following  August,  Daniel  Byrne  was  shot  near  Temple- 
tuohy  for  evicting  a  tenant  William  Roe,  of  Rockwell,  was  shot  2nd  October, 
1847,  by  a  tenant  whom  he  had  evicted  the  previous  month.  Indeed, 
throughout  this  awful  time  there  were  few  landlords  or  agents  who  had  not 
been  under  fire.  Avery  Jordan,  a  Tipperary  land  agent,  stated  at  the 
Devon  Commission  "  There  were  a  few  shots  fired  into  my  own  house  very 
lately,  but  there  was  nobody  shot ;  we  do  not  mind  these  little  trifles  "  (00). 
Lenigan,  Bayley,  Stoney,  Smith,  Drought,  Dunn,  Long,  Lee,  and  several 
others  were  fired  at,  some  of  them  more  than  once.    Perhaps  the  case  which 


(mm)  Devon  Digest.  II.,  1163. 

(nn)  Cooper  was  agent  for  the  Erasmus  Smith  Trustees,  and  had  just  evicted  several  tenants. 
Weyland  had  evicted  a  man  named  William  Kyan  from  a  farm  of  19  acres  for  which  he  paid  ^^45 
rent.  It  would  appear  from  the  evidence  that  Ryan  was  only  in  arrears  for  £1$  when  evicted. 
William  Walsh  and  Cornelius  Hickey  were  tried  by  Special  Commission  for  the  murder  and 
hanged. 

(00)  Devon  Digest.  II.,  p.  347. 


History  oIf  Clonmel.  209 

attracted  most  attention  was  that  known  as  the  "Holy  Cross  Murders." 
Richard  Chadwick,  agent  for  the  Sadleir  estate,  was  a  man  of  fearless 
resolution,  who  often  professed  he  had  "fattened  on  the  curses  of  the 
tenants  "  fpp).  As  a  preliminary  to  clearing  from  the  lands  of  Rathcannon  a 
body  of  tenantry  who  bore  a  desperate  reputation,  he  set  about  building 
a  police  barrack.  On  30th  June,  1827,  while  inspecting  the  work,  he  was 
shot  by  a  young  man  named  Patrick  Grace.  Grace,  who  was  tried  at  the 
Clonmel  Summer  Assizes,  when  asked  why  capital  sentence  should  not  be 
passed  upon  him,  declared  that  his  death  should  be  avenged  within  a  twelve 
month.  At  the  execution  of  Grace,  in  front  of  Holy  Cross  Abbey,  an  old 
man,  John  Russell,  pulling  on  a  pair  of  Grace's  gloves,  announced  he  should 
wear  them  "until  Paddy  Grace  was  revenged."  The  authorities  removed 
Philip  Mara,  a  mason,  who  had  been  principal  witness  against  Grace,  but  on 
1st  October  following,  three  brothers  of  Mara,  who  were  working  at  the 
barrack,  were  attacked  by  a  body  of  men.  Two  of  the  Maras,  though 
wounded,  escaped,  the  third  was  shot  fqq). 

If  the  evicting  landlord  or  agent  was  a  doomed  man,  the  fate  which 
awaited  those  who  took  the  vacant  holdings  was  more  inevitable  still.  "It 
appears,"  said  the  Devon  Commissioners,  "  that  vengeance  is  more  frequently 
directed  against  the  incoming  tenant  than  against  the  landlord  or  agent" 
In  1826,  John  Barry  became  tenant  of  Ballyneety,  near  Ardfinnan,  from 
which  a  family  named  Lonergan  had  been  evicted.  Sunday,  ilth  February, 
1827,  Barry  was  murdered  in  his  own  parlour,  and  on  the  9th  of  April 
following,  five  men  were  hanged  on  Ardfinnan  Green  for  the  murder.  Three 
brothers  named  Kinnealy  who  had  similarly  taken  a  farm  at  Outrath,  near 
Cahir,  were  shot  dead  while  sitting  at  supper  one  evening.  But  amid  the 
annals  of  assassination,  one  case  stands  out  beyond  all  others  in  awful 
prominence — "the  burning  of  the  Sheas."  William  Gorman  had  been 
evicted  by  Patrick  Shea  from  a  small  holding  at  Tubber,  on  the  slope  of 
Slievenamon.  A  lease  existed,  but  being  unstamped.  Shea  took  advantage 
of  the  fact  and  entered  into  possession  of  the  holding.  Bidding  defiance  to 
his  hostile  neighbours  he  formed  for  defence  a  party  of  his  family  and 
kinsfolk,  all  well  armed.  On  the  night  of  the  19th  November,  1821,  a  body 
of  men,  commanded  by  a  desperado  named  Maher,  surrounded  the  house. 
In  spite  of  shots  fired  by  the  Sheas,  they  contrived  to  place  a  heap  of  straw 
and  brushwood  against  the  thatch.  As  the  house  caught  fire,  several  of  the 
inmates  trying  to  escape,  were  mercilessly  shot  down,  and  the  following 

(Pp)  Shiel's  Personal  Sketches. 

(qq)  Reward  of  j£2,ooo  was  offered  for  the  apprehension  of  the  murderers  of  Daniel  Mara,  and 
ultimately  some  evidence  was  obtained  by  accident,  and  four  men  hanged. 


210  History  of  Clonmel. 

morning  nothing  was  to  be  seen  of  the  fabric  and  its  sixteen  occupants  but  a 
smoking  ruin.  Close  to  the  door  of  the  kitchen  was  a  tub  filled  with  water, 
and  beside  the  tub  the  charred  remains  of  a  woman.  Floating  in  tfee  water 
was  the  body  of  a  new-born  infant,  the  head  having  been  burnt  away. 

In  truth  the  code  of  humanity,  as  of  morals,  was  suspended  in  this 
internecine  struggle.  If  the  landlords,  with  inhuman  indifference  to  the 
sufferings  of  the  people,  enforced  to  the  utmost  limit,  every  right  the  law 
gave  them,  the  people  on  the  other  hand  applauded  and  encouraged  any  act 
of  vengeance,  however  savage.  "  They  believe,"  said  a  witness  at  the  Devon 
Commission,  "  their  own  interests  are  bound  up  in  the  cause  of  the  parties 
committing  these  murders.  They  sympathize  with  those  who  strive  to 
protect  them — to  oppose  the  landlord,  I  should  say."  One  Glissan,  who 
had  taken  some  lands  at  Lissahoney,  was  murdered  on  Easter  Sunday 
morning  in  the  midst  of  a  body  of  people  going  to  mass.  The  priest 
denounced  the  crime.  "  I  heard,"  said  a  witness,  "  some  of  them  declare  it 
was  a  pity  they  did  not  shoot  the  priest  himself — how  dare  he  interfere  "  frrj. 
The  assassin  was  occasionally  hired  for  the  work,  just  as  the  Sheriff  would 
employ  the  common  hangman.  More  often  some  desperate  character  set 
himself  up  as  a  public  avenger  of  wrongs,  and  shot  agents,  bailiffs,  incoming 
tenants,  safe  in  the  support  and  shelter  of  the  people.  On  3rd  of  May,  1838, 
two  men  named  Cronen  and  Guiry  shot  John  Keeffe,  an  owner  of  property  at 
Modeligo.  They  had  no  connection  whatever  with  Keeffe,  and  did  not  even 
know  his  appearance,  but  at  the  previous  fair  in  Clonmel  they  had  under- 
taken to  murder  him,  on  condition  that  Henry  Pedder,  of  Clonmel,  who  had 
evicted  them,  should  be  assassinated  by  two  of  Keeffe's  evicted  tenants. 

The  law,  too,  was  paralysed ;  the  tenants  had  come  to  regard  it  as  their 
enemy ;  the  landlords  as  their  weapon.  Even  though  (as  sometimes  happened) 
the  landlord  assassinated  was  a  humane  and  generous  man,  no  one  would  aid 
the  Crown  or  come  forward  to  prosecute  fss).  Cahill,  Crown  Prosecutor  for 
Tipperary,  stated  in  1845  that  "  any  party  giving  evidence  is  looked  upon  as 
an  enemy  of  the  general  class  to  which  he  belongs  "  ftt).  "  Odium,"  wrote  a 
Tipperary  landlord,  "  is  attached  not  only  to  parties  appearing  as  Crown 
witnesses,  but  to  their  relations,  connections  and  friends  to  a  very  remote 
degree;  and  the  being  branded  with  the  epithet  Informer  is  looked  on 
as  being   far   more    derogatory    than   that  of  Murderer  or  Robber*^  (uu). 


(rr)  Devon  Digest.  I.,  p.  362. 

(ss)  Popular  tradition  has  always  e.g.,  condemned  the  murderers  of  Maguire  of  Toorin  and 
Callaghan-Ryan.     Yet  in  either  case  conviction  was  obtained  only  with  difficulty  and  by  accident. 
(U)  Devon  Digest.  I.,  p.  349. 
(uu)  Present  State  of  Tipperary,  by  a  Magistrate.    Dublin  1842,  p.  14. 


History  of  Clonmel.  211 

Furthermore,  no  tenant  on  a  jury  would  convict,  however  clear  the  evidence. 
On  the  pther  hand,  any  attempt  made  by  the  Executive  to  frame  an  independent 
panel,  was  at  once  stopped  by  landlord  clamour.  In  1838  the  indiscriminate 
challenge  exercised  by  the  law  officers  of  the  Crown,  was  restricted,  directions 
been  given  "  that  no  man  shall  be  objected  to  merely  on  the  ground  of  his 
religion  or  politics."  The  Tipperary  landlords  scared  by  some  recent 
murders,  met  together  and  sent  a  fierce  protest  Drummond,  the  Under 
Secretary,  replied,  and  incidentally  used  words  which  for  many  years  were 
the  tocsin  of  battle  in  and  out  of  parliament 

Property  has  its  duties  as  well  as  its  rights ;  to  the  neglect  of  those  duties  in  times 
past  is  mainly  to  be  ascribed  that  diseased  state  of  society  in  which  such  crimes  take 
their  rise;  and  it  is  not  in  the  enactment  or  enforcement  of  statutes  of  extraordinary 
severity,  but  chiefly  in  the  better  and  more  faithful  performance  of  those  duties,  and  in 
the  more  enlightened  and  humane  exercise  of  those  rights  that  a  permanent  remedy  for 
such  disorders  is  to  be  sought  (w). 

The  utter  make-believe  to  which  trial  by  jury  was  reduced,  may  be 
illustrated  by  the  case  of  Patrick  Burns  charged  with  the  murder  of  Robert 
Hall,  of  Ballygurteen.  Tried  first  at  the  Nenagh  Spring  Assizes,  1842,  the 
jury  (an  exclusively  Protestant  one)  disagreed,  eleven,  according  to  one 
account,  being  for  acquittal  (ww).  Four  months  later,  29th  June,  1 842,  he  was 
again  put  forward  at  the  Clonmel  Special  Commission,  and  on  precisely  the 
same  evidence,  was  convicted,  and  subsequently  hanged.  If  the  evidence 
obtainable  against  accused  persons  was  scant  and  unsatisfactory,  the  jury  of 
landlords  was  easily  convinced,  and  as  a  consequence,  there  were,  not 
unfrequently,  appalling  miscarriages  of  justice.  Four  of  the  five  men  hanged 
at  Ardfinnan  for  the  Barry  murder — ^James  Byrne,  Philip  Lonergan,  Thomas 
Bryan,  and  John  Green — ^were  beyond  question  innocent  (xxj.  The  Crown 
prosecutors  of  the  day  used  draw  a  lurid  picture  of  the  assassin,  with  levelled 
musket,  lying  in  wait  for  his  unsuspecting  victim.  The  future  historian  will 
paint  a  still  more  ghastly  one — a  wretched  creature  put  to  death  under  the 
forms  of  law — tried  by  men  with  whom  he  and  his  fellows  were  engaged 
in  a  struggle  for  very  existence;  by  men  antagonistic  to  him  in  race,  sentiment 


(w)  Thpmas  Drummond  to  the  Earl  of  Donoughmore,  Dublin  Castle,  22nd  May,  1838.— Life  of 
Drummond,  ST  O'Brien,  p.  284. 

fynv)  Present  State  of  Tipperary,  etc.,  p.  16. 

(xx)  The  case  against  them  was  substantially  the  identification  by  Barry's  wife.  Yet  it  is  hardly 
credible  that  at  five  o'clock  on  a  winter  evening,  a  panic-stricken  woman  with  no  previous  acquaintance, 
could  unmistakably  identify  every  member  of  the  party.  The  fifth,  John  Lonergan,  confessed  the 
crime  at  the  place  of  execution  and  exculpated  the  others  ;  local  tradition  has  always  asserted  their 
innocence. 


212  History  of  Clonmel. 

and  creed ;  sentenced  too  by  a  judge  often  hostile,  always  partisan,  who 
assured  him  that  after  calm  deliberation  he  had  been  found  guilty  by  "  a  jury 
of  his  peers  "  (yy). 

But  the  tales  of  horror  recounted  at  each  assizes  in  Clonmel,  have  faded 
from  the  memory  of  men.  The  social  ulcers  have  healed,  and  the  misery 
and  degradation  .in  which  outrages  originated,  are  matters  of  history.  In 
probably  no  country  of  Europe,  has  there  been,  within  the  past  half  century, 
so  great  improvement  in  the  condition  of  the  people  at  large.  And  in  the 
town,  whose  story  has  been  told  in  these  pages,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  at 
no  time  during  the  seven  centuries  of  its  existence,  has  there  been  as  high  an 
average  of  comfort  and  of  civilization  (zz). 


(yy)  The  following,  for  example,  was  Ihe  juiy  impaiinelled  to  try  John  Loiiergaii  for  the  murder 
of  William  Roe,  of  Rockwell: — Richard  S.  Manseragh,  Simon  Lowe,  Richard  Phillips,  John  Going, 
William  H.  Briscoe,  James  Archer  Butler,  Samuel  Perry,  Henry  C.  White,  John  Russell,  Thomas 
Sadleir,  Thomas  P.  Lloyd,  James  P.  Birch. 

In  September,  1848,  Delane,  of  the  Timcs^  was  on  a  visit  to  Bernal  Osborne  at  Newtown 
Anner.  He  met  his  reporters,  Nicholls  and  Russell,  who  had  come  to  Clonmel  for  the  Special 
Commission  which  was  to  try  Smith  O'Brien,  Meagher  and  McManus.  "  It's  useless,"  said  Delane, 
"  talking  of  the  loyalty  or  disloyalty  of  the  people!  They  are  all  against  us!  They  do  not  like  our 
laws,  our  ways,  or  anything  that  is  ours!  But  the  government  and  landowners,  supported  by  the 
police  and  the  army,  can  always  deal  with  insurrection,  and  to-morrow  the  jury  will  be  quite  safe,*' — 
Reminiscences  of  W.  H.  RUssell,  War  Correspondent  at  the  Crimea,  etc. 

(zz)  A  few  dates  of  events  unconnected  with  the  general  narrative  may  be  given  here.  1824, 
19th  October,  Clonmel  first  lighted  with  gas  by  the  London  Gas  Company.  The  130  lamps  cost 
;^3  17s.  6d.  each.  A  local  gas  company  was  formed  in  1843,  the  two  amalgamating  in  1850.  On 
31st  August,  1827,  a  meeting  of  the  traders  was  held  to  promote  the  Waterford  and  Limerick  Rail- 
way. 1838,  31st  January,  a  committee  was  formed  to  raise  ;£'i,5oo  in  ^^50  debentures,  for  the 
purpose  of  erecting  the  Tipperary  County  Club  buildings.  1845,  2nd  April,  Charles  Bianconi  laid 
the  first  stone  of  the  Mechanics  Institute. 


IM- 
PART  THI   SECOND. 


CORPORATION   OF  CLONMEL. 

CHE  growth  of  the  municipal  liberties  between  the  thirteenth  and  the 
seventeenth  centuries,  has  been  described  in  Chapter  11.  But  the 
manor,  out  of  which  the  municipality  was  developed,  still  continued 
though  many  of  the  manorial  rights  fell  into  abeyance.  As  the 
town  lay,  in  fact  if  not  in  law,  within  the  Ormond  palatinate,  the  rival 
Desmonds  who  were  lords  of  the  manor  from  1346  onward  were  unable  to 
exercise  these  rights  personally  or  by  their  seneschal.  When  the  final 
struggle  between  the  houses  took  place  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  Desmond 
in  a  statement  to  that  queen  in  1572  set  forth  what  his  claims  were. 

The  chief  rent  of  Clonmell,  the  Earls  manor  court  there  (a),  with  certain  tenements 
and  the  Mill  and  Bakehouse  of  the  same,  which  hath  for  custome  and  usage  time  out 
of  mind  that  all  kinde  of  malt  ground  to  make  sale  ale,  must  be  ground  in  the  said 
Mill  or  else  forfeited,  without  the  millers  dispense  therewith ;  and  the  like  for  baking 
of  sale  bread  out  of  the  said  Earls  Bakehouse. 

The  fines  and  Earls  silver  of  the  said  town. 

A  Court  to  be  kept  there  by  the  Earls  Portreeve  once  every  fortnight ;  where  no 
plea  is  holden  above  lOs.  I^d.  for  every  which  plea  is  due  to  the  steward  of  the  said 
Court  3d  for  every  bloodshed  I2d.  whereof  8d.  is  due  to  the  steward  and  to  the  Portreeve 
for  the  tyme  being  4d  Also  if  any  be  convicted  by  order  of  the  said  Court  and  so 
committed  to  waid,  the  same  party  making  escape  he  doth  forfeit  £5  totiens  quotiens. 
There  is  ioyned  to  the  said  Earl's  Court,  of  demesne  lands  one  piowland,;  a  fishing 
weir,  the  fishing  of  the  pool  beside  the.  Bridge,  two  parcells  of  land  in  the  mountain  of 
Barre  Makinge  [Barravaukeen]  and  Knocknerilhe  [Knockanearla]  which  is  in  the  Earl 
of  Ormond's  hands  (h). 

(a)  Probably  the  aiicieiit  castle  in  the  middle  of  the  High  Street  before  described. 

(h)  State  Papers,  Elizabeth.  An  inquisition  held  at  Carrick,  2nd  April,  1608,  before  Sir  Nicholas 
Walsh,  found  that  Walter  Lawless  (as  trustee  for  the  Earl  of  Ormond)  was  seized  in  fee  of  inter  alia 
"the  manor  of  Clonmel,  consisting  of  the  manor  house  with  its  appurtenances;  a  water  mill;  a 
weir  for  fishing;  a  bakehouse  at  which  all  those  of  the  town  of  Clonmel  that  make  sale  bread 
are  for  to  bake  as  they  were  auntiently  accustomed;  the  chief  rent  of  ;f  13  6s.  8d.  Irish  yearly  from 


History  of  Clonmel.  215 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  various  patents  relating  to  the  town, 
which  are  of  record. 

1.  Grant  of  a  yearly  fair  at  Clonmel  to  Richard  De  Burgh,  on  the  Vigil  of  All 
Saints  and  seven  following  days.— 30  July,  9  Hen.  III.  (1225). 

2.  Grant  of  a  yearly  fair  in  the  manor  of  Clonmel  to  Richard  De  Burgh,  to  be  held 
on  the  Vigil  and  Feast  of  St.  Magdalen  and  six  following  days,  the  grant  of  the  former 
fair  being  annulled— 3  Sept.,  26  Hen.  III.  (1242). 

3.  Grant  of  tolls  for  ten  years  to  the  bailiffs  and  good  men  of  Clonmel. — 8  April, 
26  Ed.  I.  (1298). 

4.  Writ  to  supersede  certain  actions  against  the  burgesses  of  Clonmel,  which  actions 
were  commenced  in  contempt  of  the  manor  court. — 10  October,  27  Ed.  I.  (1299). 

5.  Pardon  of  amercement  to  the  provost  and  commonalty.— February  li,  Ed.  11. 
(1317). 

6.  Grant  of  murage  for  seven  years  to  the  provost,  bailiffs  and  good  men  of 
ClonmeL— October  13,  Ed.  II.  (1319). 

7.  Grant  of  murage  for  eight  years  to  the  burgesses  and  commonalty.— 12  January, 
29  Ed.  III.  (1355). 

8.  Grant  of  murage  for  ten  years  to  burgesses  and  commonalty.— 12  July,  38  Ed.  III. 
(1364). 

9.  Grant  of  license  to  elect  a  sovereign. — 20  January,  45  Ed.  III.  (1371). 

10.  Grant  of  exemption  from  purveyance  and  pre-emption.— 12  July,  50  Ed.  IIL 
(1376). 

11.  Grant  by  James  le  Botiller,  Earl  of  Ormond  and  lord  of  the  Palatinate,  to  the 
burgesses  and  commonalty,  that  their  taxes  should  be  rateably  assessed  by  themselves, 
that  they  should  be  exempted  from  juries,  etc,  outside  the  borough  and  that  they 
should  have  the  office  of  the  market.— 9  Ric.  11.  (1385). 

12.  Grant  of  murage  for  thirty  years  to  the  provost,  bailiffs  and  good  men  of 
Clonmel.— 26  January,  10  Hen.  IV.  (1408). 

13.  Grant  that  the  sovereign  and  commonalty  should  not  be  burthened  with  taxes 
against  their  will,  that  they  should  not  be  compelled  to  appear  before  seneschals  out  of 
their  liberty,  that  they  have  power  to  sue  and  be  sued  before  the  provost,  and  might 
arrest,  implead  and  imprison.— 22  February,  6  Hen.  V.  (1418). 

14.  Grant  confirming  preceding  by  James  le  Botiller.— 30  January,  9  Hen.  V.  (1421). 

15.  Inspeximus  of  foregoing  by  Thomas  le  Botiller,  Earl  of  Ormond. — 19  June, 
16  Hen.  VII.  (1506). 

16.  Charter  of  incorporation  of  Clonmel. — 5  July,  6  Jas.  I.  (1608). 

17.  Exemplification  of  foregoing.— 14  June,  14  Chas.  II.  (1662). 

18.  New  charter  of  incorporation.— 7  December,  3  Jas.  II.  (1687). 

19.  Exemplification  of  charter  of  6  Jas.  I.— 6  William  III.  fl6gs). 

20.  Grant  of  ten  monthly  fairs  to  John  Bagwell,  Esq.,  of  Marlfield— 22  February, 
54  Geo.  IIL  (1814). 

As  an  example  of  the  murage  grants  the  following  translation  of  the 
earliest  (April  8th,  26  Ed.  L)  is  given  in  extenso. 

The  King  at  the  instance  of  Otto  de  Grandison  grants  for  ten  years  to  the  bailiffs 
and  good  men  of  Clonmel,  for  the  greater  security  of  the  neighbourhood,  the  following 

the  burgesses  of  Clonmel  which  said  manor  is  holden  from  the  King  in  cheefe  but  by  what  tenure 
or  service,  jurors  know  not."  When  the  acts  of  parliament  7  William  III.  (Irish),  8  and  9,  12  and  13 
William  III.  (English),  were  passed  enabling  the  Ormond  trustees  to  sell  or  lease  estates  in  order  to 
pay  the  debts  of  the  first  Duke,  the  feudal  services  were  reserved  in  the  fee-farm  grants.  "Henry 
Cleare,  for  example,  by  deed  20th  January,  1702,  was  bound  for  certain  premises  in  Mary  Street  to 
do  suit  and  service  at  the  Court  Baron  of  Clonmel  when  summoned,  to  resort  with  his  com,  grain, 
or  grist  to  the  mills  belonging  to  the  Duke,  under  a  penalty  of  £$  for  every  barrel  ground  elsewhere. 
Under  the  deed  of  9th  August,  1800,  all  these  feudal  rights  were  supposed  to  vest  in  the  Bagwell 
family  as  lords  of  "  the  lordship,  manor  or  reputed  manor  of  the  town  of  Clonmel." 


216  History  of  Clonmel. 

customs  to  be  paid  out  of  native  and  foreign  merchandize,  viz. : — From  each  hogshead 
of  wine  on  sale,  2d. ;  each  dicker  of  hides,  id. ;  each  crannock  of  corn  of  any  kind,  J^d. ; 
each  crannock  of  salt,  Hd. ;  each  crannock  of  flour,  54d. ;  each  dicker  of  goat  skins,  J^d. ; 
each  band  of  iron,  J^d. ;  each  sack  of  wool,  2d. ;  each  cow,  id. ;  each  ox,  Id. ;  each  horse 
or  mare,  id. ;  each  hog,  Hd. ;  eight  two-year  olds,  id. ;  each  piece  of  Irish  cloth,  J^d. 
each  cart  load  of  lead,  2d. ;  each  hundred  of  wax,  I  J^d. ;  each  crannock  of  wood,  2d. ; 
100  lbs.  alum,  id. ;  200  boards,  J^d. ;  half  a  mark's  worth  of  mercery  and  crockery,  J^d. ; 
each  load  of  wrought  iron,  J^d. ;  a  French  mill  stone,  5^d. ;  an  English  mill  stone,  Ji  ;  a 
piece  of  foreign  cloth,  id. ;  a  piece  of  linen  cloth  from  over  seas,  J^d. ;  a  hundred  of 
canvass,  J^d. ;  a  weight  of  fat,  ^d. ;  a  ship  of  the  cargo  of  400  hogsheads  of  wine  laden 
with  any  kind  of  merchandize,  i6d. ;  each  ship  called  *  farecost,'  8d. ;  skins  worth  5s.,  %d. 
At  the  end  of  the  period  of  ten  years  these  customs  shall  cease  and  be  abolished. 

By  the  King  himself. 

It  is  instructive  to  compare  this  with  the  latest  schedule  of  tolls  extant. 

Council  Meeting,  2ist  December,  1750. 

A  Dockett  of  the  Fees  and  Tolls,  taken  by  the  Clerk  of  the  Markett  of  the  town  of 
Clonmell,  according  to  the  ancient  customs  and  usages  thereof  accommodated  to 
the  several  Statutes  of  late  made  for  the  weighing  of  com. : — 

1st.  For  each  Bag  of  Wheat,  Peas,  Beans  and  Rye,  containing  20  stone,  for  Toll  one 
Bag  or  Measure,  commonly  called  a  Winchester  Pottle,  which  is  to  contain  the  6oth  part 
of  20  stone  or  One  Barrell,  which  is  4p.  lOoz.  4dr.,  and  Toll  is  to  be  taken  by  a  sealed 
Copper  measure,  striked  close  to  the  rim  or  edge  thereof,  and  so  in  proportion  for  any 
lesser  quantity. 

2nd.  For  every  Bagg  of  small  or  English  Barley,  containing  16  stone,  the  Bagg 
aforesaid,  and  so  in  proportion  for  any  lesser  quantity. 

3nL  For  each  Bagg  of  Beere  Barley,  containing  14  stone,  the  Bagg  aforesaid,  and 
so  in  proportion  for  any  lesser  quantity. 

4th.  For  each  Bagg  of  Oats,  containing  13  stone,  the  Bagg  aforesaid,  and  so 
in  proportion  aforesaid. 

5th.  For  each  Barrell  of  Rapeseed,  one  Bagg  aforesaid,  and  so  in  proportion 
aforesaid. 

6th.  For  every  Bagg  or  10  stone  of  country  Malt,  not  brought  in  by  a  ffreeman, 
three  pence. 

7th.  For  each  Barrell  of  Potatoes,  two  pence,  and  so  in  proportion  for  any  lesser 
quantity,  but  under  the  value  of  lOd.,  one  farthing  only. 

8th.  For  every  Pedler,  Hosier,  Glover,  Britchmaker,  Country  Butcher,  Confectioner, 
Earthen  or  Horn  Ware  Chapmen,  and  all  others  that  sell  any  Ware,  and  have  stalls  or 
standings  in  the  Markett,  for  each  Markett  day  three  pence. 

9th.  For  all  Hawkers,  2d.  per  Markett  day,  and  for  Meat  mongers,  Gardeners, 
Hucksters,  and  such  like  that  sell  in  the  Markett,  one  penny  per  Markett  day. 

lOth.  For  any  cake  of  Rough  Fat  or  Tallow,  two  pence,  and  for  any  greater 
quantity,  one  half  penny  per  stone. 

nth.  For  every  quarter  of  a  hundred  of  Butter  or  Rendered  Tallow,  one  farthing, 
and  for  every  cask  of  said  goods,  not  exceeding  two  hundred  weight  of  Neate  Butter  or 
Tallow,  one  penny,  and  for  each  cask,  exceeding  two  hundred  weight,  two  pence. 

I2th.  For  each  gallon  of  Honey,  one  penny,  and  so  in  proportion  for  any 
lesser  quantity. 

13th.  For  every  hundred  of  Cheese,  2d.,  and  so  in  proportion  for  greater  or 
lesser  quantity. 

14th.  For  every  Piece  of  Bandle  Cloath,  20  Bandies  and  upwards,  2d.,  if  under, 
one  penny. 

15th.  For  every  Piece  of  White  or  Coloured  flFreize  or  fflannell,  containing 
20  Bandies  and  upwards,  2d.,  and  if  under,  one  penny. 

l6th.  For  every  stone  of  wool  sold  by  a  Forreigner  in  the  Markett,  one  penny,  and 
for  each  Bagg,  sold  and  delivered  in  town,  3d. 


History  of  Clonmel.  217 

17th.  For  every  horse  load  of  fish,  three  pence. 

l8th.  For  every  Horse,  Mare,  Gelding,  Cow,  Ox  or  Bull,  sold  in  the  Fairs, 
six  pence,  on  other  days,  3d.,  and  for  every  two  year  old  and  yearling,  2d. 

19th.  For  every  Calfe  or  Sheep,  id.,  for  every  Lamb,  J^d.,  for  every  Hogg  of  the 
value  of  5s.  and  under,  2d.,  and  from  thence  to  20s.,  four  pence. 

20th.  For  every  Cow,  Ox,  Bullock,  Bull,  Steer,  Heiffer,  or  Horse  hyde,  id.,  and  for 
every  yearling  hyde,  J^d. 

2lst.  For  every  truckle  load  of  Woodden  Ware  or  Barks,  3d.,  and  for  every  such 
load  of  Poles,  axletrees.  Rake,  Pyke,  Shovell,  or  Spade  handels,  or  other  small  ware  for 
Husbandry  uses,  3d.,  and  of  stone  Cole,  i  penny. 

22nd.  For  every  Salmon  sold  in  the  Markett,  id. 

23rd.  For  all  small  Articles  or  Comodities,  of  what  kind  soever,  to  the  value 
of  one  penny  out  of  20d. 

24th.  For  every  Hogshead  of  Syder,  sold  and  delivered  to  a  Publican,  who  retails 
it  again,  3d.,  but  to  any  Private  Gentleman  or  Housekeeper,  who  buys  for  his  own 
use  nothing  whether  ffree  or  not. 

25th.  For  every  Horse  load  of  New  or  Sour  Milke,  from  All  Hollantide  to 
May  Day,  one  penny,  and  from  thence,  two  pence. 

26th.  For  every  horse  load  of  ffresh  or  pickled  Oysters,  Cured  or  Dried  ffish 
or  Pickles,  three  pence. 

27th.  For  every  horse  load  of  onions,  3d.,  Turnips  and  Roots,  id..  Lemons, 
Oranges,  and  other  fruits,  3d. 

28th.  For  every  Bagg  of  Soapers  ashes,  containing  about  J^  a  Bristol  Barrell, 
three  pence,  and  so  in  proportion  for  any  other  quantity. 

29th.  No  goods  of  any  kind  whatsoever  brought  to  Markett,  under  the  value 
of  five  pence,  to  Pay  any  Toll,  and  no  small  Basket  of  Eggs,  Chickens  or  other 
poultry,  to  pay  any  toll. 

30th.  No  Ffreeman  to  pay  any  toll  for  any  Gkxxis  he  buys  out  of  the  Town 
Liberty's  for  his  own  consumption  or  to  be  consumed  or  made  use  of  in  any  Trade  or 
Calling  he  follows  in  the  Town  of  Clonmell  or  Libertys  thereof.  PROVIDED  always 
that  no  Ffreeman,  under  colour  of  his  Ffreedom,  pass  or  ffree  any  Butter,  Com, 
or  other  Goods,  or  Merchandize  whatsoever  that  shall  be  bought  upon  Commission,  or 
designed  for  the  manufacture  or  consumption  of  any  Fforreign  Markett  whatsoever, 
whether  in  this  Kingdom  or  elsewhere.  Neither  is  any  Toll  to  be  paid  or  taken  for  any 
Goods  sold  by  a  Ffreeman  out  of  the  Libertys  to  any  person  when  the  same  are 
brought  into  town,  and  all  Ffreeman's  Widdows  during  their  Widdowhood  to 
have  the  same  benefit  of  their  Husband's  Ffreedom  as  though  he  were  living. 

31st.  All  disputes  arising  by  the  collecting  of  the  Toll  of  the  Marketts  and  Ffairs 
of  said  town  to  be  determined  by  the  Mayor  thereof  for  the  time  being,  agreeable 
to  the  Rates  and  Directions  of  this  Dockett. 

32nd.  Nothing  else  Lyable  to  pay  anything  to  the  Clerk  of  the  Markett 
but  what  is  mentioned  in  this  Dockett,  and  all  persons  concerned  are  to  pay  due 
obedience  thereto  (c). 

(c)  The  following  particulars  are  taken  from  the  Municipal  Corporations  Report,  1833 : — 

Tolls  and  customs  are  claimed  by  the  corporation.  They  formerly  produced  from  j£30o  to 
j^400  a  year,  but  latterly  they  have  produced  only  about  £iSo. 

The  toll  on  corn  and  tonnage  on  boats  were  taken  olf  altogether,  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
merchants,  20  years  ago. 

The  tolls  were  formerly  leased  by  the  year,  but  they  are  not  leased  now. 

The  tolls  and  customs  were  formerly  given  to  the  mayor  in  lieu  of  salary  ;  that  is  about  30  years 
ago,  or  upwards. 

Tolls  and  customs  are  levied  on  every  week-day  as  well  as  on  market  days.  A  great  number  of 
additional  persons  were  formerly  employed  on  fair  days,  in  the  collection  of  the  tolls,  in  consequence 
of  the  opposition  to  them,  and  the  disposition  to  evade  them  by  forcing  cattle,  goods  and  chattels, 
t)oth  in  and  out  of  the  different  toll  gaps.  There  has  been  a  great  deal  of  public  disturbance  in 
consequence  of  the  collection  of  toll.  It  was,  on  one  occasion,  necessary  to  call  out  the  military 
Serious  riots  very  often  occur,  on  account  of  the  collection  of  customs. 

P2 


218  History  of  Clonmel. 

From  the  earliest  period  it  appears  that  the  citizens  compounded  with 
the  lord  of  the  manor  for  the  burgage  rents  by  a  joint  payment.  But  the 
evidence  obtainable,  points  to  the  fact  that  the  district  now  known  as  "  the 
burgagery"  was  parcelled  out  and  held  by  several  burghers  as  absolute 
owners.  The  rest,  now  called  "  the  commons,"  was  held  by  all  jointly.  In 
the  latter,  no  more  than  in  the  former,  were  the  lands  deemed  to  be  held  in 
trust.  If  at  any  time  the  burghers  wished  to  alienate  these  lands  they  might 
have  done  so  by  common  agreement  A  corporation  therefore  in  the  modern 
sense,  did  not  exist  before  the  reign  of  James  L  In  the  sixth  year  of  that 
reign,  a  charter  was  granted  which,  with  the  exception  of  two  brief  intervals, 
regulated  the  affairs  of  the  town  down  to  the  Municipal  Reform  Act,  1842. 

Charter  of  Clonmel. 

James,  by  the  Grace  of  God,  of  England,  Scotland,  France,  Ireland, 
Introduction   King,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  UNTO  all  to  whom  these  our  Letters  shall 
of  the  Grant.  ^^^  GREETING.    Whereas  the  town  or  Borrough  of  Clonmel,  SITUATE 
and  being  in  the  severale  Counties  of  the  Liberties  of  Tipperary  and  Water- 
ford  is  an  ancient  Borough,  founded  and  established  from  its  beginning, 
with  fforts  and  walls  well  fenced,  by  subjects  and  faithfull  Liege  people 
of  the  Crown  of  England  coming  from  and  having  its  beginning  from  the 
ancient  Birth  of  England,  having  and  enjoying  English  Laws  Habitts  and 
Manners,  AND  WHEREAS  the  Inhabitants  of  the  said  Borrough  in 
times  past,  have  performed  commendable  services  to  us  and  our  Progenitors 
of  England  against  Rebellious  destroyers  of   the  Commonwealth  with 
the  loss  of  their  blood  and  Lives,  AND  WHEREAS  the  said  town  or 
Comendation  Borrough  is  near  and  contiguous  to  a  most  famous  river  called  Shure,  having 
of  the  place,   annexed  to  it  a  haven  or  Harbour,  convenient,  fitt  and  necessary  for  Trans- 
portacon  of  boates,  a  high  and  long  Bridge  sustained  and  maintained  with 
arches,  and  is  also  compassed  and  fortified  on  every  side  with  turretts 
Castles  and  Forts,  for  the  amendments  and  repair  whereof  great  and 
frequent  costs  and  labours  are  expended,  and  at  present  by  ancientness 
and  want  of  Inhabitants  is  worn  and  consumed :  which  Inhabitants  by  reason 
of  two  years  plague  there  do  groane,  and  by  reason  of  the  burning  of  their 
houses  and  edifices,  are  reduced  to  great  need  and  poverty — whence  it 
cometh  to  pass  that  the  said  town  is  dayly  ready  to  fall  to  decay  unless 
we  apply  our  speedy  helping  hands,  AND  WHEREAS  it  appears  unto  us 
that  the  said  town  or  borrough  is  a  place  opportune  and  very  convenient  to 
entertain  our  Justices,  Comrs.  and  Army,  and  in  which  our  Liege  subjects 
Services         heretofore  have  in  their  severall  ofiices  and  services  with  great  alacrity  of 
Done.  mind  done  and  exhibitted  to  us  great  and  faithful  services  and  testimonies 

of  their  faithfuUness,  KNOW  ye  that  we  the  premisses  considering,  and 
willing  our  grace  in  this  behalf  in  a  bountiful  manner,  to  do  and  extend  to 
the  Inhabitants  of  the  said  Borrough,  of  our  special  grace  and  certain 
knowledge  and  meer  motion  by  the  assent  of  our  well  beloved  and  faithful 
Sir  Arthur      Councellor,  Arthur  Chicester,  Knight,  our  Deputy  Generall  of  our  said 
Chicester,       kingdom  of  Ireland,  as  also  according  to  the  Intention  and  Effect  of  certain 
Deputy-         Letters  Pattents  and  our  Commission  under  our  great  scale  of  the  said 
Generall.        Kingdom  of  England,  made  and  perfected  bearing  date  at  Westminster  the 
Twentieth  day  of  March  in  the  year  of  our  Reign  of  England,  Ffrance  and 
Ireland,  the  fourth,  and  of  Scotland  the  fortieth,  to  our  said  Deputy  Generall 
directed,  and  now  Inrolled  and  remaining  of  Record  in  the  Rolls  of  our 
Chancery  of  our  said  Kingdom  of  Ireland,  HAVE  GRANTED  and  by  this 


History  of  Clonmel. 


210 


Created 
Corporation. 


Mayor  & 
Bayliffs. 

In  number 
Twenty. 


Burgesses 
named. 


our  present  Charter,  for  us,  our  Heires,  and  Successors,  do  give  and  grant 
to  the  Sovereigns,  Provost,  Burgesses  and  Comonalty  of  the  Borrough  of 
Clonmel  afforesaid,  or  by  whatsoever  other  name  the  Livers  or  Inhabitants 
of  the  town  or  Borough  be  called,  named,  or  knowne,  that  the  said  town  or 
Borrough  of  Clonmel,  together  with  the  Subbs  of  ye  same  in  ye  whole  extent 
or  space  of  ground  and  water  in  every  part,  within  the  ancient  limits, 
bounds  or  franchises  of  ye  said  town  in  the  several  counties  of  ye  liberties 
of  Tipperary  and  Waterford,  BE  HEREAFTER  forever,  a  free  Borrough 
and  Corporacon  by  itself  and  that  hereafter  it  be  called  named  and  known 
by  the  name  of  the  town  or  ffree  borrough  of  Clonmel ;  and  that  within  ye  said 
town  or  Borough  there  being  one  body  politique  and  incorporated  in  itself, 
and  in  that  name  created  and  made,  and  shall  consist  of  the  said  Livers  or 
Inhabitants  of  ye  said  town  and  flfreeborrough  of  one  Mayor,  two  Bayliffs, 
ffree  burgesses  and  Comonalty,  and  that  there  shall  be  only  twenty  ffree 
Burgesses  in  the  said  town  or  Borrough,  whereof  the  Mayor  and  Bayliffs 
shall  be  three,  and  with  that  intention  that  in  ye  ages  to  come  it  may  appear 
that  the  said  body  be  Incorporated  as  now  in  its  beginning  it  is  founded, 
and  composed  of  good,  lawful  and  honest  persons,  OF  OUR  special  grace, 
certain  knowledge,  and  meer  motion,  by  the  assent  aforesaid,  for  us,  our 
heires  and  successors,  doe  make,  constitute  and  ordaine  John  White  Ffitz 
Geffry,  Mayor  of  said  town  or  Borrough  of  Clonmel,  for  and  during 
one  whole  year,  beginning  from  the  feast  of  Saint  Michael  ye  Arch- 
angel next  coming,  AND  we  also  make,  constitute  and  ordaine  by 
these  presents  James  White  Ffitz  Richard  and  Joseph  White  Ffitz 
Lawrence,  BayliflFs  of  ye  said  town  or  Borrough  for  ye  said  year,  beginning 
from  the  feast  of  Saint  Michael  aforesaid,  and  Pierce  Bray,  Nicholas  White 
Ffitz  Henry,  Patrick  White  Ffitz  Thomas,  Thomas  Goagh,  James  White 
Ffitz  Robert,  Richard  White,  John  Bray,  Nicholas  Wall,  Leonard  Creagh, 
Edmond  Wall,  Thomas  White,  Thomas  Roche,  Nicholas  White  Ffitz 
Thomas,  James  Daniel,  Pierce  Bray  Ffitz  Michael,  Mellchior  White,  and 
Benedict  White  Ffitz  Geffry  being  the  best  and  discreetest  men  of  and  in  ye 
said  town  or  Borrough,  we  make  and  constitute  ye  Burgesses  of  ye  said 
town  or  Borrough,  which  ffree  Burgesses  being  seventeen  together  with 
the  Mayor  and  Bayliffs  for  the  time  being,  shall  make  the  comon  council  of 
the  town  or  Borrough  aforesaid,  and  all  other  persons  ffreemen  living  and 
remaining  or  to  remain  of  or  within  ye  said  town  or  Borrough  we  make 
constitute  and  ordain  to  be  the  Comons  or  Comonalty  of  ye  town  and 
Borrough  aforesaid,  AND  further  of  our  more  abundant  and  special  grace, 
certain  knowledge  and  meer  motion,  we  give,  grant  and  confirm,  unto  the 
said  Mayor,  Bayliffs  Freeburgesses  and  Comonalty  of  ye  said  town  or 
Borrough  of  Clonmel  that  they  and  their  successors,  be  hereafter  forever 
one  body  politique  and  Incorporated  in  deed  and  in  name,  and  they  the 
aforesaid  Mayor,  Bayliffs  ffree  Burgesses  and  Comonalty  and  their  Successors 
in  one  body  Incorporated  and  politique  for  ever  to  remain,  WE  hereby  fully 
make,  create,  establish  and  unite  by  these  presents  that  the  said  Body 
Incorporated  be  forever  named  and  known  by  the  name  of  Mayor,  Bayliffs, 
Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty  of  the  town  or  Borrough  of  Clonmel,  and 
that  by  the  same  they,  and  their  successors  forever,  be  and  remain  fitt 
persons  and  capable  in  law  to  make,  contract  and  receive,  all  and  all  manner 
of  Grants,  gifts  and  concessions  and  Perquisites  as  any  other  body  politique, 
in  any  wise,  may ;  and  likewise  that  they  and  their  successors  by  ye  name 
of  Mayor  Bayliffs  Ffree  Burgesses  and  Comonalty  of  ye  said  town  or 
Borough  of  Clonmel  may  hold,  plead  and  Implead  before  us,  our  Heires 
and  successors  whatsoever,  as  well  spirituall  as  temporal,  in  any  of  our 
Courts,  our  heires  or  successors  or  in  any  other  Courts  erected  or  to  be 
erected,  in  and  of  all  and  all  manner  of  actions  reale,  personal,  and  mixed 
suits,  quarrells  and  demands  against  them,  or  by  them  in  any  wise  to  be 
prosecuted  or  obtained,  AND  FURTHER  of  our  more  plentiful  and  special 


220  History  of  Clonmel. 

grace,  certain  knowledge  and  mere  motion,  we  will,  and  by  these  presents 

for  us,  our  heires  and  successors,  WE  GRANT  unto  the  said  Mayor, 

Election  of     BayliflFs,  Ffree  Burgesses  and  Comonalty  and  their  Successors,  that  ye  said 

u^^^ff^"^      Mayor  and  Bayliffs  be  forever,  annually  elective  and  that  the  said  Ffree 

Bayliffs.         Burgesses  and  Comonalty,  or  ye  greatest  part  of  them,  every  feast  of  Saint 

John  the  Baptist,  yearly  at  the  ThoUsell  within  ye  said  town  or  Borough 

aforesaid,  at  their  pleasure  may  chose  of  the  Ffree  Burgesses  for  ye  time 

being,  one  fitt  and  able  person  to  be  their  Mayor,  and  two  other  persons  to 

be  Bayliffs  of  ye  said  Borrough,  who  severally  ye  offices  aforesaid  on  ye 

feast  of  Saint  Michael  ye  Archangel  then  next  coming,  may  assume,  and 

rule  and  govern  ye  Borough  aforesaid  by  ye  space  of  one  year  then  next 

following,  and  that  they  have  a  perpetual  succession ;  and  if  and  as  often  as 

such  Mayor,  Bayliffs  or  either  of  them,  within  ye  said  year  after  such 

election  so  made,  shall  dye  or  for  want  of  sound  and  wise  government  of  ye 

town  or  Borough  aforesaid  or  some  crime  or  other  cause,  they  or  either  of 

them  from  ye  office  aforesaid  shall  be  taken  away  or  deposed,  then  and  so 

Election  in     often  the  Ffree  Burgesses  and  Comonalty  aforesaid  and. their  successors, 

case  of  death,  another  able  person  or  persons  of  ye  Ffree  Burgesses  for  ye  time  being,  in 

Crime,  or  re-  ye  place  or  places  of  such  Mayor,  Bayliff,  or  Bayliffs  so  dead  or  removed, 

moval  within  foj.  y^  residue  of  ye  said  year  within  ten  days  next  after  for  the  Regulateing 

Ten  days.       ^^^  Governing  of  ye  said  Borough,  may  choose  and  substitute ;  and  if  any 

of  the  Ffree  Burgesses  aforesaid  shall  dye  or  be  removed  or  disfranchised, 

that  then  ye  Mayor  and  other  Ffree  Burgesses  and  Comonalty,  or  ye  greatest 

part  of  them,  from  time  to  time  may  choose  and  elect  another  fitt  person  in 

the  place  of  such  Ffree  Burgesses  so  dead  or  removed,  and  that  the  said 

John  White  whom  by  these  presents  we  have  made  and  constituted  first 

Mayor  of  the  said  town  or  Borrough,  may  take  and  receive  before  the  Chief 

Baron  of  our  Exchequer  forthe  time  being,  or  before  our  Justices  of  Assizes 

in  ye  said  County  of  the  Liberties  of  Tipperary  next  assigned,  at  or  upon 

the  feast  of  Saint  Michael  next  following  the  oath  following  in  these  wonis : 

The  Mayor's  YOU  shall  swear  faithfully  and  truly  to  serve  the  king  and  the  people  of 

Oath.  this  Corporacon  during  your  being  Mayor  of  this  Borrough ;  you  shall  not 

do,  nor  consent  to  ye  doing,  of  anything  which  may  turn  to  ye  damage  or 

disinherriting  of  our  Lord  the  King,  his  heires  or  lawful  successors.    You 

shall  not  conceal  any  treason  or  unlawful  conspiracies  against  the  King's 

Majesty,  his  heires  or  successors,  but  endeavour  to  suppress  the  offenders 

or  Practicers,  and  the  same  treason  to  reveal  to  the  King's  Deputy  or  some 

of  his  Majesty's  privy  Council  within  this  Realm  with  jdl  convenient  speed 

you  can ;  you  shall  do  equal  right  to  poor  and  rich  without  regard  of  persons 

or  reward,  and  hold  and  keep  this  Borough  and  Town  to  and  for  ye  King's 

Majesty  his  heirs  and  successors  against  all  foreign  enemies  and  home  bom 

Rebels  whatsoever,  soe  help  me  God.    And  that  the  said  Mayor,  the  oath 

aforesaid  being  to  him  administered  in  manner  and  form  aforesaid  on  ye 

feast  of  St.  Michael  ye  Archangel  ye  next  following,  you  shall  give  and 

Bayliffs  administer  for  us,  and  in  our  name,  another  oath  to  ye  said  Bayliffs  and 

Oath.  either  of  them,  which  oath  followeth  in  these  words,  viz.,  We  shall  truly 

occupy  the  office  of  Bayliffs  of  the  Town  and  franchises  of  Clonmel  for  this 

year  to  come,  and  doe  right  to  ye  poor  as  well  as  to  ye  rich  in  our  office, 

doing  and  truly  execution  do  of  all  that  is  recovered  in  our  Courts  and  of 

all  writs,  processes  directed  to  us  out  of  any  the  kings  Courts  and  suffer  no 

manner  of  person  to  retail  within  ye  said  franchises  contrary  to  the 

ordinances  thereupon  made  so  help  us  God.    AND  that  every  other  Mayor 

and  Bayliffs  who  for  the  future  shall  be  chosen  for  the  said  Borrough 

according  to  ye  tenor  of  these  presents,  on  ye  feast  of  Saint  Michael  the 

Power  in  the  Archangel  next  after  their  election,  before  the  Mayor  of  the  said  Borough 

succeeding     whom  the  office  aforesaid  ye  year  before  hath  preceded,  in  ye  presence  of  the 

Mayors  to      freeburgesses  and  Commons  in  ye  said  Borough  or  the  major  part  of  them,  in 

give  the  oath,  ye  Thollsell  of  ye  said  Borough  shall  administer  unto,  and  give  unto  him  and 


History  of  Clonmel. 


221 


Burgesses 
and  Freemen 
to  be  sworn . 


Recorder . 


Recorder's 
Oath. 


Election  of  a 
Town  Clerk. 


Election  of 
one  Sword 
bearcr&  three 
Sergeants-at- 
Mace. 


Inferior 
Officers. 


Power  of 
deputing  a 
Mayor,  and 
how  Sworn. 


them  respectively,  ye  oaths  above  expressed  and  specified,  and  that  every 
free  burgess  or  freeman  who  by  these  presents  is  constituted  or  hereafter 
shall  be  elected  and  admitted  unto  the  said  franchise  of  the  said  Borough 
take  before  ye  Mayor  and  Bayliffs  of  the  said  Borough  for  ye  time 
being,  so  many  and  such  oaths  which  anciently  were  used  and  administered 
to  ye  ffree  burgesses  and  ffreemen  of  the  said  town  or  Burrough,  AND 
FURTHER  of  our  larger  special  grace,  contain  knowledge  and  meer 
motion,  WE  give,  and  by  these  presents  for  us,  our  heirs  and  Successors, 
doe  grant  unto  the  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs,  Ffree  burgesses  &  Commons  of  ye 
town  or  Borough  aforesaid  that  they,  and  their  Successors  from  time  to  time 
do  make,  constitute  and  establish,  and  from  time  to  time  may  have,  make 
and  constitute  one  sufficient  and  able  man,  well  bred  and  skilled  in  the 
Laws,  to  be  the  Recorder  of  the  said  Borrough  during  their  pleasure,  or  as 
long  as  he  shall  well  behave  himself  as  to  them  shall  please,  and  that  such 
Recorder  so  constituted  may  from  time  to  time  exercise  and  execute  all 
offices  to  a  Recorder  in  any  wise  belonging  or  appertaining,  and  that  every 
Recorder  for  the  time  being  shall  take  the  same  corporall  oath  before  ye 
Mayor  of  the  town  or  Borough  aforesaid  for  ye  time  being  for  ye  well 
faithful  doing  and  executing  ye  offices  of  a  Recorder,  the  tenor  whereof 
followeth  in  these  words  viz.,  I  shall  be  a  true  liege  man  to  our  Sovereign 
Lord  the  King,  his  heirs  and  successors,  and  true  to  the  (franchises  of 
the  town  of  Clonmel,  and  the  same  maintain  with  all  my  wit  and  power, 
and  shall  truly  and  faithfully  advise  the  Council,  Mayor  and  Bayliffs  of  ye 
same  town  in  all  things  concerning  the  said  Corporation,  and  truly  exercise 
ye  office  of  Recorder  of  the  said  town  and  all  that  to  the  same  appertaineth, 
so  help  me  God.  AND  further  our  will  is,  and  by  these  presents  for  us, 
our  heirs  and  successors,  WE  GRANT  unto  the  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs,  Ffree 
Burgesses  and  commons  of  ye  Borrough  aforesaid  that  they  and  their 
Successors  from  time  to  time  do  make  and  constitute  one  Clerk  of  ye 
Thollsell  to  exercise  do  and  execute  all  and  singular  to  ye  office  of  the  Clerk 
of  the  Thollsell  belonging  or  appertaining,  in  as  large  manner  and  forme  as 
ye  Clerk  of  ye  Thollsell  of  our  Citty  of  Waterford  the  office  of  the  Clerk  of 
ye  Thollsell  of  ye  said  Citty  doth  or  may  exercise  ye  said  office,  as  long  as 
he  behaveth  himself  well  in  ye  said  office  and  not  otherwise,  AND 
MOREOVER  of  our  more  abundant  grace  for  us  our  heirs  and  successors 
by  these  presents  WE  GIVE  and  Grant  unto  ye  said  Mayor  and  Bayliffs 
Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty  of  the  said  Town  or  Borrough  and  their 
successors  full  power  and  authority  to  name,  elect  and  constitute,  one  Sword 
bearer  and  three  Sergeants-at-Mace  within  the  Borrough  aforesaid,  and  such 
and  as  many  other  Inferior  officers  and  servants  necessary  for  ye  good 
government  and  service  of  ye  said  town  or  Borrough  as  to  ye  said  Mayor, 
Bayliffs,  Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty  for  ye  time  being,  shall  seem  meet. 
AND  THAT  such  officers  or  ministers  so  chosen  and  appointed,  do  perform 
before  the  Mayor  of  ye  said  Borrough  for  ye  time  being,  such  respective 
corporall  oaths  as  hath  been  heretofore  used  in  ye  said  Borrough  of  Clonmel. 
And  as  often  as  the  Mayor  of  ye  said  Borrough  for  ye  time  being  as  well 
for  the  publick  good  of  the  said  Borrough,  as  for  his  own  proper  and 
supernumerary  business  shall  happen  to  be  absent  from  ye  said  Borrough 
WE  GIVE  therefore  and  by  these  presents  for  us,  our  heirs  and  successors, 
to  ye  said  Mayor  of  the  said  town  or  Borrough  and  his  succeeding  Mayors, 
that  they  and  either  of  them  at  their  will  by  the  consent  of  ye  Comon 
Council  of  the  said  Borrough,  or  the  greater  part  of  them.  Nominate  Depute 
Assign  one  other  sufficient  ffree  person  of  the  Ffreeburgesses  of  the  said 
Borrough  to  bear  ye  place  and  stead  of  Mayor  of  the  said  Borrough,  during 
ye  absence  of  ye  said  Mayor,  AND  to  doe  and  execute  all  things  appertaining 
to  ye  said  office  in  as  large  and  ample  manner  and  forme  as  if  he  himself 
were  present.  But  soe  as  such  person  soe  assigned  and  deputed  before  the 
execution  of  his  Deputacon  aforesaid,  before  ye  Mayor  and  Recorder  of  ye 


222 


History  of  Clonmel. 


Seales  of 
Two  sorts. 


Mayor  and 
Recorder 
Justices  of  ye 
Peace. 


Mayor  and 
Deputy 
Escheator 
and  Coroner 
without 
account  for 
the  same . 


The  Bayliffs 
power  to 
execute  all 
manner  of 
writts. 


said  Borrough  for  ye  time  being,  shall  take  the  said  corporall  oath  to  be 
performed  in  manner  and  forme  as  by  the  said  Mayor  it  was  to  be  performed 
AND  ALSOE  of  our  like  special  grace  we  with  and  by  these  presents  for 
us,  our  heirs  and  successors,  WE  GIVE  unto  the  said  Mayor,  BayliflFs, 
Ffreeburgesses,  and  Comonalty  of  the  said  Borrough  of  Clonmel  and  their 
successors  that  they  have  and  may  have  forever  one  Comon  Seale  engraven 
and  carved  with  such  formes  and  inscription  as  hitherto  they  have  been 
accustomed  to  and  ye  sealing  of  all  and  singular  Writings,  Indents,  Grants, 
Warrants  of  Attorney,  and  all  Muniments,  Hereditaments,  and  all  other 
publick  matters  whatsoever  to  the  said  town  or  Borrough  belonging  or 
concerning,  AS  ALSOE  another  seale  of  office  of  Mayoralty  to  be  and 
remain  in  ye  custody  of  the  said  Mayor  for  the  time  being  to  seale  all 
and    singular    Testimonies    Certificates,    Attachments,    and    Processes 
whatsoever,    AND    FURTHERMORE    of   our    special    grace,    certain 
knowledge  and  meer  motion,  we  will  and  by  these  presents  for  us,  our 
heirs  and  successors,  WE  GRANT  unto  the  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs  and 
Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty  of  the  said  Borrough  of  Clonmel  and  their 
Successors  that  ye  Mayor  of  ye  town  or  Borrough  aforesaid  for  ye  time 
being,  and  the  Recorder  of  the  same  for  the  time  being,  be  Justices  and 
keepers  of  our  peace,  and  either  of  them  be  Justice  and  keeper  of  our 
peace,  within  the  town  and  Borrough  aforesaid  and  Ffranchises  thereof, 
and  that  they  may  and  doe  execute  all  things  to  ye  office  of  a  Justice  of  ye 
Peace  belonging  or  appertaining,  AND  FURTHER  we  will,  and  by  these 
presents  for  us,  our  heirs  and  Successors,  WE  GRANT  to   the  said 
Mayor,   Bayliffs,    Ffreeburgesses    and    Comonalty    of   the    Borrough    of 
Clonmel  aforesaid  and  their  Successors  that  the  said  Mayor  of  the  said 
town  or  Borrough  for  ye  time  being,  and  his  successors  Mayors  and  either 
of  them,  or  his  deputy  in  his  absence,  be  Escheator  and  Coroner  and  the 
heirs  and  successors  of  ye  Mayors  within  ye  said  town  and  Borrough  and 
liberties  and  Ffranchises  of  ye  same  forever,  and  that  he  exercise  and 
execute  all  and  singular  such  things  and  matters  as  to  ye  said  offices  or  either 
of  them  severally  do  belong  or  appertain  as  any  other  Coroner  or  Escheator 
in  any  county  within  our  said  Kingdom  of  Ireland  lawfully  may,  ought  or 
can  do  for  ye  future.    SOE  as  no  foreign  Escheator  or  Coroner  of  ours,  our 
heirs  or  successors,  beside  the  Mayor  of  ye  said  Borrough  for  ye  time  being 
and  his  successors,  in  the  said  town  or  Borrough  to  execute  or  exercise 
ye  offices  aforesaid  or  any  of  them,  may  enter  or  either  of  them  enter  or 
themselves  in  any  thing  or  wise  within  ye  said  town  or  Borrough  Liberties 
Ffranchises  or  Jurisdiction  of  the  same  to  Intromitt  or  put  in  for  ye  future 
AND  THAT  the  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs,  Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty  of 
the  said  Borrough  and  their  Successors  forever  have  and  receive  to  the 
publick  good  of  the  said  Borrough,  and  in  their  hands  may  retain  and  keep 
all  and  every  the  profits,  comodities,  perquisittes  and  emoluments  whatso- 
ever to  the  said  offices  of  Coroner  and  Escheator,  or  either  of  them  belonging 
or  appertaining,  or  thereout  in  any  wise  arising  or  growing  without  any 
account  therefore  or  thereout  unto  us,  our  heirs  or  successors,  to  be 
rendered ;  and  furthermore  of  our  more  abundant  and  special  grace  we 
grant,  and  by  these  presents  for  us,  our  heirs  and  successors,  WE  GIVE 
AND  GRANT  unto  the  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs,  Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty 
of  ye  said  town  and  Borrough  and  their  successors  forever,  that  the  said 
Bayliffs  of  the  said  town  or  Borrough  for  ye  time  being,  and  their  successors 
for  ever,  have  the  absolute  execution  and  return  of  all  and  singular  Writts, 
Mandates,  Precepts,  Summons,  Attachments,  Warrants  and  Bills  of  our 
heirs  and  successors,  and  of  ye  summons,  attachments,  Distresses  and  all 
other  processes  within  ye  said  town  or  Borrough  and  the  Ffranchises  thereof, 
before  us  our  heirs  and  successors  in  our  Chancery  or  before  us  in  our 
chief  place,  or  before  our  Justices  of  the  Common  pleas  assigned,  or  any 
other  our  Justices  or  of  our  heirs  and  successors  of  our  said  kingdom  of 


History  of  Clonmel. 


Ireland  to  be  held,  to  be  returned  as  well  at   our  suite,  our  heirs  and 
successors,  as  at  the  suite  of  any  other  person  or  persons  whatsoever  to  be 
prosecuted  and  returned ;  so  as  noe  Sherriffe,  Bayliffs  or  other  officer  or 
Minister  of  ours,  our  heirs  or  successors,  into  the  town  or  Borrough  for  ye 
executing  or  returning  any  Writt,  Summons,  Warrants,  Mandate,  Attach- 
ment or  other  process  may  enter,  unless  by  the  defect  of  the  said  BayliflFs 
of  the  said  town  or  Borrough  for  ye  time  being,  or  their  successors,  WE 
GIVE  further  and  by  these  for  us,  our  heirs  and  successors,  we  grant  unto 
the  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs,  and  Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty  of  the  town  or 
Borrough  aforesaid,  that  they  may  call  together  assemblies  or  meetings  at 
Power  of        as  many  times  in  the  year  as  they  please,  in  the  Guild  hall  or  ThoUsell  of  ye 
assembling     said  Borrough  for  ye  benefitt,  advantage,  and  profit  of  the  said  Borrough, 
to  make  bye-  and  ye  Liberties,  Ffranchises  and  Jurisdiction  of  the  same,  to  consult  and 
laws.  then  and  there  all  such  acts,  ordinances,  lawfull  and  wholesome  statutes  for 

the  publick  good  and  sound  government  of  the  said  Borrough  and  Ffran- 
chises thereof,  lawfully  and  without  punishment,  to  ordaine,  establish  and 
make,  such  as  shall  not  be  contrary  and  repugnant  to  the  laws  and  statutes 
of  this  our  kingdom  of  Ireland,  AND  if  any  of  the  Ffreeburgesses  or  Comons 
of  the  said  Borrough  shall  violate,  or  break  or  refuse  to  fulfill  the  said 
statutes  and  ordinances,  so  enacted  and  ordained,  that  then  it  shall  be  lawfull 
Punishment    ^or  Y^  said  Mayor  of  ye  said  Borrough  of  Clonmel,  and  his  successors  for 
of  the  Of-    the  time  being,  to  distrain  the  goods  and  chatties  of  ye  said  Ffreeburgesses 
fenders  of       or  Comons,  or  either  of  them,  so  offending  against  the  fforme  and  effect  of 
such  Laws,     the  Statutes  or  ordinances  aforesaid  and  if  they  have  not  sufficient  distress 
by  them,  THAT  then  it  may  be  lawful  for  ye  said  Mayor  and  his  successors 
to  arrest.  Imprison  and  in  safe  custody  to  keep  such  transgressors  and 
delinquents  until  they  give  full  satisfaction  of  the  fines  and  amerciaments 
upon  them,  or  either  of  them  impost  AND  FURTHER  we  will  and  by 
these  presents  for  us,  our  heirs  and  successors,  we  grant  unto  the  said 
Mayor,  Bayliffs,  Ffreeburgesses  and  Comons  of  the  said  Borrough  and  their 
successors  forever  that  they  may  have  a  certain  Guild  of  Merchants,  and  a 
Guild  Hall  to  the  same  belonging,  within  the  said  Borrough,  AND  that 
no  foreign  or  strange  Merchant  or  any  other  whosoever  who  is  not  of  their 
Power  of        Guild  aforesaid,  may  have  or  occupy  or  in  any  wise  retail,  sell  or  buy  any 
raising  Guild  Merchandices,  Mercimonies  or  wares  of  what  kind  or  sort  soever  they  be. 
Halls  and  for-  within  the  Borrough  aforesaid  or  the  Ffranchises,  Burgagery  or  Liberties 
feiture  upon   thereof,  without  the  special  lycence  of  ye  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs,  Ffreeburgesses 
strangers.       and  Comonalty  aforesaid,  under  the  forfeiture  of  all  and  singular  the 
Mercimonies  and  wares  so  bought,  had,  occupied,  or  sold  within  the  Borrough 
or  Ffranchises,  Burgagery  or  Liberties  thereof  without  the  special  Lycence 
as  aforesaid,  unless  such  Merchandizes  or  Mercimonies  be  sold  or  bought 
by  foreigners  strangers  on  ye  markets  or  markett  days  at  the  hour  and 
place  accustomed  which  forfeitures  to  ye  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs,  Ffreeburgesses 
and  Comonalty  their  successors  for  us  our  heirs  and  successors  WE  give 
and  grant  by  these  presents  forever ;  and  further  of  our  like  special  grace 
we  will  and  by  these  presents  for  us,  our  heirs  and  successors,  WE  GRANT 
to  ye  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs,  Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty  of  ye  said  town  and 
Borrough  that  they  and  their  Successors  may  divide,  distinguish  themselves 
into  severall  Guilds  or  fratemitys  according  to  their  severall  conditions, 
arts  and  misteries  and  that  every  Guild  have  and  may  use  one  distinct 
Ensign,  in  token  and  note  of  distinction  of  Ffratemity  and  their  Mystery 
or  Trade,  and  that  each  Guild  have  and  build  one  distinct  hall  or  place 
More  Guilds   convenient  within  ye  said  Borrough  where  ye  brethern  of  such  Guild  may 
if  need  gather  themselves,  and  also  that  every  Guild  or  Fraternity  yearly  forever 

required.  may  elect,  chose  and  constitute  to  itself  one  Warden  or  Master  being  one  of 
the  same  Ffratemity  who  may  exercise  the  office  of  Master  or  Warden  for 
one  entire  year  and  noe  more,  and  further  of  more  ample  special  grace, 
certain  knowledge  and  meer  motion  we  give  by  these  presents  for  us,  our 


224 


History  of  Clonmel. 


Mayor's 
Court  weekly 
on  Wednes- 
days. 


Prison . 


Pines  and 
Perquisites. 


TwoMarketts 
a  week  Pye- 
powder  Court 


heirs  and  successors,  WE  GRANT  unto  ye  said  Mayor  Bayliffs,  Ffree- 
burgesses  and  Comonalty  of  ye  said  Borrough  and  town  of  Clonmel  and 
their  successors  forever  that  the  said  Mayor,  and  Bayliffs  for  ye  time  being 
and  their  successors  have  and  may  have  and  hold  twice  in  each  year  forever 
one  Court  Leet  or  view  of  ffrank  pledge  within  ye  said  town  or  Borrough 
and  Ffranchises  of  ye  same  by  the  Recorder  of  the  said  town  or  Burrough 
or  his  sufficient  Deputy  for  ye  time  being  according  to  the  laws  and 
customs  of  our  kingdom  of  England  or  Ireland  to  be  kept  forever  and  all 
things  to  ye  said  Court  Leet  or  View  of  ffrank  pledge  belonging  or 
appertaining,  AND  FURTHER  we  will  and  by  these  presents  for  us,  our 
heirs  and  successors,  we  grant  to  ye  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs,  Ffreeburgesses 
and  Comons  of  ye  said  Borrough  for  ye  time  being,  that  they  and  their 
successors  have  and  may  have  and  hold  another  Court  within  ye  said 
town  or  Borrough  and  ffranchises  of  ye  same  every  Wednesday  in  every 
week  forever  before  ye  Mayor  and  Bayliffs  of  ye  said  town  or  Borrough 
for  ye  time  being,  and  that  in  ye  same  Court  they  have  full  power  and 
jurisdiction  of  knowing,  hearing,  and  determining  all  and  all  manner  of 
actions  as  well  real  as  personal  and  Mixt  suites,  quarrells  and  demands  of 
all  and  singular  Lands,  Tenements,  Debts,  Detentions,  Trespasses,  Attempts, 
Contracts,  Deceyts,  Replevies  and  of  old  and  anciently  contracted  causes 
of  demand  of  any  matter  whatsoever,  to  what  sum  soever  they  amount, 
attain  or  arise,  within  ye  said  town  and  Borrough  and  Ffranchises  of  ye 
same  and  not  elsewhere  being,  arising  or  happening,  and  that  the  said 
Mayor  and  Bayliffs  of  the  town  or  Borrough  aforesaid  for  ye  time  being 
have  full  power  and  authority  to  hold,  hear,  and  determine  ye  said  pleas 
and  quarrells  according  to  the  due  forme  of  law,  and  of  proceeding  to 
judgment  upon  the  same  and  making  execution  thereupon  according  to  the 
laws  and  customs  of  our  Kingdom  of  England  or  Ireland,  and  that  the  Courts 
aforesaid,  and  each  and  every  of  them,  be  reputed  Courts  or  Court  of  Record, 
AND  further  of  our  larger  Grace  we  will,  and  by  these  presents  for  us, 
our  heirs  and  successors,  we  grant  to  ye  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs,  Ffreeburgesses 
and  Comonalty  of  the  said  Borrough  or  town  and  their  successors  that 
they  build  or  cause  to  be  built  one  strong  sufficient  Goall  or  Prison 
within  the  said  town  or  Borrough  and  ffranchises  of  the  same  and  that  the 
Bayliffs  of  the  said  Borrough  for  ye  time  being  forever  have  the  custody  and 
keeping  of  the  said  Goall  and  of  all  and  singular  the  Prisoners  in  the  same 
from  time  to  time  by  the  said  Mayor  and  BayliflFs  for  ye  time  being  imprisoned 
or  to  be  imprisoned,  WEE  also  give  and  by  this  our  present  Charter 
for  us  our  heirs  and  successors  grant  to  ye  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs, 
Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty  of  ye  said  town  or  Borrough  aforesaid  that 
they  and  their  successors  forever  have,  and  for  themselves  may  detain  and 
keep  all  and  all  manner  of  ffines.  Issues,  Forfeitures,  Amerciaments,  in  ye 
Courts  or  either  of  them  as  often  as  ye  same  is  offered  or  imposed  together 
with  all  and  singular  other  perquisites,  profitts,  Comodities,  and  Emoluments 
to  ye  said  Court  belonging  or  appertaining  or  any  wise  thereout  arising  or 
issuing,  for  ye  better  maintaining  and  sustaining  of  ye  town  and  Borrough 
aforesaid,  without  making  or  rendering  unto  us  our  heirs  or  successors 
any  accounts  of  ye  same,  and  moreover  by  this  our  present  Charter  for  us, 
our  heirs  and  successors.  We  grant  and  confirm  unto  the  said  Mayor, 
Bayliffs,  FfreeBurgesses  and  Comonalty  of  ye  said  town  or  Borrough  for  ye 
time  being  that  they  and  their  successors  forever  have  and  keep  and  may 
have  and  keep  two  several  marketts  in  some  convenient  place  within  ye  said 
town  or  Borrough  in  every  week  forever  (that  is  to  say)  one  markett  on 
Tuesday  and  another  on  Saturday  in  every  week,  to  be  held  forever  together 
with  a  Pyepowder  Court  there  during  ye  said  Marketts  and  with  all  and  all 
manner  of  Liberties  and  ffree  customs,  profitts,  Comodities,  advantages  and 
emoluments  whatsoever  to  such  a  Court  in  any  manner  belonging  or 
appertaining  or  any  wise  arising  or  issuing,  without  accounting  for  ye  same 


History  of  Clonmel. 


225 


Exemption 
from  all 
Juries. 


Noe 

Strangers  or 
Foreigner  be 
of  ye  Town 
Juries. 


To  wear  such 
habits. 


Mayor  to 
have  4d.  per 
ton  out  of 
every  Boat, 
&c. 

Bridge 
Monev. 


to  US  our  heirs  or  successors,  so  as  the  said  marketts  be  not  to  ye  damage  or 
hurt  of  other  marketts  and  that  ye  said  Mayor  of  the  said  town  of  Clonmel 
for  ye  time  being  and  his  successors  forever  successively  be  the  Clerk  and 
Master  of  ye  Say  within  ye  town  and  Borrough  aforesaid  and  the  Ffranchises 
of  ye  same  and  have  have  ye  assize  of  Bread,  Wine  and  Beer,  and  the  cor- 
rection and  amendment  of  ye  same  from  time  to  time,  and  have  full  power 
and  authority  of  exercising  and  executing  ye  office  of  Clerk  of  ye  Marketts 
or  Master  of  ye  Say  within  ye  town  or  Borrough  aforesaid,  and  of  all  other 
matters  to  ye  said  office  belonging  or  to  them  or  either  of  them  appertaining, 
soe  as  noe  other  Clerk  of  ye  Marketts  or  Master  of  ye  Sayes  of  us  our  heirs 
or  successors  within  ye  town  or  borrough  s^oresaid  or  ye  Liberties  thereof 
for  ye  future,  may  enter  for  ye  exercising  the  office  of  ye  Clerk  of  Marketts 
or  Master  of  ye  Sayes  or  in  any  wise  Interpose  or  Intermeddle  with  the 
office  aforesaid.    AND  further  of  our  special  Grace,  certain  knowledge  and 
meer  motion,  we  will  and  by  these  presents  for  us,  our  heirs  and  successors, 
WE  give  and  grant  unto  ye  said  Mayor,  BayliflFs,  Ffreeburgesses  and 
Comonalty  of  ye  said  town  or  Borrough,  and  their  successors,  that  neither 
they  nor  any  of  them  may  not  be  putt  in  any  Recognizances,  Juries  of 
Assizes,  or  Inquisitions  whatsoever  to  be  taken  upon  any  matter,  thing, 
cause  or  matter  of  trespass  or  Contract  whatsoever  out  of  the  said  town  and 
Borrough  and  Ffranchises  thereof;  nor  that  noe  stranger  or  foreigner  who 
are  not  of  the  town  and  Borrough  afforesaid  be  putt  upon  any  Juries, 
Recognizances,  Assizes,  or  Inquisitions  to  be  taken  upon  any  thing,  matter 
or   cause  whatsoever  within  ye  said  town  or  Borrough  or  ffranchises 
thereof  made,  happened  or  being,  but  that  ail  and  singular  Inquisitions, 
Recognizances,  Juries  and  Assizes  for  the  future  to  be  returned,  summoned 
or  arraigned  upon  any  thing,  cause  or  matter  within  the  town  or  borrough 
afforesaid  or  the  ffranchises  thereof  made,  being  or  happening,  shall  consist 
of  good,  fitt  and  able  men  of  ye  said  town  or  Borrough  alone,  without  any 
foreigner  or  stranger  to  be  sworn  with  them  or  returned  (tho'  he  or  they 
have  or  hath  some  Lands,  Tenements  or  Hereditaments  in  some  place  or 
country  without  ye  said  town  or  Borrough),  AND  further  of  our  special 
grace  we  will,  and  by  these  presents  for  us,  our  heirs  and  successors,  WE 
grant  to  ye  said  Mayor  of  the  said  town  or  Borrough  and  his  successors  that 
he  ye  said  Mayor  for  ye  time  being,  and  his  successors  forever,  may  wear 
such  habit.  Ensign,  Garment  or  Ornament  whatsoever  as  the  Mayor  of  our 
city  of  Waterford  for  the  time,  did  wear  or  hereafter  shall  or  ought  to  wear 
by  virtue  of  any  Charter,  Gift,  Grant,  Confirmation,  Custom,  Prescription, 
Use,  or  any  other  Legall  way  whatsoever,  AND  further  of  our  like  special 
grace  we  give  and  by  these  presents  for  us,  our  heirs  and  successors,  doe 
grant  to  ye  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs,  Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty  of  ye 
Borrough  Afforesaid  (as  much  as  in  us  lyeth)  that  they  hold  and  enjoy  for 
themselves  and  their  successors  forever  one  Key  in  ye  said  town  or  Borrough 
of  Clonmel  upon  ye  Bank  or  Shore  of  the  River  Shure,  and  that  they  have 
and  receive  of  every  Barque,  Boate  or  Bargess  coming  and  drawing  near  ye 
said  Key  to  load  or  unload.  Import  or  Export  any  things  or  Merchandizes, 
for  Key  age  for  ye  better  maintaining  the  Key  aforesaid,  for  every  ton  weight 
the  said  Barque,  Boates,  or  Bargess  will  import  to  ye  said  Key,  or  from  ye 
said  Key  will  export,  load  or  unload,  four  pence  current  money  of  England, 
and  according  to  the  said  rate  for  more  or  less,  and  that  they  the  said  Mayor, 
Bayliffs,  Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty  of  ye  said  Borrough  and  their 
successors  forever,  have  and  receive  Pontage  or  Bridge  Money  of  ye  said 
Borrough  in  as  ample  Custom  Manner  and  Fforme  as  the  Sovereign, 
Provosts,  Burgesses  and  Comonalty  of  the  said  Borrough  anciently  have  or 
had  received  or  used  to  have  and  receive,  without  Impediment,  Hindrance 
or  Molestacon  of  us  our  heirs  or  successors  or  any  officers  or  Ministers  of  ours 
whatsoever,  AND  moreover  of  our  more  abundant  grace  we  give  and  by  these 
presents  for  us,  our  heirs  and  successors,  we  grant  (as  much  as  in  us  lyeth) 


226 


History  of  Clonmel. 


Freedom  of 
Duty  of  all 
ports  of  the 
Kingdom. 


ye  Advowson 
&c.  Ffreedoin 
of  Mannors 
to  ;f  20  a 
year  above 
reprises. 


Wayfes  and 
Stravs. 


Rent  Ten 
Shillings 
Irish. 

Saving. 


to  the  Mayor,  Bayliffs,  Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty  of  ye  said  town  or 
Borrough  and  their  successors  that  all  their  Goods,  Chatties  and  Merchandizes 
be  quitt  and  free  forever  of  all  Toll,  halting  or  loading.  Murage,  Bridge  money 
Passage,  Stalage  or  Standing,  Keyage,  Cranage  or  Wharfage,  in  all  and 
singular  Citties,  Borroughs,  Towns,  Ports,  Creeks,  Waters,  Ffayers, 
Marketts,  and  in  all  other  places  whatsoever,  in  and  throughout  all  our 
Kingdoms  and  Dominions  soever,  in  as  large  and  ample  manner  as  the 
Burgesses  of  our  town  of  Kilkenny  are  or  in  any  way  or  manner  ought  to 
be.  And  further  of  our  more  plentifull  grace,  certain  knowledge  and 
meer  motion,  WE  give  and  for  us,  our  heirs  and  successors,  doe  grant 
unto  ye  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs,  Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty  of  the  said 
town  or  Borrough  of  Clonmel  and  their  successors,  full  power,  Lycence  and 
Authority  of  holding  their  Mannors,  Messuages,  Lands,  Tenements,  Rents, 
Reversions,  Services,  Advowson  of  Churches,  Chappels  or  Hereditaments 
after  what  manner  soever  they  be  held  of  us  our  heirs  or  successors, 
whether  they  arise  in  chief  or  otherwise  by  knight  Service,  to  attain  and 
acquire  ye  same  to  the  clear  yearly  value  of  Twenty  pounds  lawfuU  money 
of  England  above  all  reprises  by  one  or  more  our  grant  or  grants, 
Ffeoffmts.,  Ffine,  or  Recovery  or  otherwise  TO  HAVE  AND  TO  HOLD 
to  ye  said  Mayor,  BayliflFs,  Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty  of  the  said 
Town  and  their  successors  forever,  notwithstanding  any  Statute,  Act, 
Ordinance,  Provision  or  Restriction  of  Lands  or  Tenements  made,  had,  or 
provided  to  ye  contrary  or  any  other  matter,  thing  or  cause  to  the 
contrary,  notwithstanding,  AND  further  we  and  by  these  presents  for  us 
our  heirs  and  successors  we  grant  to  ye  said  Mayor,  BayliflFs,  Ffreeburgesses, 
and  Comonalty  of  the  said  Town  or  Borrough  and  their  Successors,  all 
and  singular  goods  and  chatties  that  are  wayfes  and  strayes  within  ye 
said  town  or  shall  appear  within  ye  same  or  the  liberties  or  presincts 
thereof,  without  account  thereof  to  be  given  us  our  heirs  or  successors, 
and  further  of  our  more  abundant  and  special  grace,  certain  knowledge  and 
meer  motion,  we  give  and  grant,  and  by  these  presents  for  us,  our  heirs 
and  successors,  WE  give,  grant  and  confirm  unto  the  said  Mayor,  BayliflFs, 
Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty  of  the  said  town  or  Borrough  of  Clonmel  and 
their  successors,  that  they  and  their  successors  may  have,  enjoy  and  possess 
freely,  quietly,  honourably,  and  in  peace  (as  much  as  in  us  lyeth)  all  and 
singular  the  lands,  tenements,  houses,  messuages.  Tofts,  Mills,  Dovehouses, 
Gardens,  Orchards,  Ffields,  Meadows,  Pastures,  woods,  underwoods,  Water- 
courses, waters,  Rivers,  Rivuletts  and  all  Hereditaments  whatsoever  which 
are  of  ye  old  Burgagery  of  ye  said  Borrough  or  town  aforesaid  and  which 
heretofore  ye  sovereign.  Provost,  Burgesses,  and  Comonalty  of  ye  said 
town  aforesaid  or  their  predicessor.  Inhabitants,  Dwellers,  or  Comonalty  of 
the  same  by  the  name  of  Sovereign,  Burgesses  or  Comonalty,  or  by 
another  name  whatsoever,  had  possessed  or  enjoyed ;  to  be  held  from  us 
our  heirs  and  successors  in  flFree  Burgagery,  rendering  and  yielding  there- 
out yearly  to  us  our  heirs  and  successors  at  ye  Receipt  of  our  Exchequer, 
or  to  the  hands  of  our  Vice  Treasurer  or  Generall  Receiver  of  us,  our 
heirs  and  successors  of  our  said  Kingdom  of  Ireland  for  the  time  being, 
Ten  Shillings  Current  Money  of  Ireland  att  ye  Ffeasts  of  St.  Michael  the 
Archangel  and  Easter  by  equal  portions  yearly  to  be  paid  SAVING 
ALWAYS,  and  this  our  Grant  altogether  reserving  the  right.  Title  and 
Interest  of  all  and  singular  our  subjects  to  the  premisses  or  any  parte 
thereof  (any  thing  in  these  presents  specified  to  ye  contrary  notwith- 
standing), AND  further  of  our  fuller  grace  we  will,  and  by  these  presents 
for  us,  our  heirs  and  successors,  give  and  grant  unto  the  said  Mayor, 
Bayliffs,  Ffreeburgesses  and  Comonalty  of  ye  said  town  or  Borrough 
and  their  successors  forever  that  these  our  letters  Patents  and  all 
and  singular  the  Articles,  Gifts,  Grants  and  Privileges,  Franchises,  Liberties, 
Immunities,  Jurisdictions,  Authorities,  and  all  other  things  whatsoever, 


History  of  Clonmel.  227 

before  Justices,  Commissioners  or  other  our  officers  or  Ministers 
our  heirs  or  successors,  and  to  ye  most  and  greatest  advantage  and 
benefitt  of  ye  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs,  Ffreeburgesses,  and  Comonalty  of  ye 
town  or  Borrough  and  their  successors,  against  us  our  heirs  and  successors, 
be  and  may  be  interpretted,  expounded,  understood  and  adjudged  soe  that 
the  express  mention  of  the  annuall  value  or  of  the  certainty  of  the 
premisses  or  of  other  Gifts  or  Grants  by  us  or  any  of  our  progenitors 
or  predecessors  hitherto  made  and  perfected  to  ye  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs, 
Ffreeburgesses  and  Comons  of  ye  said  Town,  in  these  presents  in  no 
wise  may  be  made  (Any  Statute,  Ordinance  or  Provisoe  or  any  other  thing 
Cause,  or  matter  to  ye  contrary  in  any  wise  notwithstanding)  in  Testimony 
of  which  we  have  caused  these  our  Letters  to  be  made  Patents  our  said 
Eteputy  Generall  of  our  said  Kingdom  of  Ireland  at  Dublin  ye  fifth  day  of 
July  in  ye  year  of  our  Reign  of  England,  France  and  Ireland  the  Sixth  and 
of  Scotland  ye  fort3rfirst  (d). 

This  charter  was  in  some  essential  particulars  altered  by  the  "New 
Rules  "  made  by  Lord  Essex,  23rd  September,  1672.  These  rules  gave  legal 
sanction  to  the  CromwelHan  settlement  of  the  municipalities,  as  the  Act  of 
17  and  18  Chas.  IL,  chap.  2,  had  previously  sanctioned  the  settlement  of  the 
land.    The  rules  briefly  were  : — 

1.  The  name  of  each  person  elected  mayor,  bailiff,  recorder,  burgess  and 
town  clerk,  shall  be  submitted  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant  and  Council  for 
approval,  and  no  person  shall  be  capable  of  serving  in  these  offices  until 
such  approval  is  obtained. 

2.  No  person  shall  be  capable  of  holding  or  executing  said  offices  until 
he  shall  have  taken  in  addition  to  the  usual  oaths,  the  oath  of  supremacy, 
2nd  Elizabeth — "  I,  A.R,  doe  utterly  testif e  and  declare  in  my  conscience 
that  the  King's  highnesse  is  the  onely  supreame  governour  of  this  realme, 
as  well  in  all  spirituall  or  ecclesiasticall  things  or  causes,  as  temporall,  and 
that  no  foreine  prince,  prelate,  etc.,  hath  or  ought  to  have,  any  jurisdiction, 
power  or  authoritie,  ecclesiasticall  or  spirituall  within  this  realme,"  etc. 

3.  All  foreigners  and  aliens,  as  well  others  as  Protestants,  who  are 
merchants,  traders,  artisans,  skilled  in  any  trade  or  in  any  manufacture,  who 
shall  come  into  the  town  with  intent  to  reside,  shall  upon  their  request,  and 
payment  of  twenty  shillings  fine,  be  admitted  freemen  of  the  town. 

CORPORATE  Officers. 
The  names  of  the  members  of  the  town  council  in  1608  and  1687,  have 
been  already  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  charters  granted  in  these 
years.  The  following  are  lists  of  the  council  at  important  epochs ;  the  first 
and  second  are  the  members  in  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  Ascendancy 
period;  the  third  is  the  corporation  elected  under  the  Reform  Act,  1842;  the 
fourth,  the  existing  one. 

(d)  The  translation  of  the  Latin  charter  was  made  from  the  "  Exemplification "  of  1662,  and 
probably  at  that  date» 


228 


HISTORY    OF   CLONMEL. 


I695. 
Mayor — John  Moore,  Esq. 
Recorder — Anthony  Suxbury,  Esq. 

I  Thomas  Mokes. 
Bailiffs— \yf.^^^^^^  Craddock. 


Burgesses. 


Richard  Whitehand. 
Richard  Tengan. 
Stephen  Moore. 
John  Henbury. 
Richard  Pecket. 
Thomas  Osborne. 
John  West. 
Francis  Rabone. 


Thomas  Hopkins. 
Redmond  Vynn. 
Thomas  Cieere. 
Thomas  Balfe. 
Stephen  Haniy. 
Charles  Aicock. 
John  Warburton  Spencer. 
Hercules  Beere. 


1839. 


Mayor — William  Henry  Riall,  Esq. 
Recorder — Richard  Pennefather,  Esq. 

I  James  Douglas. 
^*^'''^^l  Samuel  Riall. 


Burgesses. 


Rev.  William  Stephenson. 
John  Croker. 
Samuel  Gordon. 
James  Douglas. 
William  Riall. 
Rev.  Edward  Croker. 
John  Keily,  jun. 
Henry  Croker. 
Richard  Moore. 
John  Keily. 


Charles  Riall. 
William  H.  Keilv. 
Arthur  C.  Creagh. 
George  Gough. 
John  Bagwell. 
Richard  Keily. 
Richard  Pennefather. 
Samuel  Riall. 
Rev.  J.  P.  Rhoades. 


(William  Byrne. 
John  Luther. 
Patrick  Hearn. 


1843. 
Mayor — ^John  Hackett. 

Aldermen. 

{John  Hackett. 
Thomas  Cantwell. 
Patrick  Quinn. 


History  of  Clonmel. 


229 


Councillors, 


William  Forristal. 
'  Thomas  O'Brien. 
I  Edward  Phelan. 
I  Charles  Bianconi. 
East  Ward!  Patrick  Fennelly. 
I  John  Gary. 
[Thomas  Holmes. 
'  Edward  O'Neill. 

William  Singleton. 


'  William  Keily. 
I  Thomas  Stokes. 
lEccles  Greene. 
j  Patrick  Rivers. 
West  Ward/ Daniel  O'Brien. 

j  Patrick  Corcoran. 
[Thomas  Prendergast. 
I  David  Clancy. 
Patrick  Egan. 


1906. 
Mayor — ^Thomas  Skehan. 


(Thomas  Morrissey. 
Walter  Geary. 
Vacant. 


Aldermen, 

I  Thomas  Skehan. 
David  O'Connor. 
Thomas  J.  Condon. 


East  Ward 


Councillors, 
James  Meehan. 
John  Malcomson  Murphy. 
William  Toohey. 
Richard  Dennehy. 
Thomas  Cleary. 
James  Reidy. 
Martin  Ryan. 
Edward  J.  O'Connor. 


John  O'Donnell. 


Edmund  Burke. 
William  T.  Fayle. 
i  James  J.  Hickey. 
I  Michael  Hogan. 
West  Ward 'James  Cahill. 
John  Cashin. 
Arnold  Power. 
Stephen  J.  Purcell. 
John  Mulcahy. 


Out  of  the  total  number  of  sovereigns  who  governed  the  town  from  1371, 

when  that  office  was  created,  to  1608  only  the  following  names  have  been 
recovered : — 

1424  John  White.  1 581  GeofFry  White. 

1526  Thomas  White.  1582  Michael  Bray. 

1539  John  Stritche.  1586  Geoflfry  White. 

1542  John  Stritche.  1589  Geoflfry  White. 

1543  William  Pagan.  1600  Nicholas  White. 
1565  Walter  White. 

Mayors  under  Charter  of  1608. 

1608  John  White.  1636  John  White. 

1609  Nicholas  White.  1637  Francis  White. 
1614  Patrick  White.  1639  Henry  White. 
1625  Henry  White.  1641  John  White. 
1633  John  White.              ^  1649  John  White. 


230 


History  of  Clonmel. 


During  the  years  1650-6, 
military   governor.      In   the 
established. 
1656  Thomas  Stanley. 
1659  Thomas  Batty. 

1661  Samuel  Foley. 

1662  Charles  Blount. 

1663  Richard  Perrot. 
1666  Charles  Alcock. 
1668  Samuel  Foley. 
1673  Francis  Hopkins. 

1684  Thomas  Limbry. 

1685  John  Hanbury. 
1687  James  Butler. 
1692  John  West. 
1695  John  Moore. 
1697  Thomas  Batty. 
1701  Thomas  Salmon. 
1704  John  Wilson. 

1710  Thomas  Lackey. 

171 1  Richard  Kellett. 

17 1 2  John  Walkinton. 

1713  Thomas  Tothall. 

1714  Richard  Whitehand. 

171 5  James  Castell. 

1716  Richard  Carleton. 

1717  Thomas  Hopkins. 

1718  John  Power. 

1719  Bartholomew  Labarte. 

1720  Hercules  Beere. 

1721  John  Cooke. 

1722  Philip  Carleton. 

1723  Guy  Moore. 

1724  Stephen  Moore. 

1725  James  Going. 

1726  Robert  Moore. 

1727  William  Cole. 

1728  James  Going. 

1729  Thomas  Lackey. 

1730  John  Power. 


there  were  no  mayors,  the  town  being  under  a 
latter  year  the  Cromwellian  corporation  was 

173 1  James  Castell. 

1732  Bartholomew  Labarte. 

1733  William  Cole. 

1734  James  Going. 

1735  Bartholomew  Labarte. 

1736  Charles  Atkins. 

1737  Richard  Going. 

1738  Jeremiah  Morgan. 

1739  Gilbert  Lane. 

1740  John  Power. 

1 741  Samuel  Gordon. 

1742  Richard  White. 

1743  John  Lackey. 

1744  Robert  Moore. 

1745  George  Cole. 

1746  Samuel  Gordon. 

1747  Jeremiah  Morgan. 

1748  Robert  Shaw. 

1749  George  Cole. 

1750  Jeremiah  Morgan. 

1751  Richard  Going. 

1752  Robert  Shaw. 

1753  William  Kellett. 

1754  Theobald  Lewis. 

1755  John  Hayman. 

1756  Thomas  Luther. 

1757  Stephen  Moore. 

1758  John  Luther. 

1759  William  Kellett. 

1760  Theobald  Lewis. 

1 761  Thomas  Luther. 

1762  Stephen  Moore. 

1763  Robert  Shaw. 

1764  Theobald  Lewis. 

1765  Thomas  Luther. 

1766  Stephen  Moore. 

1767  Thomas  Luther. 


History  of  Clonmel. 


231 


1768  George  Myles. 

1769  Thomas  Luther. 

1770  Theobald  Lewis  &  John  Luther. 

177 1  John  Hayman. 

1772  Samuel  Labarte. 

1773  John  Luther. 

1774  John  Hayman  &  John  Luther. 

1775  Stephen  Moore,  jun. 

1776  Thomas  Chidley  Moore. 

1777  Samuel  Labarte. 

1778  John  Luther. 

1779  Stephen  Cole. 

1780  Christopher  Kellett. 

1781  Richard  Moore. 

1782  Nathaniel  Mitchell. 

1783  John  Luther. 

1784  Richard  Moore. 

1785  Thomas  Gordon. 

1786  Nathaniel  Mitchell. 

1787  Edward  Collins. 

1788  John  Luther. 

1789  Nathaniel  Mitchell. 

1790  Thomas  Gordon. 

1791  John  Luther  &  Stephen  Moore. 

1792  Thomas  Power. 

1793  George  Cole. 

1794  Stephen  Moore. 

1795  Richard  Moore. 

1796  Nathaniel  Mitchell. 

1797  John  Hackett. 

1798  George  Heaslop. 

1799  Richard  Moore. 

1800  Stephen  Collins. 

1801  John  Bagwell. 


1802  Richard  Bagwell. 

1803  William  Bagwell. 

1804  John  Bagwell. 

1805  Richard  Bagwell. 

1806  John  Bagwell. 

1807  Richard  Bagwell. 

1808  John  Bagwell. 

1809  Henry  Langley. 

1 810  John  Croker. 

181 1  Henry  Langley. 

1812  John  Keilly. 

1813  John  Croker. 

1814  John  Keilly. 

1 81 5  John  Croker. 

1816  Henry  Langley 

1817  John  Keilly. 

1818  William  Keilly. 

1819  John  Croker. 

1820  William  H.  Keilly. 

1821  William  Bagwell. 

1822  William  Bagwell. 

1823  William  Bagwell. 

1824  John  Croker. 

1825  William  Bagwell. 

1826  William  Chaytor  (e). 


1827 

Do. 

1828 

Do. 

1829 

Do. 

1830 

Do. 

I83I 

Do. 

1832 

Do. 

1833 

Do. 

1834 

Do. 

1835  Benjamin  B.  Bradshaw. 


(e)  In  a  duodecimu  printed  in  London,  1834,  entitled  "The  Sketch  Book,'*  the  anonymous 
writer,  who  saw  Chaj'tor  at  dinner  in  the  Great  Globe  Hotel,  thus  describes  him:—"  Nearly  opposite 
me,  sat  a  middle-aged,  middle-sized,  cowardly  looking  fellow ;  he  seemed  to  have  a  tear  in  the  corner 
of  his  eye  and  it  would  appear  that  the  fates  had  decreed  that  he  was  never  to  shed  it,  for  I  met  him 
two  years  since  and  there  the  tear  stands  still;  when  he  sheds  it,  I  hope  it  will  atone  for  his  political 
delinquency  and  tergiversation.  The  feast  went  on,  knives  and  forks  clancked  round  as  in  a  fray.  I 
marked  the  customer  opposite  me,  and  if  he  were  as  valiiant  in  the  iield  as  he  was  at  the  table  he 
would  be  fit  to  head  an  army.  As  he  appeared  to  be  a  cunning,  hypoa'itical  fellow,  I  asked  my 
neighbour  who  he  was.  He  replied  that  he  was  the  factotum  of  the  town — that  is  Chaytor,  the 
turncoat  quakcr;  he  is  mayor  of  the  place,  stamp  distributor,  butter  taster,  head  scavenger,  etc.  He 
like  his  tribe  played  his  cards  sure,  by  looking  into  every  man's  hand;  he  renounced  the  errors  of 
Quakerism  to  qualify  himself  for  taking  the  oath  to  be  sworn  mayor." 


232 


History  of  Clonmel. 


1836  Benjamin  R  Bradshaw. 

1837  William  H.  Riall. 

1838  Do. 

1839  Do. 

Reformed  Corporation 


1840  William  H.  Riall. 

1841  Do. 

1842  Do. 


1843  John  Hackett. 

1844  Edward  Phelan. 

1845  Charles  Bianconi. 

1846  Do. 

1847  Edward  Phelan. 

1848  John  Luther. 

1849  Patrick  Quinn. 

1850  Joseph  Kenny. 

1 85 1  Do. 

1852  William  Byrne. 

1853  Edward  Phelan. 

1854  O'Brien  Mahoney. 

1855  William  Smyth. 

1856  John  Prendergast. 

1857  Joseph  Kenny. 

1858  David  Clancy. 

1859  W.  L.  Hackett. 
i860  Patrick  Corcoran. 

1861  Francis  Ryan. 

1862  W.  L.  Hackett. 

1863  Michael  Guiry. 

1864  Joseph  Kenny. 

1865  William  Wright. 

1866  John  Griffin. 

1867  Edmond  Woods. 

1868  W.  L.  Byrne. 

1869  Thomas  Cantwell. 

1870  Joseph  Kenny. 

187 1  Do. 

1872  O'Connell  Hackett. 

1873  Edward  Cantwell. 

1874  I>o. 


1875  Edmond  Woods. 

1876  Joseph  Kenny. 

1877  Edmond  Woods. 

1878  Denis  O'Mahoney. 

1879  O'Connell  Hackett. 

1880  Do. 

1881  Edmond  Cantwell. 

1882  Do. 

1883  Edward  C.  Hackett. 

1884  Do. 

1885  Do. 

1886  Benjamin  Wright 

1887  Do. 

1888  Edward  Murphy. 

1889  Thomas  J.  Condon. 

1890  Do. 

1891  Do. 

1892  James  Byrne. 

1893  James  H.  Lonergan. 

1894  Do. 

1895  Edward  Cantwell. 

1896  Patrick  Nugent. 

1897  Edward  Burke. 

1898  Patrick  Nugent. 

1899  Edward  Murphy. 

1900  Thomas  Condon. 

1901  Thomas  Condon. 

1902  Do. 

1903  Thomas  Morrissy. 

1904  Do. 

1905  Thomas  Skehan. 

1906  Do. 


Corporate  Estates. 

As  has  been  stated  in  Chapter  II.  the  founders  of  the  town  endowed  the 
early  inhabitants  with  certain  lands.  These  lands  were  held  partly  in 
severalty,  partly  in  common.  The  fertile  plain  on  the  Tipperary  side  of  the 
Suir,  now  known  as  Burgagery,  East  and  West,  and  comprising  about  1,050 
plantation  acres  (inclusive  of  the  town  and  suburbs,  350  acres),  was  held  by  the 


History  of  Clonmel.  253 

townsfolk  in  separate  holdings  by  the  tenure  called  free  burgage.     Judging 

from  the  Cromwellian  allotment  infra,  these  holdings  would  be  about  four 

acres  for  each  messuage  in  the  town.    Across  the  river  the  alluvial  district 

embracing  the  townlands  of  Croan  and  Raheen,  was  retained  by  the  lord 

himself  as  a  manorial  perquisite,  as  were  also  the  lands  of  Barravaukeen  and 

Lieranearla.    These  apart,  the  whole  territory  for  miles  south  of  the  town, 

was  held  by  the  inhabitants  in  common.    By  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth 

century  some  thirty-three  persons  held  the  burgagery  lands   as  absolute 

proprietors.    They  were  known  as  "ancient  burgesses,"  and  were  descended 

from,  or  representative  of,  the  original  community.    These  also  were  owners 

of  the  Commons,  and  enjoyed  exclusively  the  commonage  rights.    It  does  not 

appear  that  the  charter  of  1608  affected  in  any  way  the  status  of  this  older 

community.    When  in  1655  a  jury  of  the  natives  of  the  town  was  impannelled 

to  report  on  the  corporate  estates,  they  set  forth  in  careful  detail  the  several 

houses  and  lands,  but  make  no  mention  whatever  of  Burgagery  lands  or 

Commons   as   the    property    of    the  corporation.      The    earliest    evidence 

of  the  connection  of  the  Commons  with  the  corporation  is  in  the  *'  Book  of 

Distribution  "  of  the  County  Waterford  under  the  Acts  of  Settlement  and 

Explanation,  1662-5. 

Commons  of  Clonmell. 

Grantees        ...  ...  ...  ...  Corporacon  Clonmell  ^/A 

Proprietors  in  1641      ...  ...  ...  The  Commons  of  Clonmell. 

Acreage  (Irish)  unprofitable  ...  ...  3»803. 

Do.         do.      profitable  ...  ...  1,300. 

The  most  recent  mapped  survey  shows  a  diminished  acreage,  being 
5,017  a.  I  r.  22  p.  Irish.  The  corporate  estate  begins  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  and 
lies  east  of  a  line  drawn  from  the  extremity  of  the  boathouse  island  due 
south  (g).  It  extends  almost  to  the  Nire,  being  in  length  about  five  miles 
with  an  average  breadth  of  three.  The  rest  of  the  corporate  property  is 
substantially  as  recorded  in  the  survey  of  1654. 

But  the  town  derives  little  profit  from  this  huge  estate.  While  much  of 
the  mountain  is  comparatively  valueless,  the  estate  comprises  lands  of 
unquestionably  great  fertility.  These,  however,  have  long  been  mis- 
appropriated by  corporate  jobbery.  Some  particulars  have  been  given 
already,  but  the  whole  leasehold  rental  is  highly  instructive. 


(t)  P.R.O.  In  1848,  during  the  mayoralty  of  J.  Luther,  the  Keformed  Corporation  attempted 
to  make  out  title  to  the  Burgagery  lands.  Mr.  Morrin,  the  well-known  archivist,  was  employed  to 
enquire  whether  these  lands  had  been  held  on  trust  for  charitable  purposes,  and  the  profits  devoted 
to  the  relief  of  the  poor,  support  of  almshouses,  etc.  In  such  case  the  validity  of  the  grants  under 
t  he  Acts  of  Settlement  would  be  open  to  question. 

(g)  This  island,  in  part  corporate  property,  was  formerly  known  as  Batty 's  and  Moore  Island. 


234 


History  of  Clonmel. 


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History  of  Clonmel.  255 

The  rents  therefore,  reserved  by  the  corporation,  are  only  one-fourth  of 
the  valuation.  The  actual  letting  value  would  even  show  a  greater 
disproportion  (h). 

Corporation  Regalia. 

By  the  charter  of  James  I.  power  was  granted  the  Mayor,  Bailiffs, 
Freeburgesses  and  Commonalty  "  to  name,  elect  and  constitute  one  Sword- 
bearer  and  three  Sergeants-at-Mace "  and  such  other  necessary  officers  as 
seemed  good  to  them.  It  would  appear  that  this  power  was  exercised,  and  a 
sword  bearer  forthwith  appointed.  The  Sexton  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum, 
which  belong  to  the  early  seventeenth  century,  state  under  1608  "Clonmell 
had  first  a  Mayor  and  Bayliffe  with  a  Sword."  The  present  regalia  however, 
date  only  from  the  establishment  of  the  Cromwellian  Corporation,  half  a 
century  later.    They  consist  of  a  sword  and  two  silver  maces  (i). 

The  sword  is  four  feet  in  length,  the  blade  being  three  feet  and  half  an 

inch.    The  blade  is  of  genuine  Spanish  make  and  probably  saw  service  in 

warfare.      It  bears  on  one  face  the  word  "Jesu"  on  the  other  "Maria" 

together  with  the  marks  of  the  Toledo  fabric,  a  cross  and  anchor.     The 

guard,  hilt  and  pommel,  are  all  of  silver  but  without  hall  or  maker's  mark. 

The  guard  or  cross  is  a  segment  with  upturned  points,  and  measures  one  foot 

two  inches  from  point  to  point.    It  is  very  rudely  chased  with  oak  leaf 

ornament,  acorns  being  placed  at  the  centre  and  extremities.    The  hilt  or 

handle  proper,  is  formed  of  fine  silver  wire  wound  closely  round  a  core. 

The  pommel,  two  inches  in  diameter,  shows  on  one  side  the  Stanley  arms ; 

on  a  bend  three  stags  heads  caboshed,  on  the  sinister  canton  a  vallary 

crown  of  three  points  (/y.    An  inscription  in  cursive  hand,  is  carried  round 

the  shield : — 

Ex  dono  X  Thome  x  Standly  x  /(S56. 

The  obverse  side  of  the  pommel  exhibits  the  arms  of  the  town  (k);  on  a 

bridge  of  three  arches  in  fess,  masoned,  a  deer  and  hound  courant,  in  base  a 

stream  fluent  with  three  fishes  ;  the  motto 

Fidelis  in  eternum, 

(h)  The  tutal  rental  of  the  corporate  estate  represents  atx)ut  ;f  530.  The  principal  debts  were, 
1880,  ;f6ooo  for  erection  of  Town  Hall;  1883,  jf3000  for  Cemetery;  1892  and  following  years 
;f  18,437  for  Waterworks;  1894,  13,000  purchase  of  Gas  VV^orks.  The  loans  were  consolidated  in 
1896  by  floating  a  municipal  stock  for  ;^49,ooo. 

(i)  There  is  a  mayor's  chain  but  it  is  of  quite  recent  date. 

(j)  Probably;  but  the  crudely  graven  charge  maybe  read  as  an  inverted  label  to  distinguish  the 
eldest  son  of  the  first  house. 

(k)  This  is  the  earliest  known  representation  of  the  Clonmel  arms,  those  carved  in  the  panel  of 
the  Palatine  Court  (the  present  Main  Guard),  belonging  to  a  period  twenty  years  later.  The 
helmet  and  supporters  seem  to  have  been  added  by  some  local  herald.  A  fine  carving  in  wood  of 
the  corporate  arms  once  adorned  the  Council  gallery  in  old  St.  Mary's,  but  it  has  disappeared  with 
the  gallery  itself. 


236  History  of  Clonmel. 

The  sword  is  enclosed  in  a  velvet  scabbard,  the  silver  tip  of  which,  about 
four  inches  long,  is  almost  cotemporary  with  the  handle.  The  chasing  is 
even  ruder  than  that  on  the  handle.  At  the  extremity  on  each  side  a  rough 
crown  is  punched  between  the  Latin  initials  C.R.  (King  Charles).  The  rest 
of  the  plate  is  engraved  with  a  rose  and  marigold  design. 

The  maces  are  at  present  on  exhibition  at  the  Dublin  Museum,  and  to 
this  fortunate  circumstance  the  writer  is  indebted  for  a  description  of  them 
by  Mr.  J.  R.  Garstin,  the  best  authority  perhaps  on  old  Irish  silverwork. 

"They  are  similar  in  design  and  construction  (I),  but  differ  in  size,  being 
respectively  22  and  l8  inches  in  length  and  having  heads  3  and  25^  inches 
in  depth.  These  heads  are  divided  into  four  panels  or  compartments  by 
simple  perpendicular  bands  of  raised  floral  ornament,  surmounted  by  Caryatid 
figures.  Two  of  these  panels  bear  the  Royal  Arms  of  the  Stuart  period,  viz. : 
1st  and  4th  France  and  England,  quarterly,  2nd  Scotland,  3rd  Ireland,  within 
a  garter  and  surmounted  by  a  crown.  The  other  two  have  conventional 
roses,  for  England,  each  under  a  crown.  They  have  no  emblem  for  France, 
Scotland  or  Ireland,  which  most  Irish  maces  have.  On  the  flat  plates  which 
close  in  the  top  of  each,  a  similar  biit  larger  rose  is  displayed  under  a  crown, 
between  the  letters  C  and  R  (for  *  Charles  Rex  ')i  without  any  indication  that 
the  second  Charles  is  referred  to,  as  is  evident  from  the  date,  1663,  engraved 
on  the  larger  mace  only.  A  smaller  crown  is  over  each  of  these  two  letters, 
so  there  are  three.  The  rose  and  thistle  are  underneath  the  large  crown,  but 
no  Irish  emblem — for  the  shamrock  did  not  come  into  use  until  long  after. 
Such  maces  are  usually  surmounted  by  a  cresting  or  rim — generally  of 
fleur-de-lis — round  the  edge.  These  however  have  not  this  edging,  which 
may  have  been  lost  or  picked  away. 

"Both  maces  are,  as  usual,  wholly  of  silver,  having  no  stick  in  the  stems, 
which  are,  like  the  heads,  hollow  but  heavy.  The  heads  and  stems  bear 
evidence  of  having  parted  company,  possibly  having,  as  there  are  instances 
of,  been  put  in  requisition  as  weapons !  Plates  added  to  strengthen  them 
underneath  are  visible.  The  heads  and  handles  screw  together — the  socket 
of  one  screw  being  on  the  head,  while  that  of  the  other  is  on  the  stem. 

"One  of  the  stems  has  evidently  replaced  an  older  one,  being 
comparatively  modern,  as  appears  from  the  Sheffield  hall-mark  including  as 
date-letter  M,  which  indicates  1879.  Each  stem  is  plain,  having  one  knop  in 
the  middle  and  another  at  the  bottom,  to  which  a  flat  seal-top  base  is  attached. 

(I)  Cloninel  Corix>ralion  Maces.  By  John  R.  Garstin,  K.S.A.,  M.K.I.A.,  author  of  "  Maces  and 
other  Corporation  Insignia  of  Ireland."  The  two  maces  of  Clonmel  having  been  on  loan  in  the 
Dublin  Museum  in  October,  1906,  I  took  the  opportunity  of  examining  them,  and  give  this 
description. — J.R.G. 


History  of  Clonmel.  237 

On  the  latter  are  engraved  in  a  shield  a  heraldic  device,  presumably  for  the 
town  arms  which  may  be  described  in  unheraldic  language  as : — A  dog  chasing 
a  stag  across  a  bridge  of  three  arches,  under  each  of  which  swims  a  fish. 
Burke's  'Armory'  gives  no  arms  for  Clonmel,  .and  the  device  engraved  in 
Lewis's  'Topographical  Dictionary'  is  the  mayor's  seal,  and  quite  different. 

"  Strange  to  say  the  maces  have  no  original  hall-mark  proper,  but  each 
has  a  maker's  mark — the  initials  LS.  in  an  oval  with  a  line  round  them  and  a 
pellet  above  and  below.  These  belong  to  John  Stoaker  or  Slicer,  wh67  with 
the  exception  of  Abel  Ram,  is  the  only  Irish  maker  shown  in  Mr.  Jackson's 
great  book  '  English  Goldsmiths  and  their  marks '  (London,  4to,  1905)  p.  560, 
as  having  made  between  1656  and  1672  articles  known  to  the  author  as  still 
existing,  and  all  but  one  of  them,  including  the  mace  for  Carlow  which  has 
for  date-letter  T  of  the  first  alphabet=i656-7.  Only  ten  older  objects  than 
these  Clonmel  maces  are  recorded  by  Mr.  Jackson  from  the  foundation  of  the 
Goldsmiths'  Hall  in  1637  to  the  *  1663 '  engraved  on  one  of  them.  This 
should  give  an  idea  of  their  importance  and  value." 

There  were  two  seals  granted  by  the  charter  of  James  I. 

And  alsoe  of  our  like  special  grace  we  with  and  by  these  presents  for  us,  our  heirs 
and  successors  Give  unto  the  said  Mayor,  Bayliffs,  ffreeburgesses  and  Commonalty  of 
the  said  Borrough  of  Clonmell  and  their  successors  that  they  have  and  may  have  forever, 
one  Comon  Seale  engraven  and  carved  with  such  formes  and  inscription  as  hitherto 
they  have  been  accustomed  to,  and  ye  sealing  of  all  and  singular  Writings,  Indents, 
Grants,  Warrants  of  Attorney,  and  all  muniments,  Hereditaments,  and  all  other  public 
matters  whatsoever  to  the  said  town  or  Borrough  belonging  or  conseming,  As  ALSOE 
another  seale  of  office  of  Mayoralty  to  be  and  remain  in  ye  custody  of  the  said  Mayor 
for  the  time  being  to  seale  all  and  singular  Testimonies,  Certificates,  Attachments,  and 
Processes  whatsoever. 

Only  one  impression  of  the  seal  which  "hitherto  they  had  been 
accustomed  to  "  is  known  to  exist ;  it  is  appended  to  a  document  in  Kilkenny 
Castle  of  the  date  1543,  but  it  is  unrecognizable.  The  two  seals  at  present 
in  use  were  probably  provided  in  accordance  with  a  presentment  of  the 
D'Ouir  Hundred  Jury,  24th  May,  1714. 

Wee  present  that  the  Mayor  and  Councill  will  order  a  new  Seale  to  be  made  for 
sealinge  of  Leases  and  Freedomes,  which  wee  desire  to  be  kept  in  the  Chest  and  that 
there  be  a  small  Seale  for  the  Mayor  carrying  in  his  pockett  to  sign  Capiasses  and 
Warrants,  and  that  the  old  Seale  be  melted  down. 

The  larger  seal  is  unmistakably  eighteenth  century  work.  It  is  difficult 
to  conceive  a  greater  degradation  of  the  classic  form  of  Justice,  than  this 
vulgar  female,  with  impossible  hair  and  drapery,  shouldering  the  sword  and 
evidently  anxious  to  get  rid  of  the  scales.  But  the  engraver,  however  clumsily, 
has  made  his  meaning  clear.  This  is  not  so  with  the  smaller  seal.  Though 
design  and  execution  are  incomparably  better,  what  the  significance  is  of  the 
dagger  impaling  the  olive  wreath,  must  be  left  to  the  ingenuity  of  the  curious. 


Ohapxe^r  XII. 


CROMWELUAN  CLONMEL. 

CHE  following  documents  illustrate  the  most  important  epoch  in  the 
history  of  the  town.  The  uprooting  and  scattering  of  the  old 
burghers  and  the  setting  down  of  a  new  race  in  their  homes,  have 
been  described  in  a  former  chapter.  The  process,  it  is  to  be 
regretted,  through  defect  of  materials,  can  now  be  only  faintly  realized. 
But  the  results,  as  set  forth  in  the  following  records,  stand  out  with  striking 
vividness.  The  first  document  is  the  report  of  a  jury  of  burghers  "  late  of 
Clonmel "  on  the  corporate  rights  and  franchises,  lest  the  memory  of  these 
should  pass  away  with  the  former  inhabitants.  The  second  shows  the  earlier 
stage  in  the  Cromwellian  settlement  of  the  town — the  cantoning  of  the  soldiers 
in  the  several  houses  and  corresponding  burgages.  The  third  forms  a  sort  of 
directory  of  the  inhabitants  in  the  tenth  year  of  the  Commonwealth.  The 
fourth  shows  the  town  as  it  was  finally  settled — house  by  house  with  the 
name  of  its  new  and  that  of  its  former  possessor. 

Of  these  documents  the  first  forms  part  of  the  "  Civil  Survey  "  in  the 
Quit  Rent  Office,  Dublin;  the  second  and  fourth  were  obtained  from  the 
Public  Record  Office  (Commonwealth  Books,  Patents  of  Grants  under  Acts  of 
Settlement  and  Explanation).  The  third  is  in  possession  of  the  writer ;  it  is 
the  original,  and  has  appended  the  contemporary  warrant  signed  by  the 
Mayor  and  Bailiffs  of  Clonmel  (m). 

Survey  of  Clonmel.  • 

Com.  Tipperarie  fF. 

The  towne  of  Clonmell  with  the  lands  within  the  Liberties  and  Burgagery 
of  that  Corporation  and  other  lands  in  the  Barony  of  Iflfay  and  Offay 
belonging  to  that  Corporation. 

,fnO  But  for  the  half  leaf  wanting,  it  is  in  fair  preservalion. 


HISTORY    OF  CLONMEL.  239 

At  a  Court  of  Survey  held  at  Clonmell  in  the  County  of  Tipperary  for  the 
said  Towne  and  Burgagery  the  Qth  day  of  August  1655.  Before  Charles 
Blount,  John  Booker  and  Henry  Paris  Esqrs  Com"*  appointed  and  authorized 
by  Comission  from  the  right  honoble  the  late  Com"  of  the  Commonwealth 
of  England  for  the  aff ayres  of  Ireland  for  holding  of  Courts  of  Survey  in  the 
said  County  of  Tipperary.  By  the  oaths  of  Good  and  lawfull  men  formerly 
Inhabitauntes  of  the  sd  Towne  whose  names  are  underwritten.  It  is  found  as 
followeth  viz*- 

James  Brennock  of  Clonmell,  Apotecary. 

Patrick  Donoghow,  late  of  Clonmell,  merchant. 

Walter  Morony,  late  of  ye  same,  merchant. 

Thomas  White,  late  of  ye  same,  merchant. 

John  Dwyer,  late  of  ye  same.  Glover. 

Phillipp  Mohologhan,  late  of  ye  same,  husbandman. 

Thomas  Carran,  late  of  ye  same,  husbandman. 

Luke  Quirck,  late  of  ye  same,  merchant. 

Richard  Esmond,  late  of  ye  same,  husbandman. 

Michael  Bray,  late  of  ye  same,  merchant. 

Ambrose  Bray,  late  of  the  same,  merchant. 

Thomas  Walsh,  late  of  the  same,  husbandman. 
The  Towne  and  lands  within  the  lyberties  and  Burgagery  of  Clonmell  in 
the  County  of  Tipperary  are  bounded  as  followeth  ;  by  Powersland  [Powers- 
town]  and  Mylerstown  in  the  Parish  of  Kilgrant  on  the  east,  Rathronan  in 
the  Parish  of  Rathronan,  Rathduffe  in  the  Parish  of  Kilgrant,  Lawlestowne 
and  Tubburhany  on  the  north,  Ballyngarran  and  Garrishane  on  the  west,  and 
y*  River  Sewir  on  the  south.  The  particular  meares  and  bounds  of  the  said 
Burgagery  lands  of  Clonmell  are  knowen  by  the  sd  Jury  being  Antient 
Inhabitauntes  thereof,  and  often  heretofore  trod  out  by  them  and  all  ye  sd 
lands  within  the  lyberties  of  Clonmell  were  lately  surveyed  at  the  charge 
of  the  present  Inhabitaunts  thereof.  The  sd  Towne  of  Clonmell  is  situated 
on  the  North  Side  of  the  River  Sewir  in  the  County  of  Tipperary 
and  is  walled  about  with  a  stone  wall  of  Lyme  and  stone,  with  severall 
Turretts  and  hath  the  accomodation  of  a  stone  Bridge  together  with  two 
Greist  mills  on  the  same  and  had  the  conveniency  of  three  suburbs  viz** 
The  East  suburbs  extending  to  the  lane  called  Bohir  Mullineparky  containqing 
fiftye  Cabbins  or  thereabouts  with  garden  plotts  and  three  weires  likewise 
three  houses  and  gardens  wch  leadeth  from  the  sd  East  Suburbs  unto  the 
North  Suburbs.  The  sd  North  Suburbs  consistinge  of  fowerteene  houses  or 
thereabouts  with  gardens  and  from  the  sayd  North  Suburbs  there  was  a  lane 
enclosed  all  along  with  gardens  and  oarchards  leadinge  unto  the   West 


240  History  of  Clonmel. 

Suburbs  wch  suburbs  consisted  of  eighty  bouses  or  thereabouts  whereof  six 
were  good  slate  houses  and  one  mill  And  ye  said  suburbs  did  extend  from 
the  West  Gate  to  a  lane  called  Borineninardchsy  comonly  called  Chiefe  rent 
Lane.  The  sd  Towne  had  the  priviledges  viz'*  by  Charter  graunted  them  in 
the  yeare  1608  they  were  to  make  choyse  of  twenty  men  for  their  councell 
and  out  of  the  twenty  they  were  to  elect  a  Mayo""  and  two  Bayliffes  about 
Midsumer  and  sweare  them  at  Michellmas  together  with  a  Recorder.  There 
was  likewise  a  Court  of  Record  once  a  fforthnight  or  accordinge  as  occasion 
served  to  determine  any  difference  betwixte  party  and  party  for  any  sume  or 
sumes  or  other  causes  or  Actions.  There  were  alsoe  fFower  Deerehundred 
Courts  every  yeare.  A  Court  Lette  twice  a  yeare  a  Court  Barron  once  a  yeare. 
A  Pyepowder  Court  as  often  as  occasion  served  and  the  Mayo""  of  the  Towne 
for  the  Tyme  being  was  alwayse  Corono'  Sealema*"  and  Justice  of  the  Peace 
and  Quorum  for  the  County  of  Tipperary  and  had  three  Sarieants  to  attend 
him  with  maces,  a  sword  and  a  sword  bearer  A  Comon  Seale  of  Office  and  a 
capp  of  Mainetenance.  There  was  a  Clarke  of  the  Markett  belonginge  to  the 
said  Towne  and  ye  Maio'  for  the  time  being  did  receive  Custome  from  every 
stranger  that  passed  over  the  Bridge  with  Carriage  or  Cattle  and  there  was 
likewise  a  Comon  Sellar  Keyage  and  Boateage  to  Receive  Strangers  goods 
as  they  came  from  or  went  to  Waterford  and  a  markett  twice  a  week  viz* 
upon  Tuesdayes  and  Saturdayes. 

The  Towne  of  Clonmell  and  lyberties  thereof  had  bene  alwayse  time  out 
of  minde  an  Intire  Corporation  of  themselves  distinct  from  the  Barony  of 
IfFay  and  Offay  or  any  other  Barony  and  never  deemed  taken  or  reputed 
member,  pt  or  parcel!  of  the  said  Barony  or  any  other  Barony.  The  tythes  of 
the  Parish  of  Clonmell  were  two  third  parts  of  all  ye  Tythes  greate  or  small 
Imppriate,  and  belonging  to  the  Earle  of  Ormond  by  patent  from  the  Crowne. 
The  other  third  part  to  the  vicar  and  were  all  worth  in  the  year  1640  .  .  . 
.  .  /40  05.  Od.  The  lands  within  the  lyberties  and  Burgagery  of  Clonmell 
in  the  County  of  Tipperary  by  estimation  Nine  hundred  thirty  five  plantation 
acres  all  pfitable  land  enjoyed  for  the  most  part  in  ye  yeare  1640  by  ye 
persons  whose  names  doe  ensue  but  their  particular  and  respective  pportions 
we  are  not  able  now  to  sett  forth. 

The  Names  of  the  Antient  Burgesses  of  Clonmell  who  were  Proprieto"*  of 
lands  within  the  Burgagery  of  Clonmell  in  the  yeare  1640. 

James  Lord  Marques  of  Ormond. 

John  White  fz  Bennet  of  Clonmell. 

Henry  White  of  Clonmell. 

(Francis  White  of  Clonmell. 

Pierce  Bray  of  Clonmell. 


History  of  Clonmel.  241 

John  Stritch  of  Clonmell. 

Andrew  Morony  of  Clonmell. 

John  Bray  of  Clonmell. 

James  ffaggan  of  Clonmell. 

Michaell  Bray  of  Clonmell. 

James  Wall  of  Clonmell. 

John  Lea  of  Waterford. 

Patrick  Walsh  of  Waterford. 

Thomas  White  fz  Richard  of  Clonmell. 

Nicholas  Everard  of  flfethard. 

David  White  of  Russelstowne  in  ye  County  of  Waterford. 

JelFry  Barron  of  Clonmell. 

W"  Leynogh  of  Clonmell. 

Richard  Butler  of  Clonmell. 

John  White  fz  Lawrence  of  Clonmell. 

Thomas  Roch  of  Clonmell. 

Edmond  Brenock  of  Clonmell. 

Pierce  Wall  of  Clonmell. 

W"  Swyny  of  Clonmell. 

John  Corr  of  Tubburhany  in  ye  County  of  Tipperary. 

Bartholomy  Creagh  of  Clonmell. 

John  Wall  of  Clonmel. 

William  Lincoln  of  Waterford. 

Alexander  Power  of  Powerstowne  in  the  County  of  Tipperary. 

Thomas  White  fitz  Richard  fitz  David  of  Clonmell. 

Richard  Morony  of  Clonmell. 

Thomas  Donoghow  of  Clonmell. 

John  English  of  Clonmell. 
— Irish  Papists. 
Corporation  Lands  and  houses  within  the  Burgagery  and  Towne  (besides 
what  were  the  Inheritances  of  the  sayd  Proprieto**)  are  hereafter  sett  downe. 
And  houses  and  lands  belonging  to  the  Hospittals  &c  sett  apart  for  pious 
uses. 

The  viccars  house  and  garden  sett  apart  for  that  use  (time  out  of  minde) 
situate  on  the  south  side  of  the  Church  yard  in  Clonmell.  The  house  destroyed 
sithence  ye  takeing  of  Clonmell.  The  Garden  now  in  the  possession  of  M*"- 
Richard  Hamerton  of  Clonmell  by  lease  from  the  late  Com"*  of  Reuenue  in 
Tipperary. 

A  house  destroyed  before  the  Rebellion  with  a  garden  adioyneing  there- 
unto wch  was  sett  aparte  time  out  of  mind  for  a  Ifree  schoole  situate  on  the 

R 


242  History  of  Clonmel. 

south  side  of  the  Church  yard  afforesd  in  Clonmell.  The  garden  now  in  the 
possession  of  M*"-  Hamerton  aforesd.  A  stone  slate  house  built  situate  on 
the  East  side  of  the  Church  yard  afForsd  in  Clonmell  built  aboutt  thirty  yeares 
sithence  by  the  Comons  of  Clonmell  upon  a  part  of  their  Comon  land  and 
sett  apart  for  an  Hospitall  for  old  impotent  decayed  inhabitants  of  Clonmell 
and  soe  used  untill  the  takeing  of  the  Towne  in  the  yeare  1650.  The  sd  house 
is  now  in  lease  to  Coll  Sankey  from  the  late  Com"  of  Reuvenue  and  is  in 
Repayre. 

A  parcell  of  ground  where  the  Comon  Pound  stood  situate  on  the  East 
side  of  the  Hospitall  house  afforesd.  A  garden  belonging  to  the  late  viccar 
of  Clonmell  and  soe  held  and  enioyed  (time  out  of  minde)  situate  on  the  East 
side  of  the  Hospitall  and  Pound  alforesayd,  bounded  with  the  Towne  wall  on 
the  North  and  extendinge  in  the  East  to  the  garden  and  House  where  David 
Walsh  lived. 

The  County  goale  and  Towne  hall  built  over  the  same  situate  neare  the 
middle  of  the  Towne  now  in  good  repayre.  Three  stone  built  slate  houses 
situate  in  the  middle  Roe  behind  the  sd  Towne  Hall  leading  to  the  West 
Gate  in  Clonmell  built  upon  the  Corporation  lands  by  certaine  burgesses 
thereof  upon  seuerall  leases  to  them  granted  of  the  sd  lands  by  the  Comons 
of  Clonmell  about  fifty  yeares  sithence  for  one  hundred  yeares  to  come  from 
the  comencem*  of  their  respective  leases  at  the  yearley  rent  of  one  pound 
thirteene  shill'  and  4^  for  each  house.  One  of  those  houses  is  now  possessed 
by  Ralph  Chadcroft.  Another  by  Thomas  Sellin  by  lease  from  the  late 
Com**  of  Revenue,  both  in  good  repaire,  the  third  wholy  ruined  and  in  the 
Roome  thereof  a  guardhouse  lately  built. 

A  Part  of  the  stonehouse  and  backhouses  and  backside  in  Logt  streete  in 
Clonmell  wherein  James  Brenock,  Apottecary,  lately  dwelth  built  uppon  the 
Corporacon  land  about  sixty  yeares  sithence  by  the  sayd  James  his  father, 
and  the  sayd  James,  and  held  by  them  in  Lease  from  the  sayd  Corporacon 
for  one  hundred  and  one  yeare  at  the  yearely  rent  of  twelve  shillings,  now 
possessed  by  the  Wid :  Spinser. 

A  stone  built  house  neare  the  East  Gate  built  uppon  the  Corporacon 
lands  by  James  Daniell  of  Clonmell  neare  twenty  yeares  sithence  held  by 
lease  from  the  Corporacon  for  one  hundred  and  one  yeares  at  one  shilling 
six  pence  yearely  wch  house  is  included  within  the  late  built  flfort  in  Clonmell 
and  now  in  the  possession  of  the  Governor. 

Divers  other  thacht  houses  and  slate  houses  now  for  the  most  part 
demolished  and  included  within  the  walls  of  the  sd  flfoort  wch  was  built 
uppon  ye  Corporacon  lands  by  seuerall  burgesses  thereof,  who  held  the  same 
by  lease  from  ye  Corporacon  together  with  the  Comon  Seller  to  receive 


History  of  Clonmel.  ^43 

strangers  goods  and  the  Guild  hall  built  over  the  same  and  a  private  chamber 
built  over  the  Watergate  belonging  to  the  Corporacon,  which  did  yield  the 
Corporacon  in  the  yeare  1640  six  poundes  per  ann,  All  whch  are  now  wholly 
destroyed. 

All  the  Castles  and  Turretts  uppon  the  Towne  walls  yeilded  yearely  a 
certaine  rent  to  the  sd  Corporacon. 

The  other  part  of  the  stone  built  house  upon  the  Corporacon  lands  built 
by  John  Stritch  wherein  George  Carr  now  dwelleth,  yeilded  the  yearely  rent 
of  six  shillings  and  8d  to  the  sd  Corporacon. 

All  the  houses,  stayres,  Pynnyons  and  Gutters  and  other  structures 
erected  either  upon  the  Towne  walls  or  upon  the  streetes  of  the  sd  Towne. 
The  respective  parties  for  buildinge  pd  a  yearely  rent  to  the  sd  Corporacon. 

The  stone  house  in  the  middle  of  the  Towne  in  the  South  side.  The 
upper  part  whereof  was  formerly  used  as  a  guard  house. 

A  guard  house,  the  middle  part  thereof  was  continually  used  by  Butchers 
to  sell  meat  and  the  Loer  part  thereof  comonly  used  for  a  Comon  Goale  wch 
was  alwayse  time  out  of  minde  pperty  belonging  to  the  Corporation  and 
imployed  to  the  uses  alforesd. 

The  lane  under  the  house  lately  belonging  to  John  White  iz  Lawrence 
and  now  in  the  possession  of  Richard  Parrett  yeilded  the  Corporation  a 
yearely  rent  for  the  buildings  over  the  same. 

The  Toll  of  the  Comon  Barrell  of  the  sayd  Towne  yeilded  the  Corporation 
the  rent  of  twenty  eight  pounds  in  the  yeare  1640. 

The  Sheire  Goale  under  the  West  Court  house  sett  by  the  sd  Corporation 
for  the  yearely  rent  of  eight  pounds  to  the  Goaler  in  the  yeare  1640. 

Two  Mills  upon  the  Bridge  of  Clonmell  in  the  County  of  Tipperary  did 
yeild  the  sd  Corporation  a  yearely  rent  in  ye  yeare  1640  and  alwayse  before 
time  out  of  minde.  The  one  halfe  of  the  fish  taken  in  the  River  of  Sewir 
(otherwise  then  at  weires  and  Mills)  from  Borrinahow  to  Pooks  [Query  Rocks] 
mill  on  the  North  side  of  the  sd  River  belongeth  to  the  sd  Corporation  time 
out  of  mindei  The  custome  of  all  cattle  sould  at  the  Markett  of  y*  sd  Towne 
yeilded  a  yearely  rent  to  the  sayd  Corporation.  Many  other  houses  parks 
and  gardens  as  well  within  the  walls  of  the  sd  Towne  as  in  the  Suburbs 
thereof  belongeth  to  the  sayd  Corporation  and  yeilded  them  some  small  yearely 
rent,  the  particulars  whereof  we  cannot  certainely  sett  dowhe.  Nor  the 
persons  names  in  whose  possession  the  sd  houses  and  gardens  were  in  the 
yeare  1640.  The  poesesso"  of  them  haveing  joyned  them  to  their  owne  lands 
and  broken  downe  the  meares  betweene  them. 

Corporation  lands  without  the  walls  and  within  the  Burgagery 
of  Clonmell. 


244  History  of  Clonmel. 

The  Spittle  or  Lazars  house  situate  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  westward 
from  Clonmell  wholly  destroyed  onely  some  part  of  the  wall  standinge  with 
twenty  plant"  Acres  of  arable  land  and  meddow  by  computation  scattered 
and  intermixed  with  other  lands  within  the  Burgagery  of  Clonmell  worth  in 

the  yeare  1640  ten  pounds  p  annu llOOs.  Od.  wch  house  and 

lands  were  held  and  enjoyed  by  the  Corporacon  of  Clonmell  (time  out  of 
minde)  and  were  possessed  in  the  yeare  1640  by  John  White  fitz  Lawrence 
of  Clonmell,  Burgesse,  by  Mortgage  from  the  sd  Corppracon  and  the  sd  John 
White  paying  thereout  to  the  Corporacon  yearely  one  pound,  19s,  and  some 
odd  pennyes  as  wee  remember  over  and  above  his  Mortgage. 

The  thatcht  house  in  the  west  suburbs  with  three  gardens  thereunto 
belonging,  now  in  the  possession  of  James  Brenock  Appotecary  and  in  the 
yeare  1640  built  for  a  house  of  Correction  and  belonged  to  the  sd  Corporacon 
time  out  of  mynde. 

A  small  parcell  of  land  neare  the  Gibbett  hill  without  the  North  gate  of 
the  sd  Towne  belonged  to  the  Corporacon  afforesd  time  out  of  minde,  on 
part  whereof  Victor  white,  Daniel  MoUoghan,  Mlaghlin  Skehane,  Michael 
Kott  and  Edmond  Purcell  have  lately  built  cabbins. 

Corporacon  lands  lyeing  in  the  Barony  of  IlFay  and  OfFay  without  the 
Burgagery  of  Clonmell. 

The  Castle  towne  and  lands  of  Ballymac  Adam  with  a  cley  pitt  thereupon, 
lyinge  in  the  County  of  Tipperary  and  Parish  of  Caher,  containing  three 
colpe  acres  of  the  old  extent  and  it  was  bestowed  time  beyond  the  memory 
of  man  by  the  Lady  Dowager  of  Cahir  upon  the  sd  Corporacon  and 
accordingly  enjoyed  time  out  of  mind  by  the  sd  Corporacon  to  their  publique 
use  and  enjoyed  by  Morrish  m*"  Adam  in  the  year  1640  As  tenant  to  the  sd 
Corporacon  for  the  yearely  rent  of  six  pounds. 

The  sd  Corporacon  (time  out  of  minde)  likewise  enjoyed  to  their  publique 
use,  two  fields  of  land  between  both  the  Annor  bridges  in  the  parish  of 
Killoloan  in  the  East  division  of  Iffay  and  OfFay,  being  by  estimation  ten 
plantation  acres,  whereon  there  was  a  tuckinge  Mill  built  in  the  yeare  1640 
and  now  demolished,  wch  lands  and  mill  was  held  by  John  Walsh  Esq.  from 
the  Corporacon  at  a  certaine  rent. 

Thomas  Castle  at  Ardf ynan  otherwise  called  Shortcastle,  with  one  colpe 
Acre  of  the  old  extent  consisting  of  twenty  plantation  acres  by  estimation. 
The  meares  and  bounds  whereof  they  can  not  sett  forth  here  because  they 
doe  not  know  the  names  of  the  lands  that  meares  about  it,  which  Castle  and 
lands  did  belong  to  the  Corporacon  of  Clonmell  time  out  of  minde  and  was 
worth  in  the  yeare  1640  the  sume  of  fFower  pounds  ster,  yearely  04/1  005.  ood. 

This  Inquisition  was  taken  before  us  at  Clonmell  the  9th  day  of  August,  1655. 

H.  Paris,    Char.  Blount.    Jo  :  Booker, 


History  of  Clonmel. 


245 


Settlement  of  1654. 
An  Exact  Rent  roll  of  the  Houses  and  Burgagery  land  of  the  Towne  of 
Clonmell  as  they  were  sett  by  lease  by  the  late  Com"  of  Revenue  of  the 
precincts  of  Clonmel  aforesaid,  for  the  space  of  six  years  commenceinge  the 
first  of  May  1654,  to  the  undernamed  persons  for  the  Annuall  rents  to  their 
names  respectively  annexed  viz*- 


n 


Coll  John  Booker,  new  dwelling  house,  mill,  Bakehouse,  35  ac  95  per.  sett"^ 
at  no  rent  or  which  rent  was  respited  by  order  of  late  Comrs.  of  [ 
the  Commonwealth  on  12  Ap.  1654  for  one  whole  year  ...  ...  ) 

Thomas  Price,  his  dwelling  house  2  ac.  127  per. 

Thomas  Taylour,  his  thatdihouse 

Ralph  Chadraft,  house  13  ac  41  per.  and  garden  plott 

Margaret  ffrankes,  house  4  aa  32  per.  and  garden  plott 

Nathaniel  Thompson,  house,  garden  with  4  ac.  32  per. 

Edward  Hill,  house,  4  ac.  81  per.  garden  plott  ... 

Robert  Loveles,  house,  garden  plott,  I  ac  120  per.  at  2d.  the  yeare  for 
years  commencing  I  May  1654  in  consideration  of  building 

Henry  Wainright,  house  with  7  ac  179  per.  garden  plott 

Henry  Heware,  house,  8  ac  35  per. 

Mrs.  Jane  Charles,  house,  gulden,  li  ac  66  per. 

Zachary  Salmon,  thatch  house  and  garden 

Arthur  Rawlinson,  thatch  house,  backside  thereunto  belonging 

Richard  Rouse,  thatch  house  with  garden 

Daniel  Powell,  thatch  house  with  garden  plott 

Elizabeth  Bowen,  her  house    ... 

John  Reanan,  slate  house  and  small  thatch  house,  garden  15  ac.  120  per. 

Elizabeth  Merritt,  house  19  ac  81  per.  garden  plott 

Henry  Paris,  Esq.,  a  small  thatcht  house 

Richard  Rouse,  house,  16  ac  159  per.  garden  plott 

Ensigne  Henry  Proud,  house,  7  ac  104  per. 

James  Sheely,  house,  8  ac  97  per.  garden  plott 

Richard  Betsworth,  house,  9  ac  14  per.  garden  plott 

Thomas  Turpin,  house,  9  ac  66  per.  garden  plott  at  the  rent  40  shillings 
for  the  first  yeare  and  five  pounds  for  the  foure  ensueingd 

Charles  House,  house,  7  ac.  96  per.  garden  plott 

George  Moore,  house,  6  ac  45  per.  garden  plott 

John  Greete,  house,  5  ac  153  per.  garden  plott 

Robert  Thompson,  house,  4  ac  27  per.  garden  plott 

Capt.  Edmond  Hyegate,  house,  6  ac  190  per. 

Francis  Hopkins,  house,  5  ac  97  per. 

Mr.  Oliver  Latham,  house,  4  ac.  103  per. 

Solomon  Richards,  Esq.,  house,  II  ac  120  per. 

Richard  Ely,  house,  18  ac  and  garden  plott 

Edward  Markham,  house,  8  ac  34  per. 

Thomas  Chelcum,  house,  8  ac  80  per. 

Lieut.  Coll.  John  Brett,  house,  18  ac.  90  per.     ... 

Katherine  Spencer,  house,  1 1  ac.  67  per.  garden  plott 

Thomas  Bates,  thacht  house  — 

John  Gosling,  house,  5  ac  36  per.  garden  plott 

Robert  Carr,  house,  7  ac  64  per.  garden  plott 

John  Draper,  house,  8  ac.  63  per. 

Capt.  Thomas  Richards,  house,  II  ac  1 16  per. 

Lyonell  ffoard,  house,  garden  plott 

Major  Robert  Knight,  house,  25  ac  2  per. 

Coll.  Solomon  Richards,  house  in  Breach  streete,  30  ac  6  per. 


£   s.    d, 
60  13    0 


5  12 

0 

I  0 

0 

8  0 

0 

3  0 

0 

3  0 

0 

2  8 

6 

2 

4  2 

6 

3  13 

0 

4  0 

0 

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0 

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0 

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0 

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0 

I    3 

0 

8  10 

0 

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0 

5  n 

0 

6  6 

0 

i  \ 

0 

6 

2  10 

0 

5  0 

0 

4  0 

0 

2  0 

0 

410 

0 

3  10 

0 

9  0 

0 

7    0 

0 

8  3 

6 

6  7 

0 

2  0 

0 

II  14 

3 

4  0 

0 

I  0 

0 

4  0 

0 

2  10 

0 

!■; 

0 
0 

2  0 

0 

14  0 

0 

II  0 

0 

246 


History  of  Clonmel. 


George  Tucker,  house,  5  ac.  92  per.  garden  plott 
Leonard  Proctor,  thatchouse,  garden  plott 
Thomas  Wheatley,  thatchouse,  garden  plott    ... 

Capt.  Henry  Newberry,  house,  19  ac.  66  per.  garden  plott 
John  Bayly,  a  garden  plott,  8  ac.  30  per. 

Coll.  Daniel  Abbott,  house,  mill  with  backside  85^  ac    ... 

The  said  Coll.  Abbott,  another  house,  iSJ^  ac. 

Coll.  Solomon  Richards,  house,  yarde  and  gardens,  32  ac.  29  per. 
John  Cooke,  house,  14  ac.  24  per. 

Richard  Moore,  house,  garden  II  ac.  24  per. 

George  Carr,  house,  garden    ... 

Geffrey  Jenkins,  house,  garden 

Capt  Henry  Butler,  house,  16  ac.  23  per. 

John  Nicholls,  house,  garden  Sac.  147  per. 

James  Cooke,  house,  garden  7  aa  15  per. 

Richard  Hamerton,  house,  garden  7  ac.  13  per. 

Lieutenant  Herrickes,  house,  18  ac.  32  per. 

James  Sturzecar,  house,  small  garden  5  ac.  126  per. 

Lieut  Humphrey  Minchin,  house,  II  ac.  121  per. 

Amy  Chaffin,  house,  II  ac.  112  per.    ... 

Sarah  Warin,  house,  garden  8  ac.  22  per. 

Richard  Parrett,  house,  garden  17  ac.  71  per.    ... 

James  Ketty,  house,  5  ac  83  per  garden  plott 

William  Lane,  house,  garden  plott  9  ac  24  per. 

Thomas  Batty,  Esq.,  thacht  house,  parcell  wast  ground 

Coll.  Thomas  Blount,  house,  mill  21  ac  17  per. 

Quarter  Master  Oliver,  house,  8  ac.  30  per.  garden  plott 

Thomas  Batty,  Esq.,  new  dwelling  house,  28  ac  126  per.  garden  plott 

Mrs.  Mary  Dunbarr,  house,  mill  II  ac  77  per.  garden  plott 

Richard  Gowing,  house  and  garden  plott 

Robert  Thomill,  house 

John  Lillington,  thacht  house ... 

Capt.  John  Earpe,  house  and  garden    ... 

Diggery  Bagnall,  thacht  house 

Henry  Paris  Esq.,  his  small  garden  plott  in  west  suburbs 

ffrancis  Vaughan  Esq.,  14  ac.  139  per.  ... 

William  Hanbury,  House 

John  Gresham,  house  in  high  st.  4ac  109  per.  garden  plott 

John  Pickett,  house,  garden  12  ac  176  per. 

Henry  Everard,  house  garden  plott  17  ac.  20  per. 

George  Slaughter,  house  in  shambles  lane  garden  plott  5  ac.  133  per. 

Capt  William  Palmer,  house  in  West  Gate  lane  4  ac.  54  per. 

Major  Martin  Dix,  house  in  High  St  garden  plott  14  ac  69  per.  ... 

Coll.  John  Booker,  house  in  West  Gate  Lane  with  Ruined  mill  and  two  baksides 

Walter  Bagshaw,  house  in  Breach  Street 

Capt.  Henry  Newberry,  two  small  cabbins  with  a  little  garden  plott  without  > 
the  East  Gate  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...) 

William  Galfe,  house  in  Breech  St,  14  ac  106  per.  garden  plott 

Capt  Samuel  Foley,  2  fields  of  burgagery  land  containing  9  ac  33  per.  laid) 
by  the  late  survey  to  the  house  late  belonging  to  Ellice  ne  Henny  [ 
for  which  he  is  to  pay  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...) 

The  said  Capt  flFoley  having  a  lease  of  the  house  where  the  Com"  of  Revenue  ^ 
did  usually  sitt  for  the  tearme  of  five  yeares  comencinge  ye  I  of  f 
November,  1654,  for  which  he  is  to  pay  for  ye  five  yeares  fifty  C 
shillings  and  five  pounds  yearly  for  ye  five  years  one  half  ensuing  J 

Coll.  Solomon  Richards,  his  lease  of  three  fields  of  the  lands  of  Cruan  and  ) 
Rahines  for  3  yeares  comenceing  first  May,  1654,  and  sett  to  him  [ 
for  ye  small  rent  of  18  shillings  ...  ...  . . . ) 


£  s. 

d. 

3  0 

0 

I  10 

0 

10 

0 

14  0 

0 

3  10 

0 

4  14 

0 

13  14 

0 

9  12 

6 

10  16 

7 

6  0 

0 

II  10 

0 

5  0 

0 

5  10 

0 

4  16 

0 

4  10 

0 

10  18 

0 

10  0 

0 

3  0 

0 

6  10 

0 

4  0 

0 

5  0 

0 

n  5 

0 

2  I 

6 

3  2 

0 

I  0 

0 

"Jl 

0 

0 

15  15 

0 

3  0 

0 

3  3 

0 

6  0 

0 

I  0 

0 

3  2 

6 

I  0 

0 

5 

0 

3  0 

0 

2  0 

0 

2  18 

6 

6  0 

0 

13  0 

0 

2  I 

6 

I  18 

0 

8  0 

0 

I  10 

0 

I  0 

0 

9 

0 

6  0 

0 

I  10   0 


I    5    0 


18    0 


HISTORY    OF  CLONMEL.  247 

POLE  Money  Book,  i66i. 

By  the  Com™-  for  putting  in  Execution  the  ordinance  of  Pole  money 
within  the  Barronye  and  liberties  of  Clonmell  for  his  Ma''***  service. 

Pursuant  to  an  ordinance  of  the  Gen"'  Convention  of  Ireland  bearing  date 
the  first  day  of  March  l66o,  directed  to  vs  as  Com"*  for  putting  the  same  in 
due  and  effectual  execution  :  Yow  the  undernamed  are  hereby  authorized  and 
required  to  leavy  and  collect  from  the  before  named  persons  [in  original  this 
order  follows  the  list  of  names]  the  severall  summes  to  their  names  respectively 

annexed.    And  in  case  of  refusal are  to  distrayn  him 

or  them  by  their  goods  and  chattells  and  the  distresses  (after  the  keeping  of 
them  six  dayes)  to  cause  to  be  appraised  and  if  not  presently  redeemed  to  sell 
the  same  for  satisfying  of  what  moneyes  is  due  thereout  and  the  over  plus  if 
any  be  (after  first  deducting  such  costs  and  charges  as  yow  shall  be  att  in 
distreyneing  and  keeping  of  the  distresse)  to  deliver  back  to  the  owner  or 
owners  thereof.  Which  said  summes  soe  by  yow  collected  you  are  to  pay 
over  vnto  Capt  William  Hubbard  Chief  e  Collector  or  his  assignes  att  or  before 
the  7***  day  of  May  instant,  and  all  high  and  petty  Constables  and  all  other 
his  Ma*****  officers  and  good  subjects  whatsoever  both  Civill  and  Military  are 
required  to  be  ayding  and  assisting  in  the  execution  of  the  premisses,  and 
for  their  soe  doing  this  shall  bee  a  sufficient  warrant  and  authority.  Dated 
in  Clonmell  the  first  day  of  May  l66l  (n). 

To  Richard  Dennison  sub  collector 

of  the  towne  and  suburbs  of  *  S.  fFoley  Mayor. 

Clonmell.  Robert  Lovelace. 

I  doe  approve  of  the  above  Rich^-  Perot. 

sub  Collector  as  Wittness  my 

hand  this  l8th  of  May  l66l 

W.  Hibbart, 

Borough  of  Clonmell  in  the  County  of  Tipperary. 

Names  and         n.,^/;<f^^/,vi«c        Summes  in 
Sir  Names,         Q^tficatwns,  p^^^^^ 

£  5.  d. 

John  Dwyer  [runnaway]  servant  2  0 

William  Casheene,  servant       ...  2  0 

George  Tucker,  Slater              ...  6  0 

Elizabeth  Tucker,  his  wife        ...  2  0 

Anne  West,  a  prisoner's  wife    ...  2  0 

Onnor  Ryane,  a  Kilne  woman  2  0 

Richard  Mary,  a  porter             ...  2  0 

Ellen  Mary,  his  wife                  ...  2  0 

Mathew  Kenny,  Miller              ...  2  0 


Names  and         n..^/;/?^^#.v,^c        Summes  in 
Sir  Names.         Q^tficatwns,  ^^^^^ 

£   5.  d, 

John  Booker,  Esquire                ...  2    0  0 

Catherine  Booker,  his  wife        ...  2  0 

Thomas  Booker,  his  sonne  Gentl.  I    a  o 

John  Horsman,  husbandman    ...  o  0 

Elizabeth,  his  wife                     ...  2  0 

Ivane,  his  nurse                         ...  2  0 

Mary  Walsh,  servant                ...  2  0 

Thomas  Hutchman,  servant     ...  2  0 

Richard  Butler,  servant            ...  2  0 

[Here  half  a  leaf  is  wanting  containing  about  forty-four  names. — W.P.B.] 

(it)  In  later  hand  inserted  '*  Mein**""»-  that  the  total  of  th's  booke  mounts  vnto  One  hundred 
forty  and  seaven  pounds  twelve  shillings  ster.  147/f  125.  or/." 


248 


History  of  Clonmel. 


Names  and         n.,r,ii4i^^fi^^^        Summes  in 
Sir  Names.         Qualifications.  ^^^^^^ 

£   5.   d. 

Anthony  Watts,  shopkeeper     ...  14    0 

Martha,  his  wife                        ...  2    0 

Morris  Kennelly,  servant          ...  2    0 
Stephen  Morris,  a  poore  shopkeeper      2    0 

Christian,  his  wife                     ...  20 

Elizabeth  Madison,  a  soldier's  wife  2    0 

John  Walters,  Malster               ...  60 

Sarah,  his  wife                           ...  2    0 

John  Dullaghunty,  Miller          ...  2    0 

Rose,  his  wife                            ...  2    0 

Richard  Taylour,  Clothier        ...  60 

Anne,  his  wife                           ...  2    0 

Toby  Dwyle,  servant                 ...  2    0 

Robert  Collbecke,  servant         ...  2    0 
Robert  Lovelace,  Gentleman     ...      140 

Susanna,  his  wife                       ...  2    0 

Walter,  his  servant                    ...  2    0 

Peige,  his  servant                      ...  2    0 

Daniell  Hallourhan,  servant     ...  2    0 

Honora  Carroll,  servant            ...  2    0 

Richard  Botsworth,  Aleseller    ...  60 

Ellinor,  his  wife                         ...  2    0 

Catherine  Glissane,  servant      ...  20 

John  Esmeath,  Cooke                ...  60 

Lettice,  his  wife                         ...  20 

his  maid                         ...  2    0 

Richard  Williams,  Aleseller     ...  60 

Margery,  his  wife                      ...  2    0 

Mary  Cornane,  servant              ...  20 

ffrancis  Rawbone,  taylor          '...  60 

Jane,  his  wife                             ...  2    0 

Robert  Silvester,  servant           ...  2    0 

John  Pressicke,  Sadler               ...  60 

Anne,  his  wife                           ...  20 

Charles  Howes,  Shooemaker    ...  60 

Elizabeth  Howes,  his  wife         ...  2    0 
William    Nicholls,    Journeyman! 
servant                                 .../ 

Joseph  Howes,  servant              ...  20 

Katherine  Ny.  Cragh,  servant  2    0 

George  Moore,  a  poore  shoemaker  6    0 

Margaret,  his  wife  2    0 

Thomas  Stapleton,  servant        ...  20 

Edward  Smith,  Joyner               ...  60 

Anne,  his  wife                            ...  20 

John  Greete,  ffarmor                  ...  14    0 

Joane,  his  wife                            ...  2    0 

Mory  Symmes,  his  sister  in  law  2    0 
John  Parker,  his  sonne  in  law,  Sadler    6    0 

Mary,  his  wife                           ...  2    0 

Robert  Tompson,  Baker           ...  14    0 

Susan,  his  wife                           ...  20 

John  Boorke,  servant                 ...  2    0 

Richard  Whitehand,  shoemaker  14    0 

Mary,  his  wife                            ...  20 


2     0 


Names  and 
Sir  Names. 


Qualifications. 


Andrew  Hare,  (Journeymen) 


Summes  in 
Figures. 
£   s.   d 
2    0 

JohnWoodall,  I    servants    i  2    0 

John  Richison,  Journeyman  servant  2    0 

Alice  Power,  servant                 ...  2    0 

Mary  Scott,  a  foot  soldier's  wife  2    0 

Thomas  Browne,  Boatman        ...  2    0 

Catherine,  his  wife                     ...  2    0 

Dorothy  Johnston,  a  poore  widow  2    0 

ifrancis  Hopkins,  Chandler       ...  14    0 

Joane  Hopkins,  his  wife            ...  2    0 

Margaret  Buoland,  servant       ...  2    0 

Walter  Brenocke,  Apothecary  14    0 

Anne,  his  wife                           ...  20 

Patricke  Hannyne,  servant       ...  2    0 

Charles  Walters,  Barbour         ...  60 

Margery,  his  wife                      ...  2    0 

James  Cranwell,  servant            ...  60 

Anthony  Marshall,  butcher       ...  2    0 

Anstace,  his  wife                       ...  2    0 
Anstace  Kearney,  a  labouring  woman    2    0 

George  Ardine,  Shoemaker       ...  60 

Philip  Smith,  his  servant          ...  2    0 

Anne,  his  wife                           ...  2    0 

Edmond  fflannagan,  Barbour    ...  60 

Ralph  Bertles,  Inn  Keeper        ...  14    0 

Anne,  his  wife                            ...  2    0 

Ellinor  Connell,  servant            ...  2    0 

Katherine  Cranwell,  a  soldiers  wife  2    0 

John  Harper,  shopkeeper          ...  60 

Jane,  his  wife                             ...  20 

Joane  Ryane,  sevant                  ...  .   i    0 

Edward  Hutchinson,  Gentleman  140 

Richard  Davies,  his  servant      ...  20 

James  Hamilton,  Esquire          ...  200 

Thomas  Wheelewright,  Merchant  14    0 

John  Harwood,  Shopkeeper      ...  14    0 

Mary,  his  wife                            ...  2    0 

Dorothy,  his  daughter               ...  2    0 

Joane,  his  daughter                    ...  20 

Thomas  Prichard,  Shop  Keeper  14    0 

Sarah,  his  daughter                   ...  20 

Thomas  Williams,  servant        ...  20 

Robert  Craddocke,  Taylor        ...  60 

Hester,  his  wife                          ...  2    0 

Thomas  Browne,  Baker            ...  60 

Katherine,  his  wife                    ...  20 

Nicholas  Britton,  servant          ...  20 

Mary  Butler,  servant                 ...  20 

Richard  Moore,  Gentleman       ...  140 

Margaret,  his  wife                     ...  2    0 

Edward  Batty,  Gentleman         ...  140 

John  Moore,  servant                  ...  20 

Thomas  Grace,  servant             ...  20 

Nora,  his  wife                             ...  20 

John  Diggin,  servant                 ...  2    0 


History  of  Clonmel. 


240 


Names  and 
Sir  Names. 


Qualifications, 


John  Roe,  servant 
Edmond  Hogane,  servant 
Thomazine  Lobb,  servant 
Margery  Tomer,  servant 
Joane  Mullowny,  servant 
Ralph  Henley,  Cutler 
Katherine,  his  wife 
Thomas  Spencer,  his  servant 
Jane  Jones,  a  soldiers  wife 
Thomas  El  well,  Labourer 
Elizabeth,  his  wife 
James  Halsey,  Gentleman 
Anne,  his  wife 
Nicholas  power,  servant 
Mary  Waters,  servant 
Robert  Carr,  ffarmor 
Sarah,  his  wife 
Nathaniel  1  Carr,  his  sonne 
Gilbert  Trayer,  husbandman 
Elizabeth,  his  wife 
John  ffoster,  labourer 
Mary,  his  wife 


Summes  in 

Figures. 

£   s.  d. 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

6  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

I     4  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

14  0 

2  0 

2  0 

6  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 


Names  and 
Sir  Names. 


Qualifications. 


Mary,  a  soldiers  wife,  John  Williams     2  0 

Joseph  Hughes,  Butcher           ...  6  0 

Hannah,  his  wife                       ...  2  0 

MacKane,  his  Cowboy               ...  2  0 

James  Holmes,  a  poore  Glover  ...  2  0 

Margaret,  his  wife                     ...  2  0 

Mary  Holland,  a  soldiers  wife  ...  2  0 

Lyonell  fford,  Labourer            ...  2  0 

Mercy,  his  wife                         ...  2  0 

Susanna  Scott,  his  daughter  in  law  2  0 

Charles  Alcocke,  Esquire          ...      2    0  0 

Katherine,  his  wife                    ...  2  0 

Mrs.  Margt.  Moyles,  his  sister  in  law       2  o 

Edward  Gough,  servant            ...  2  0 

Morris  power,  servant  ...  20 

John  Carroll,  servant                 ...  2  0 

William  Bird,  servant               ...  2  0 

Alice  Bird,  his  wife                   ...  2  0 

Katherine  ffennell,  servant        ...  2  o 

Alice  Dennison,  servant            ...  2  0 

Elizabeth  Mort,  servant  2  0 

Elizabeth  Rouse,  widow            ...  2  0 

Sheely,  a  soldiers  wife               ...  2  0 

Lyonell  Silvester,  Junr.,  poore  taylor     2  o 

Pettemell,  his  wife                    ...  2  0 

Sarah  Holloghane,  a  soldiers  wife  2  0 

Brian  Clarke,  Labourer             ...  2  0 

Owny  Clarke,  his  wife               ...  2  0 

ifrancis  Courtney,  Smith            ...  6  0 

Alice,  his  wife                            ...  2  0 

John  Moore,  servant                  ...  2  0 

Hugh  Malady,  Aleseller           ...  2  0 

Margaret,  his  wife                     ...  2  0 

William  Bradford,  labourer      ...  2  0 


Summes  in 
Figures. 
£   s.   d 

Anne,  his  wife                           ...  2    0 

Elian  Thornton,  A  soldiers  wife  2    0 

William  Webb,  Labourer         ...  2    0 

Ellis,  his  wife                             ...  2    0 

Morris  Nagle,  Carpenter           ...  2    0 

Elian,  his  wife                           ...  2    0 

Mary  Offly,  a  soldiers  wife        ...  2    0 

William  Godfrey,  Labourer      ...  2    0 

Mary,  his  wife                           ...  2    0 

Joanne  Gibbs,  a  soldiers  wife    ...  2    0 

Katherine  Stamp,  a  troopers  wife  2    0 

Henry  Wainwright,  Labourer  ...  2    0 

Anne,  his  wife                           ...  2    0 

Nicholas  Locker,  servant          ...  2    0 

Elian  Wall,  servant                   ...  2    0 

Thomas  Low,  Labourer            ...  2    0 

Anne,  his  wife                           ...  2    0 
Samuell  ffoley.  Esquire             ...      2    0    0 

Elizabeth,  his  wife                     ...  2    0 

Richard  Madockes,  servant       ...  2    0 

Thomas  Butler,  servant            ...  2    0 

Thomazin  Windgate,  servant   ...  2    0 

Mary  Condon,  servant               ...  2    0 

Walter Skehane,  Smith             ...  2    0 

Anstace,  his  wife                       ...  20 

Humphrey  Jones,  taylor            ...  2    0 

Elizabeth,  his  wife                     ...  2    0 

Mary  Acres,  a  soldiers  wife      ...  2    0 

Geffroy  Jenkins,  Butcher           ...  2    o 

Elizabeth,  his  wife                     ...  20 

William  Streete,  servant           ...  2    0 

Anstace  Clensy,  servant            ...  2    0 

George  Carr,  Shopkeeper          ...  14    0 

Elizabeth,  his  wife                     ...  20 
John  Carr,  his  father,  Gentleman      140 

Edward  Bray,  servant                ...  20 

Winifrid  Mathewes,  servant      ...  20 

ifrancis  Thomas,  Baker             ...  60 

Mary,  his  wife                           ...  20 

Amy  Cooper,  servant                ...  20 

Ellinor  Connell,  servant            ...  20 
John  Guraler,  a  poore  bodyes  maker        2    0 

Richard  Huett,  Boatman          ...  20 

Mary,  his  wife'                           ...  20 

Deliverance  Yates,  his  mother  2    0 

George  Webber,  a  poore  Glover  2    0 

Elizabeth,  his  wife                     ...  20 

Roc  [51V]  Wigmoore,  servant     ...  20 

William  Hanbury,  Shopkeeper  14    0 

Anne,  his  wife                           ...  20 

Mary  Hogan,  servant               ...  20 

James  Cooke,  Labourer             ...  20 

Ellinor,  his  wife                         ...  20 
Richard  Hamerton,  Gentleman        140 

Sarah,  his  wife                           ...  20 

Thomas  Holder,  servant           ...  20 


250 


History  of  Clonmel. 


"srs'a:^,.  <^'""^-  '7s^£ 

£   s.   d. 

William  Vaughan,  servant  ...  2    0 

Elizabeth  Hamlen,  servant  ...  2    0 

Katherine  Daton,  servant  ...  2    0 

Henry  Shaw,  servant  ...  2    0 

James  Hackett,  servant  ...  2    0 

Nicholas  White,  servant  ...  2    0 

Charles  Blount,  Esquire  ...      2    0    0 

Valentine,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Mrs.  Susan  Blount,  his  kinswoman  2    0 

William  Hunt,  servant  ...  2    0 

Morris  Power,  servant  ...  2    0 

Isabell  Leynagh,  servant  ...  2    0 

Ellinor  Dal  ton,  servant  ...  2    0 

Joane  Corban,  servant  ...  2    0 

John  flFryer,  pewterer  ...  14    0 

Mary,  ,his  wife  ...  2    0 

James  O  Quynn,  servant  ...  20 

Samuell  Moore,  servant  ...  2    0 

John  flFoxton,  Aleseller  ...  60 

Anne,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Margaret  White,  his  mother  in  law  2    0 

Katherine  Boorke,  servant  2    0 

John  Power,  servant  20 

Enoch  ffrances.  Carrier  60 

Joane,  his  wife  ...  20 

John  Daniell,  servant  ...  2    0 

Anthony  Lawrence,  ffamour  ...  14    0 

Amy,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Sarah  Warren,  his  mother  in  law  2    0 

John  Wharly,  servant  ...  2    0 

Mary  Kennedy,  servant  ...  2    0 

Margaret  Peacocke,  a  soldier's  wife  2    0 

Robert  Cony,  Boatman  ...  2    0 

Margaret,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Alice  Bamlett,  widow  ...  2    0 

Thomas  Monday,  Dyer  ...  60 

Katherine,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

John  Mokes,  flFelt-maker  ...  60 

Dorothy,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

John  Nuell,  servant  ...  2    0 

Richard  Perrot,  Gentleman  ...      I    4    0 

Edith,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Peter  Rooth,  servant  ...  2    0 

Edmond  Hogane,  servant  ...  2    0 

Peter  Dolane,  servant  ...  20 

David  Connell,  servant  ...  2    0 

Ellinor  Butler,  servant  ...  2    0 

Mary  Murphy,  a  soldier's  wife  2    0 

Henry  Loveday,  Aleseller  ...  60 

Mary,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Daniell  McCragh,  servant  ...  20 

Phillipa  Cox,  a  trooper's  wife  ...  2    0 

James  Ashmoore,  Labourer  ...  2    0 

Richard  Phillips,  Labourer  ...  2    0 

Ellinor,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Joane  Curran,  servant  ...  2    0 


SX^f        fi-'^'---       '"^eS! 

£  s.  d. 

John  Bennett,  Merchant  ...  6    0 

James  Kelly,  Aleseller  ...  60 

Jane,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

John,  his  servant  ...  2    0 

William  Lane,  Aleseller  ...  60 

Anne,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Edward  Broody,  servant  ...  2    0 

Nora  Meagher,  servant  ...  2    0 

George  Derby, ...  60 

Temperance,  his  wife  ...  20 

Jennings,  his  wife's  brother  2    0 

Katherine,  his  maid  servant  ...  2    0 

Mary  Hatley,  a  trooper's  wife  ...  2    0 

Katherine  Crosse,a  petty  ffarmor's  I  ^    n 

widow  ... ) 

William  Thwaits, ...  60 

Elizabeth,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Edmond  Kelly,  his  servant  ...  20 

Anne,  his  servant  ...  2    0 

George  Collett,  Glover  ...  60 

Elizabeth,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

John  Collett,  his  sonn  ...  2    0 

ffrancis  Collett,  his  sonn  ...  2    0 

George  Collett,  his  sonn  ...  2    0 

Lyonell  Silvester,  senior,  Sexton  2    0 

Joane,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Richard  Dennison, ...  60 

Mary,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Katherine  Swyney,  servant  ...  2    0 

Allen  Pockett,  a  tanner's  widow  4    8 

Richard  Pockett,  her  sonne  ...  2    0 

Thomas  Brassill,  servant  ...  2    0 

Thomas  Williams,  Tanner  ...  14    0 

Richard  Newman,  servant  ...  2    0 

Walter  Hayes,  servant  ...  2    0 

Richard  Gowen,  Dyer  ...  14    0 

Rebecca,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

John  Hacker,  servant  ...  20 

John  West,  Aleseller  ...  2    0 

Alice,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Mary  Hanley,  servant  ...  2    0 

*  John  Weekes,  a  poore  Cooper  ...  20 

Susan,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Elizabeth  Sellin, ...  2    0 

Ralph  Chaderaft,  Innholder  ...  14    0 

Elizabeth,  his  wife  ...  20 

Thomas  Wynn,  servant  ...  2    0 

William  Barry,  servant  ...  20 

Phillipa  Lloyd,  servant  ...  2    0 

James  Sturzeear,  a  petty  ffarmour  6    0 

Anne,  his  wife  ...  20 

Edward  Commerford,  Merchant  14    0 

Christopher  Portingall, ...  60 

Henry  Headley,  Slater  ...  60 

Richard  Stapers,  Esquire  ...  2    0 


[Charged  at  Kilteynane,  Midlethird.] 


History  of  Clonmel. 


251 


West  Suburbs  of  Clonmell. 


Names  and 
Sir  Names, 


Qualifications. 


2    0 


Summes  in 
Figures. 
£   s.   d. 

Teige  Roe,  Labourer  ...  2    0 

Margaret,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Thomas  ffinusie.  Smith  ...  2    0 

Onnora,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Teige  Hurley,  servant  ...  2    0 

James  ffinusie,  Labourer  ...  2    0 

Juan,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

John  Baron,  Labourer  ...  2    0 

Katherine  Barron,  his  wife  2    0 

John  Power,  Broagmaker  ...  6    0 

Richard  Power,  his  servant       ...  2    0 

John  Bime,  Broagmaker  ...  2    0  j 

James  Brittin,  his  servant         ...  2    o| 

John  Grant,  Labourer  ...  2    0 

Anne,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

William  Kennedy,  a  poore  Broag-1 
maker  ...J 

Katherine,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Donnogh  Lonergan,  Glouer      ...  2    0 

Margaret,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Edward  Laffan,  Yeoman  ...  14    0 

Christian,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Mary  Wale,  servant  ...  2    0 

Mary  Teige,  servant  ...  20 

Laurence  Wailsh,  Merchant     ...  14    0 

Margarett,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Nicholas  White,  his  servant     ...  2    0 

Edmond  Butler,  servant  ...  2    0 

Margaret  Deady,  servant  ...  2    0 

Thomas  Deady,  broagmaker    ...  60 

William  Brazill,  Yeoman  ...  14    0 

Katherine,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Katherine  ny  Teige,  his  servant  2    0 

Theobald  Butlere,  Taylor         ...  60 

Katherine,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Patricke  Comerforde,  Labourer  2    0 

Onora,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Joane  Baron,  a  poore  widow     ...  2    0 

Edmond  Daniell,  husbandman ...  60 

Katherine,  his  wife  ...  2    0 

Cahill  Linsie,  his  servant  ...  2    0 

Constance  Daniell,  Labourer    ...  20 

Patrick  Donnoghow,  Yeoman  ...  14    0 

Ellen,  his  wife  ...  20 

Thomas  Donnoghow,  servant   ...  2    0 

Juan  Bawne,  servant  ...  20 

Gillian  English,  servant  ...  2    0 

Margaret  Dwyer,  widow  ...  2    0 

Teige  Merry,  his  servant  ...  20 

Ann  White,  widow  ...  20 

Margaret  White,  her  servant    ...  2    0 

Thomas  Skanlane,  Labourer    ...  2    0 

Anstase,  his  wife  ...  20 


Names  and 
Sir  Names. 


Qualifications. 


Summes  in 
Figures. 

£   s.  d 

Margaret  Roch,  widow             ...  2  0 

Katherine  Clevane,  a  poore  widow  2  0 

Juan  Condon,  Labouring  woman  2  0 

Margaret  Donnilly,  Labouring  woman    2  0 

Richard  Dunn,  a  poore  Cobler ...  2  0 

Bridgett,  his  wife                       ...  2  0 

John  Wall,  a  poore  taylor         ...  2  0 

Margaret,  his  wife                     ...  2  0 

John  Conway,  Labourer            ...  2  0 

Katherine,  his  wife                    ...  2  0 

John  ffling,  a  poore  ould  Tincker  2  0 

Elian,  his  wife                           ...  2  0 

Dauid  ffinusie.  Labourer           ...  2  0 

Margaret,  his  wife                     ...  2  0 

William  Boorke,  Cottner           ...  60 

Margaret,  his  wife                     ...  2  0 

Laurence  power,  Broagmaker  ...  6  0 

Margaret,  his  wife                     ...  2  0 

Thomas  Cravan,  a  poore  Weaver  2  0 

Margaret,  his  wife                     ...  2  0 

Luke  Hackett,  Tobaccomonger  6  0 

Juane,  his  wife                           ...  2  0 

William  McConnor,  a  poore  labourer  2  0 

Katherine,  his  wife                    ...  2  0 

William  Phellan,  Labourer       ...  2  0 

Katherine,  his  wife                    ...  2  0 

James  McPhillip,  tobaccomonger  6  o 

Ellen,  his  wife                            ...  2  0 

Phillip  McEdmond,  Labourer  ...  2  0 

Katherine,  his  wife                   ...  2  0 

Thomas  Boorke,  Labourer        ...  2  0 

Katherine,  his  wife                    ...  2  0 

Bernard  ffinusie.  Carrier           ...  60 

Elian,  his  wife                           ...  2  0 

Edmond  Connell,  husbandman...  6  0 

Margaret,  his  wife                     ...  2  0 

Edmond  Doody,  servant            ...  2  0 

Juane    ,Ny  Connor,  servant   ...  2  0 

Phillip  ODivane,  a  poore  Weaver  6  0 

Margaret,  his  wife                     ...  2  0 

Ellen  ny  Mary,  a  poore  Widow  2  0 

Margaret  Mahoney,  Spinster     ...  2  0 

Juane,  her  servant                     ...  20 

Patrick  Ederton,  a  poore  Butcher  2  0 

Mary,  his  wife                            ...  2  0 

Thomas  Methane,  Labourer     ...  2  0 

Juan,  his  wife  2  0 

JfohnSharuchan, Weaver           ...  6  0 

Margt.,  his  wife                          ...  2  0 

Thomas  Phellane,  Labourer     ...  2  0 

Ellen,  his  wife                            ...  2  0 

Owen,  his  servant                     ...  2  0 

Dominicke  Bluett,  husbandman  6  0 


262 


History  of  Clonmel. 


Names  and 
Sir  Names, 


Qualifications, 


Katherine,  his  wife 

Richard  Power,  servant 

Laghlin  Ryan,  Labourer 

Katherine,  his  ^fe 

Connor  McTeige,  Labourer 

Sarah,  his  wife 

Edmond  Meagher,  Labourer 

Mary,  his  wife 

William  Hannyne,  Labourer    .. 

Onora,  his  wife 

Teige  Kennedy,  Labourer 

Margaret,  his  wife 

Daniel]  Carroll,  Labourer 

Sarah,  his  wife 

Richard  Daniell,  Labourer 

Juane,  his  wife 

Thomas  Esmond,  Labourer 

Gillian,  his  wife 

Richard  Condon,  Carrier 

Mary,  his  wife 

Richard  Kearne,  Labourer 

Katherine^  his  wife 

Gullypatricke Grady,  Labourer.. 

Juan,  his  wife 

William  Clovane,  Labourer 

Juan,  his  wife 

Thomas  White,  Labourer 

Ellen,  his  wife 


Summes  in 
Figures. 

£   s.  d. 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

6  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 


6     0 


Anstace  Cravan,  a  Labouring  woman  2    0 

John  Mc Williams,  Mason         ...  6    0 

Thomas  Mc  Williams                ...  6    0 

Margaret,  his  wife                     ...  20 
Thomas    McRichard,    Tobacco- 1 

monger  ...  f 

Anstase,  his  wife                       ...  2    0 

John  Comnaerford,  Labourer     ...  2    0 

Margaret,  his  wife                     ...  2    0 

Katherine  Gerraldine,  widow    ...  48 

Juan  Shea,  her  servant              ...  2    0 

William  Hennessie,  her  servant  2    0 

James  Brenocke,  Yeoman          ...  14    0 

Catherine,  his  wife                    ...  2    0 

John  CafFee,  his  servant             ...  20 

Juan  fitz  James,  servant            ...  2    0 

Thomas  White,  servant            ...  2    0 

Mathew   Brennock,  sonn  to  the|  -    n 

said  James  *  .../ 

Margaret  Wale,  a  poore  widow  2    0 

Edmond  Kennedy,  Labourer    ...  2    0 

Katherine,  his  wife                    ...  20 

John  Kennedy,  Broagmaker      ...  60 


Names  and 
Sir  Names, 


Qualifications, 


Ellis,  his  wife 
Ellin  fitz  Edward,  Servant 
Dennis  Egan,  Labourer 
Anstace,  his  wife 
William  Boy,  servant 
Kotherine  Corr,  widow 
Juan,  her  daughter 


Margaret  ny  Bryne,  Labouring! 
woman  .../ 

James  Gorman,  a  poore  taylor 
Margaret,  his  wife 
William  Egan,  Tobaccomonger 
Katherine,  his  wife 
Thomas  Power,  Tobaccomonger 
Ellinor,  his  wife 
James  Sheine,  servant 
Katherine  Connor,  servant 
George  Sherlocke,  Tobaccomonger 
Edmond  English,  Labourer 
Ellis,  his  wife 

John  Cahill,  a  poore  Glover 
Anstace,  his  wife 

Margaret  White,  a  Labouring  woman 
Mary  Grady,  a  poore  widow 
Katherine  Roche,  widow 
Symon  Harford,  husbandman  ... 
Donnogh  McGrath,  Labourer   ... 
Ellis,  his  wife 
William  Meagher,  Smith 
Mary,  his  wife 
Mary  fitz  James,  widow 
Richard  Keatinge,  a  poore  butcher 
Margaret,  his  wife 
James  Archer,  Labourer 
Bridgett,  his  wife 
Mortagh  Quirke,  Labourer 
Ellis,  his  wife 
Thomas  Hickie,  Labourer 
Katherine,  his  wife 
Gilliam  Walsh,  widow 
Teige  MacShane,  Labourer 
Juan,  his  wife 

Thomas  Shallovey,  his  servant 
Teige  Carroll,  Labourer 
Ellen,  his  wife 
John  Barry,  foot  post 
Margarett,  his  wife 
Nicholas  Barron,  Constable 
Joane,  his  wife 
Robert  ffleminge,  servant 
Ellis  Duan,  servant 


Summes  in 
Figures, 
£  s,  d. 
2  0 
2  0 
2  0 
2  0 
2     0 

4    8 

2     0 


North  Suburbs  of  Clonmell. 


Murtagh  Divane,  poore  Cottner  6    0 

Margaret,  his  wife  ...  2    0 


William  Mullryan,  Labourer 
Ellen,  his  wife 


:.} 


2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

6  0 

2  0 

6  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

6  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

6  0 

2  0 

2  0 

6  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 

2  0 


4    O 


History  of  Clonmel. 


253 


Names  and 
Sir  Names, 


Qualifications. 


Nicholas  White,  Tobaccomonger 

Elian,  his  wife 

Daniel  Molloghane,  Carrier 

Juan,  his  wife 

James  MoUoghane,  servant 

John  Lawles,  servant 

Ellish  Wall,  spinster 

Mary  Cott,  spinster 

Thomas  Pryce,  Victualler 

Elizabeth,  his  wife 

Mary  Hicky,  servant 

Victor  White,  polty  flFarmour 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Anne  White,  servant 

Juan  Morrish,  spinster 

Dorothy  Kennedy,  spinster 

Margaret  Hennessy,  spinster 

John  Phelane,  Labourer 

Catherine,  his  wife 

Morris  Dooly,  broagmaker 

Vny,  his  wife 

Teig  Michane,  Labourer 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Teig  Brian,  Labourer 

Marg*-  his  wife 

John  Shea,  Labourer 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Daniell  Tiemy,  Labourer 

Joan,  his  wife 

John  Kelly,  Carrier 

his  wife 

James  Keathing,  Labourer 

Thomas  Punt,  Labourer 

Juan,  his  wife 

John  Mary,  Labourer 

Onor,  his  wife 

Thomas  Dwyer,  Glover 

Joane,  his  wife 

Teige  McKnogher,  Carrier 

Anastase,  his  wife 

Redmond  McMorrish,  servant 

Katherine  fitz  Nicholas,  servant 

Tho  Merry,  Journeyman  taylor 

Juane,  his  wife 

John  McHugh,  tobacco  seller 

Katherine,  his  wife 

William  Neale,  servant 

Joane,  his  maid 

Edmond  purcell  &  Elian  his  wife 

Butcher 
William  Cnoghy,  Labourer 
Knogher  purcell,  servant 
Mary  Meagher,  servant 
Ellin  fitz  Gerald,  Charwoman 


Summes  in 
Figures, 
d. 


£   s, 

6 

6 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 

8 

2 

2 
2 
2 


4 
6 

2 

8 

2 
2 

4 
8 

2 
2 

i6 

2 

4 
2 


4  0 

8  0 

4  0 

4  0 

4  0 

4  0 

8  0 

2  0 

4  0 


0 
0 

0 

0 

0 
0 

0 

0 

0 

0 


Names  and 
Sir  Names. 


Qualifications. 


Denis  Sexton,  Miller 

Ellinor,  his  wife 

Henry  Kennedy,  Labourer 

katherine,  his  wife 

William  Spillane,  broagmaker .. . 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Thomas  Lonnergane,  servant  ... 

Donnogh  Kennedy,  servant 

Jasper  Portingall,  Merchant 

Joane,  his  wife 

Thomas  Quiffe,  servant 

Sheely  Meagher,  servant 

Joane  ny  Shane,  spinster 

Ellen  Newman,  yeomans  widow 

Edmond  Durie,  Labourer 

Nora  Headine,  servant 

Phillip  Dogane,  servant 

Donnell  Carrine,  Labourer 

Redmond  Keathinge,  Carryer  ... 

Ellis,  his  wife 

Tho.  Holane,  Labourer 

Ellen,  his  wife 

Laghlin  Skehane,  Smith 

Margaret,  his  wife 

Katherine  Cahesy,  servant 

Ellin  Phelane,  Charwoman 

Teige  Hally,  Labourer 

Sarah  Qurke,  Charwoman 

Teige  Agherine,  Labourer 

Juan,  his  wife 

John  Phellane,  Labourer 

Ellane,  his  wife 

John  ffennell,  Labourer 

Katherine,  his  wife 

John  Dwyer,  Labourer 

More,  his  wife 

David  Triskane,  Labourer 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Teige  Cary,  Gunstocker 

Margaret  Cahesy,  Charwoman 

John  6  Neale,  Labourer 

Margaret,  his  wife 

John  McMorrish,  poore  butcher 

John  Heany,  Labourer 

Margaret,  his  wife 

William  Molloghan,  Labourer  ... 

Grace,  his  wife 

Richard  Wale,  Labourer 

Margaret,  his  wife 

Thomas  ffleming.  Labourer 

Bane,  his  wife 

Nicholas  Quiffe,  Labourer 

Margaret  QuiflFe,  his  wife 


Summes  in 
Figures, 
d. 


£   s. 
4 

4 

8 

2 
2 

14 

2 
2 
2 
2 

4 

2 
2 
2 
2 
6 
2 


4    0 
8    0 


4    0 


0 
0 
0 


4    0 

2     0 
2     0 


4 

2 

4 

4  0 

4  0 

4  0 

2     0 
2     0 


254 


History  of  Clonmel. 


East  Suburbs  of  Clonmell. 


Names  and 
Sir  Names, 


Qualifications. 


Summes  in 
Figures, 


Robert  Lynane,  Carrier 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Teig  MuUryan,  labourer 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Andrew  White,  Taylor 

Onnor,  his  wife 

Nicholas  Geyton,  Labourer 

Ellen,  his  wife 

Toby  Purcell,  Stockenmaker 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Margaret  Clere,  servant 

Donnogh  Carran,  Mason 

More,  his  wife 

James  Cahyr,  Porter 

Onnor,  his  wife 

Thomas  Mangan,  Mettleman    .. 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Phillip  Mohollo^ghane,  Labourer 

Margaret,  his  wife 

James  Mary,  porter 

Margaret,  his  wife 

John  Mary,  Glover 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Paul  Goyny,  Boatman 

Katherine,  his  wife 

John  Walsh,  Labourer 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Katherine  Phelane,  widow 

Robert  Brenocke,  Labourer 

Grany,  his  wife 

George  Conway,  Labourer 

Elizabeth  Gauny,  widow 

Mathew  Wall,  Labourer 

Ellish,  his  wife 

Dauid  Cleere,  Weaver 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Thomas  Cleere,  his  sonne 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Toby  Nash,  Labourer 

Ellish,  his  wife 

Morrish  Eustas,  Labourer 

Ellen,  his  wife 

Ony  Gullypole,  servant 


£  s. 
6 
2 

2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 

6 

2 
2 
6 
2 
2 
2 
6 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
6 
2 

6 

2 

2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
6 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 


Names  and 
Sir  Names. 


Qualifications, 


Patricke  Cahesy,  Weaver 

Unny,  his  wife 

John  Cahesy,  servant 

Symon  Connery,  Labourer 

Ellin,  his  wife 

Connor  DufTe,  Labourer 

Ellish,  his  wife 

Nicholas  Lahyffe,  poore  Mettleman 

Ellin,  his  wife 

Thomas  Reyley,  Carpenter 

Anstas,  his  wife 

Thomas  Murphy,  Labourer 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Nicholas  Quott,  Labourer 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Katherine  Neale,  Labourer  [sic] 

Edward  Langton,  Labourer 

Katherine,  his  wife 

Katherine  Slattery,  servant 

Katherine  Hoare,  a  soldiers  wife 

Richard  Betts,  Constable 

Margarett,  his  wife 

James  Headen,  Cottner 

Ellen,  his  wife 

John  McOwne,  Labourer 

Joane,  his  wife 

Edmond  Brenocke,  Labourer 

Ellen,  his  wife 

Teige  Dullany,  porter 

Joane,  his  wife 

Walter  Walch,  Cottner 

Joane,  his  wife 

John  Brenocke,  Carrier 

Anstas,  his  wife 

Ellen  Meagher,  servant 

Derby  Dowle,  a  poore  Cottner 

Anne,  his  wife 

John  Waylsh,  servant 

William  Morisshy,  Taylor 

Joane,  his  wife 

James  Wall,  mettleman 

Joane,  his  wife 

Katherine  Cantwell,  servant 


Summes  in 
Figures, 
£  s.  d. 
6 


John  ffowler.  Miller 
Amne,  his  wife 
Thomas  Dowgin,  Miller 
John  Mullynex,  servant 
Margaret,  his  wife 
James  Cooke,  Ale  Seller 
Alice,  his  wife 


South  Suburbs  of  Clonmell. 

2  0     Thomas  Daniell,  servant 

2  0     Onnor,  his  maid  servant 

2  0     Juane  purcell,  widow 

2  0     Thomas  Hart,  Slater 

2  0  I  Juan,  his  wife 

6  0     James  Davyne,  his  servant 

2  0     William  Demsy,  Labourer 


2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 

6 

2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
6 
2 
2 
2 
6 

2 
2 
2 
6 
2 
6 

2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
6 
2 
2 
2 
2 


2 
2 
2 

6 

2 
2 
2 


History  of  Clonmel. 


255 


Names  and         n^.^ti^.-^fi^^^        Summes  in 
Sir  Names,         Q^^ficatwns,           ^^^^^ 

£   5.  d, 

Ss^rah,  his  wife  ...  2  0 

Daniell  Swyney,  porter  ...  2  0 

Elian,  his  wife  ...  2  0 

Mortagh  Hogane,  boatman  ...  6  0 

Margaret,  his  wife  ...  2  0 

Edmond  Hogane,  ffish  monger  6  0 

Ellen,  his  wife  ...  2  0 

Teige  Meagher,  his  servant  ...  2  0 

Thomas  Power,  broagmaker  ...  6  0 

Ellen,  his  wife  ...  2  0 

Thomas  Toben,  Labourer  ...  2  0 

Elian,  his  wife  ...  2  0 

Thomas  White,  porter  ...  2  0 

Ellen,  his  wife  ...  2  0 

Peter  Stephens,  G)nstable  ...  2  0 

Ellen,  his  wife  ...  2  0 

John  Powhill,  Labourer  ...  2  0 

Elian,  his  wife  ...  2  0 

Edmond  Hackett,  Glover  ...  6  0 

Juane,  his  wife  ...  2  0 

Willm  Quirke,  Labourer  ...  2  0 

Anastace  White,  Spenster  ...  2  0 

Morrish  Buoghilly,  Labourer  ...  2  0 

Anastace,  his  wife  ...  2  0 

Luke  Quirke,  Labourer  ...  2  0 

Margarett,  his  wife  ...  2  0 

Thomas  Kennedy,  poore  broagmaker    2  0 

Katherine,  his  wife  ...  2  0 

Teige  Cahesy,  G)bler  ...  2  0 

Juane,  his  wife  ...  2  0 

Teige  Dullany,  Broagmaker  ...  6  0 


Names  and 
Sir  Names, 


Qualifications, 


Summes  in 
Figures. 


jt   s.  d, 

Isabell,  his  wife                         ...  2  0 

Walter  Hickes,  Tucker             ...  2  0 

Besse,  his  wife                           ...  2  0 

Walter  Morrissie,  Labourer      ...  2  0 

Margarett,  his  wife                    ...  2  0 

James  Mandeville,  Labourer    ...  2  0 

Mangaret,  his  wife                     ...  2  0 

Paul  Brenocke,  Labourer  2  0 

Katherine,  his  wife  2  0 

Juan,  his  maid                            ...  2  0 

Roger  Hally,  Carrier                 ...  6  0 

Juane,  his  wife                           ...  20 

Thomas  McGullypatricke,  Labourer  2  o 

Giles,  his  wife                            ...  20 

John  Gullypatrick,  Labourer    ...  2  0 

Anne,  his  wife                           ...  2  0 

WilliamSt.  John,  his  servant  ...  2  0 

Mahowne  O  Mulrian,  Labourer  2  0 

Owny,  his  wife                           ...  2  0 

Roger  Quinlin,  butcher             ...  2  0 

Juan,  his  wife                             ...  2  0 

William  McOwny,  Labourer    ...  2  0 

Donnogh  Hasey,  Labourer        ...  2  0 

Katherine,  his  wife                    ...  2  0 

Edward  Bagh,  Gardner             ...  6  0 

Juan, his  wife                            ...  2  0 

Owny    O    Mulryan,  his  servant  2  0 

Mahowne O  Bryen,  Labourer    ...  2  0 

Mary,  his  wife                           ...  20 

James  Brassill,  Cooper              ...  2  0 

Margarett,  his  wife                   ...  2  0 


SETTLEMENT  OF  l666. 


Holdings. 
Garden 
Malt  house    and   thatcht 

house 
thacht  house  and  garden 

waste  tenement 
house 

house  and  garden 
thacht  house  and  garden 
waste    tenement    and   ... 
garden 

slated  house     ... 


Blind  Street. 

Present  Possessors. 
Edmund  Daniell 
Mr.  Cole     ... 

Richard  Hamerton  .. 


John  Charpe 
John  ffryer 
Joan  Cleyton 
Edmund  Vinn 

{Joan  McGilfoyle 
Mr.  Bayly 


Late  Possessors. 
Thomas  Prendergast 
Nicholas  White  fitz  Henry 

Nicholas    and     Solomon 

White. 
Solomon  White 
Nicholas  White 
Stephen  White 
Stephen  White 
Catherine  Stritch 

(Michael  White,  formerly 
\        Lord  Caher 


256 


HISTORY    OF   CLONMEL. 


Holdings, 


house  slated 

house  slated 

house  slated 
side. 

house   slated 
side. 


and    back- 


and    back- 


HiGH  Street. 

Present  Possessors, 
Thomas  Browne 
George  Harden 
Robert  Cradock 


Widow     Harper 
Robert  Price 


or 


house  and  backhouse 
slated 


■hach.  hous»,  house  slated  {^''^^Se  te'At" 

waste  tenement  ...     Thomas  peackett 

slate  house,   garden   and    Walter  Brenock 
orchard. 

slate  house 


\ 


slate  house 
house  and  garden 

thacht  house  and  garden 

thacht  house  and  garden 
house  slated  and  garden  ^ 

thacht  house  and  waste 
tenement. 

slated  house    and    back- 
house. 

house  slated  and  backside 

slated  house 

slated  house 

slated  house 

house  slated,  backside  and 
garden. 

house  slated 

house    slated   and  back- 
house. 

garden 

house  slated  and  another 
thacht. 


ffrancis  Hopkins 
ffrancis  Hopkins 
Edmund  Wright 


John    and    James 
Brenock 

Richard  Whitehand 
Robert  Lovelady     . . . 


Late  Possessors. 
Michael  White 
Thomas  Butler 
James  Mulrony 

f  Thomas  White  fitz  Benet 
\  and  Nicholas  White  fitz 
I     Benet 

(Thomas  White  fftz  Benet 
•      and    John    White    fitz 
Benet 

r Thomas    White    fitz 
I     Michael 

Edmund  Bray 

Thomas    White 
Michael 

Thomas    White 
Michael 

Nicholas  White 
Henry 

Nicholas    White  fitz 
Henry 

Nicholas    White  fitz 
Henry 

Thomas  Roth 
Thomas  Roth 


fitz 


fitz 


fitz 


Robert  Thompson  ...     Thomas  Roth 


Thomas  Williams  ... 

Charles  House 

Gilbert  if ryer 

r Thomas    Moake   and 
ijohn  Parker 

Richard  Settleworth 

Robert  Carvell 
Richard  Rickett      ... 

Richard  Settleworth 
Edmund  fflanegan  ... 


Michael  Bray 
Geoffry  White 
Geoffry  White 

{William  LincoU  and 
Nicholas  Mulrony 

John  Leech  and  John 
Wallis 

John  Lee 
John  Lee 

John  Lee 
Lord  Cahir 


History  of  Clonmel. 


257 


Holdings, 

house  slated,  thacht  house  1 
and  garden.  j 

house  slated,  part  in  Bridge 
Street. 

house    slated  and  waste 
and  thacht  house. 

two    houses    slated    and 
thacht  house. 

house  slated  and  thacht 
house. 

garden  adjoyning  the   ... 
churchyard. 

house  slated 

house  slated 

house  slated 

house  slated 

waste  plott 

house  slated,  garden  and 
thacht  house. 

two    houses    slated    and 
stable. 

house  slated  and  backside 

house  slated 

house  slated 

house  slated     ... 

house  slated  and  lime  yard 


house  slated  and  garden 
thacht  house     ... 
thacht  house     ... 

house  thacht  and  waste 

waste  ... 
house  slated 

house  slated 

stable ... 


Present  Possessors. 
'  William  Waytes 
Richard  Baron 

Thomas  Turpin 

Henry  Loveday 

Richard  pickett 

Richard  pickett 

Sarah  Warren 
Anthony  Laurence 
John  ffryers 
John  Sexton 
Mrs.  Blount 
Mrs.  Blount 

Richard  Hamerton  . 

f  James    Cooke    and 
(William  Manghan 

Jeoffry  Jenkins 
flFrancis  Thomas 
George  Can- 
George  Carr 

LOUGH  Street. 

Edward  Batty 
Edward  Batty 
William  Henbury   . 

William  Henbury   . 

William  Henbury   .< 
John  Clarke 

John  Clarke 

John  Clarke 


Late  Possessors. 

fjohn   White  fitz  Henry 
I     and  Patrick  Walsh 

Nicholas  Baron 
John  White  fitz  Henry 
John  White  fitz  Richard 
Michael  White 


John  White  fitz  Benet 
Patrick  Walsh 
Edward  Bray 
John  White  fitz  Laurence 
Richard  Mullroney 
John  Weite  fitz  Benet 

Thomas    White    fitz 
Michael 

Andrew  Bray  and  David 
White,  heires 

James  Mulrony 

Thomas  Creagh 

Nicholas    White  fitz 
Geoff ry 


John  White  fitz  Benet 

John  White  fitz  Benet 

Thomas  White  fitz 
Richard 

Thomas   White  fitz 
Richard 

Richard  White 

Thomas  White  fitz 
Mathew 

Thomas  White  fitz 
Richard 

Thomas  White  fitz 
Richard 


^^^ 


History  of  Clonmel. 


Holdings, 
house  slated 

two  waste  tenements,  etc. 

house  slated      ... 

two    houses    slated    andl 


brewhouse.  J 

waste  tenement  and 
garden. 

house  slated  waste  and  ... 
garden. 

thacht  house  and  waste... 

house  slated  and  two 
gardens. 

garden 

thacht  house  and  garden 

waste  tenements 

garden 

two  houses  slated,  two 
houses  thacht  and 
garden. 

three  houses  slated,  thacht 
house  and  garden. 

house  slated  and  backside 

house  slated,  backside 
court  and  garden. 

two  houses  slated,  court 
and  garden. 

garden 

garden  and  waste 

house  thacht  backside 

and  garden, 
house  slated,  thacht  house 

and  stable. 


Present  Possessors. 
Richard  Eyland 

Capt.  ffolie 
Charles  Alcock 

Charles  Alcock 

Bishop  of  Waterford 

Widow  if ord 

Thomas  Jones 

fDeane  Gore  now 
I  Bishop  of  Waterford 

Deane  Gore 

Henry  Ansell 

John  Walsh 

John  Batty 


I 


Mr.  Witten 


Deane  Gore 

Deane  Gore 
Samuel  Ladyman 

Mr.  Ladyman 

Mr.  Ladyman 
Mr.  Ladyman 

}ffrancis  Browne 
Richard  Moore 


Late  Possessors. 

Thomas  White  fitz 
Richard 

Edward  Bray 

James  ffagan 

f  Richard  White  fitz  Peter 
1     and  Edmund  Bray 

Thomas  White  fitz 
Richard 

James  ffagan 

/John  Newman  and  James 
I     Wall 

Theodore  Butler 

John  English 
John  English 
Nicholas  White  fitz  Henry 
Nicholas  White  fitz  Henry 

Nicholas  White  fitz  Henry 

James  Mulrony 

Patrick  Walsh 
David  White 

Nicholas  White  fitz  Henry 

Thomas  White 

William  Swyne 

^William  Swinny,  Thomas 
Rooth  &  Thomas  White, 
Nicholas  White  and 
Thomas  White  fitz  Benet 


Saint  Maryes  Streete. 


waste,  house  slated 
three  gardens 

cabin  and  forge 

thacht  cabin     ... 


house     and    kiln    house 
slated  and  garden 


and    James  Hoomes 


John  Bayly 

Richard  Peryman 
alias  Perry 

Peter  Butler 


Nicholas  White 

Edmund  Brown 

Thomas  White  fitz  Michael 

and  Henry  Con- 
John  Stretch 


HISTORY    OF  CLONMEL. 


259 


Holdings, 
house  slated 
malt  house,  etc. 
malt  house,  etc. 
garden 


Present  Possessors. 
William  Stydell 
Roger  Coale 
Robert  Lovelace 
Deane  Gore 


a  poore  house  formerly  belonging  to  the  poore 


house  thacht  and  garden 

house  slated  and  garden 

waste  and  garden 

house  thacht    ... 

garden 

house  slated  and  backside 

house  slated  backside  and 
garden 

house  slated 

house  thacht,  stable,  etc. 

house  slated 


Robert  Lovelace 
Richard  Taylor 
Richard  Taylor 
Mrs.  Pettyhoone 
Edmund  Daniell 
Edmund  Daniell 
James  Hoone 


Gyles  Maron 
Edward  Hill 


Late  Possessors, 
Nicholas  White  fitz  Henry 
Nicholas  White  fitz  Henry 
John  White  fitz  Benet 


William  Lincoll 
John  Butler 
James  if  agan 
James  ffagan 
James  ffagan 
Henry  Con- 
Nicholas  White 

John  English 
Thomas  Donoghue 
Nicholas  White  fitz  Henry 


house  slated     ... 

house  slated  and  backside 

thacht  house     ... 

kiln 

house  thacht     ... 
house  slated  and  kiln     ... 
house  slated  and  garden 
three  houses  slated 


NORTH  Lane. 

Richard  Perry 
William  Quirke 


Coll :  Booker 
ffrancis  Rawbone 
Coll:  Booker 
Bryan  Reynolds 
Coll:  Booker 


Nicholas  White 
John  White 
Nicholas  White 
Nicholas  White 
John  Bray 

Patrick  Prendergast 
Stephen  White 
Nicholas  White 


Middle  Row. 


house  slated 
house  slated 
house  slated  and  garden 

thacht  house     ... 
thacht  house     ... 

thacht  house     ... 


Lord  Cahir 


Ralph  Chadraft 

William  Moakes 
Edward  Griffith 

{Richard  Perriman 
alias  Perry 


Richard  Leynach 
Nicholas  White 

Nicholas  White 

Nicholas  White 

Nicholas  White 


and 


^bQ 


History  of  Clonmel. 


West 

Holdings, 

waste  house 

house  slated  and  garden 

waste  tenements 

house  slated     ... 

house  slated 

thatcht  house   ... 

house  slated  and  thatcht 
house 

thatcht  house  and  garden 

house  slated     ... 

waste 

waste  house 

house  slated 

house  slated 

house  slated 


Gate  Lane  or  Streete. 


Present  Possessors. 
John  Weste 
John  Weste 
Widow  Pickett 
John  Staper 
Widow  Pickett 
Widow  Pickett 
Richard  Dennison 

George  CoUett 
George  CoUett 
Thomas  Batty 
Thomas  Batty 
Thomas  Batty 
Thomas  Batty 
Henry  Coale 


Late  Possessors. 
Patrick  Gough 
John  Bray 
Nicholas  White 
Nicholas  White  fitz  Henry 
Nicholas  White 
John  White  fitz  Edward 
Nicholas  White 

John  White 
William  Lynach 
William  Lyn?ich 
William  Lynach 
William  Lynach 
William  Lynach 
William  Lynach 


house  slated 
house  slated 


Bridge  Streete. 

Edward  Comerford 
Humphrey  Jones 


castle    and    waste    tene-    Thomas  Batty 
ments 


A  my  11 


stable 


Coll:  Booker 


Thomas  Turpin 


Michael  White  fitz  John 
Nicholas  White 
Nicholas  White 


Thomas    White    fitz 
Mathew 

Richard  Mullroney 


house  slated 

house  slated 

thatcht  house 
thatcht  house 
malt  house 


Shamell's  Lane. 
Ignatius  Lane 

John  White 

ffrancis  Thomas 
Richard  Hamerton 
Captain  ffolie 


two  houses  and  backside     Nicholas  White 


Thomas    White    fitz 
Mathew 

Thomas    White    fitz 
Mathew 

John  White  fitz  Benet 

Lord  Cahir 

John  White  fitz  Benet 

Thomas    White    fitz 
Mathew 


History  of  clonmel. 


261 


Holdings, 
thacht  house     ... 
two  houses  slated 
house  slated 


BOATE  STREETE. 
Present  Possessors. 
James  Cooke 
Capt.  ffolie 
Thomas  Lee 


castle  and  house  slated        Henry  Wainwright 


Late  Possessors, 

William  Lincolne 

John  White  fitz  Benet 

Nicholas  White  fitz  Henry 

(Nicholas  White  fitz  and 
I     John  White  fitz  Benet 


SHEELANE  Streete. 


waste,  thatcht  cabins     ... 

John  Davys 

...     Nicholas  White 

thatcht  cabin  and  garden 

John  Sheerman 

...    Nicholas  White 

thatcht  house  and  garden 

Walter  ff ryers 

fEdmond  Bray  and 
•"  I     Patrick  Neuraghan 

thatcht  cabin    ... 

John  Jones 

...     Edmund  Bray 

house  slated     ... 

Mr.  Derby 

...    James  Wall 

garden 

Mr.  Derby 

...     Edmund  Bray 

house  slated     ... 

Mr.  Derby 

...     Thomas    White    fitz 
Richard 

house  slated     ... 

Thomas  Salter 

Thomas   White    and 
"1     James  Wall 

house  slated      ... 

John  Hayward 

. . .     George  Conway 

thatcht  house    ... 

Hugh  MuUady 

John  White  fitz  Benet 
"*  I     and  Lord  Cahir 

waste 

Edmund  Batty 

. . .     William  Ly nach 

kiln 

Edward  Batty 

Ffort. 

...     Edmund  Bray 

waste  ... 

Captain  Smyth 

. . .    John  White  fitz  Benet 

house  slated 

Captain  Smyth 

...    James  ffagan 

waste 

Captain  Smyth 

...     James  ffagan 

waste 

Captain  Smyth 

...     Patrick  Walsh 

house  slated     ... 

Captain  Smyth 

...    Thomas  White 

waste 

Captain  Smyth 

...     Nicholas   and   Thomas 
White 

house  slated     ... 

Captain  Smyth 

...     James  ffagan 

waste 

Captain  Smyth 

...     John  White  fitz  Benet 

waste 

Captain  Smyth 

...     Thomas    White    fitz 
Richard 

house  slated     ... 

Captain  Smyth 

...     James  Mulrony 

garden 

Captain  Smyth 

^b% 


History  of  Clonmel. 


Holdings. 
little  mill  and  house 
tuck  mill 
corn  mill 

hole  mill  alias  millenfoyle 
ffahen  mill  and  house    ... 
Streaches  Island 
thatcht  cabin    ... 
cabin 
cabin 
cabin 
cabin 
waste 


Bridge. 

Present  Possessors. 
Robert  Lovelace 
Robert  Lovelace 


John  Staper 
Captain  Smyth 
James  Bryan 
Widow  Bath 
Daniel  Haley 
Thomas  Duggan 
Michael  Coole 


Late  Possessors, 


Lord  Cahir 


Also  all  such  benefitt  and  advantage  of  Commonadge  in  the  Commons 
of  the  said  town  of  Clonmel  as  the  inhabitants  of  the  severall  houses  afore- 
said had  therein  on  the  three  and  twentieth  day  of  October  which  was  in  the 
yeare  of  Our  Lord  one  thousand,  six  hundred  forty  and  one,  other  then  what 
is  set  out  to  the  adventurers  and  soldiers,  and  their  heires  and  assigns 
possessed  on  the  seventh  day  of  May  which  was  in  the  year  of  Our  Lord  one 
thousand  six  hundred  fifty  and  nine. 


Ohaptor   XIII. 


ST.  MARTS  CHURCH. 

CHE  history  of  St.  Mary's  begins  with  that  of  the  town  itself.  The 
canonical  dedication  was  the  "Church  of  the  Assumption  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin  Mary,"  but  the  popular  appellation  was  "  Our  Ladye 
of  Clonmell."  Inspired  with  devotion  to  the  Blessed  Virgin  the 
Anglo-Normans  erected  in  Clonmel  as  elsewhere  a  shrine  in  her  honour  fo). 
Of  the  original  fabric  not  a  vestige  is  now  existing.  Fortunately,  however, 
when  in  1857  ^^e  present  structure  was  being  put  up,  skilled  antiquarians 
recorded  the  discoveries  made.  A  few  feet  below  the  floor  of  the  present 
church  the  entire  area  appeared  to  be  paved  with  old  monuments.  Fragments 
of  ancient  "Edwardian  cross-slabs,  some  of  them  with  portions  of  inscriptions, 
had  been  used  in  the  foundations  of  the  piers  of  the  work  lately  demolished. 
This  fact  combined  with  the  discovery  of  many  fragments  of  early  English 
sculpture,  shows  that  the  perpendicular  church  which  came  down  to  our  day, 
was  rebuilt  on  the  site  and  with  the  materials  of  an  earlier  church.  What 
was  more  curious  still  was  the  discovery,  beneath  the  foundation  of  one  of 
the  piers,  of  a  skeleton  buried  with  the  head  to  the  east,  a  wooden  cross  on 
the  breast,  and  very  perfect  leathern  buskins  on  the  feet  ornamented  with 
rosettes  "  fp). 

The  early  English  church  whose  remains  were  thus  discovered,  belonged, 
to  the  period  of  Richard  de  Burgh,  and  probably  therefore,  was  erected  by 
the  great  justiciar  pari  passu  with  Athassel.  The  general  plan  was  not 
unlike  that  priory  church,  and  the  dimensions  were  almost  certainly  those  of 


fo)  Compare  the  present  Notre  Dame  de  Rouen,  Notre  Dame  de  Paris. 
(p)  Kilkenny  Arclutohgicul  Journal,  1856-7,  p.  360. 


264  History  of  Clonmel. 

the  church  subsequently  built  in  the  fifteenth  century.    It  had  a  nave  and 

aisles,  a  long  choir,  and  possibly  transepts  iq).    The  fate  of  this  fine  old 

church  we  gather  from  the  preamble  of  a  grant  to  the  citizens  by  James  Earl 

of  Ormond,  in  1385.    Irish  enemies  and  English  rebels  had  so  harassed  the 

people  by  unjust  imposts  that — 

By  reason  of  them  the  citizens  of  CJonmel  have  been  unable  to  repair  the  bridge, 
towers  and  fortifications  thereof,  and  to  maintain  divine  service  in  the  accustomed 
manner  in  their  parish  church,  so  that  the  said  town  may  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy  unless  speedy  redress  is  granted. 

In  the  event  the  graceful  arcade,  the  clustered  column,  the  high-pitched 
roof  disappeared,  and  a  structure  esthetically  inferior,  half  church,  half 
fortress,  was  raised  on  the  old  foundations.  Yet  this  late  fourteenth-century 
church,  which  came  down  to  our  own  days,  was  not  without  a  quaint 
picturesqueness  of  its  own.  If  it  lacked  the  dignity  of  height,  yet  the  long 
roof  line  broken  by  stepped  battlements,  was  some  compensation.  Interiorly 
too  the  square  piers  and  plain  arches,  destitute  even  of  a  chamfer,  bespoke 
quiet  strength,  and  afforded  fine  masses  of  shadow.  But  its  redeeming  feature 
was  the  pair  of  noble  windows  in  the  chancel  and  west  front.  Not  even  the 
"  restoration  "  craze  of  1805  and  1857  could  put  these  away.  They  are  there 
still,  almost  the  sole  memorials  of  the  pre-Reformation  church. 

The  tracery  of  the  two  windows  is  in  motive  and  execution  similar  to  the 
contemporary  work  in  Holy  Cross  and  Kilcooly.  The  west  window  containing 
what  is  known  as  "  net  tracery,"  is,  except  in  its  smaller  size,  identical  with 
the  chancel  window  of  Holy  Cross.  The  great  five-light  east  window  is  one 
of  the  best  examples  of  a  phase  of  Gothic  which  had  more  kinship  with 
France  than  with  England.  The  exact  counterpart  may  be  seen  in  the  ruined 
Dominican  abbey  at  Cashel,  and  details  in  the  chapels  of  Holy  Cross.  The 
flowing  lines  with  their  many  cusps  are  strongly  suggestive  of  early  flam- 
boyant, and  altogether  removed  from  the  perpendicular  Gothic  then  being 
developed  in  England  (r). 

Scarcely  less  deplorable  than  the  loss  of  the  old  church,  was  the 
destruction  of  the  ancient  monuments.  The  burgher  families  for  generations 
were  buried  beneath  the  shadow  of  St.  Mary's,  or  within  the  building  itself. 

(q)  The  present  tower  would  seem  to  occupy  the  site  of  a  south  transept.  The  plan  of  St.  Mary's 
was  the  gridiron  one  (the  long  choir  forming  the  handle)  usually  followed  by  the  early  settlers. 
Some  examples  may  be  seen  in  the  neighbouring  county  at  Thomastown  and  Gowran. 

(r)  The  arms  quartered  in  the  spandrils  of  the  sedilia  of  Holy  Cross  afford  a  clue  to  the  date  — 
closing  years  of  the  fourteenth  century — which  corresponds  with  the  date  above  given  for  the  re- 
building of  Clonmel  church.  In  Hall's  Ireland  is  a  small  woodcut  which  shows  the  battlemented 
roof  previous  to  the  "  restoration  "  of  1857.  The  writer  obtained  many  particulars  of  the  old  church 
from  the  late  Dr.  Hemphill  who,  though  not  an  architectural  expert,  had  sympathetically  and 
accurately  noted  them. 


History  of  Clonmel,  265 

Not  a  few  notable  ecclesiastics,  also,  and  barons  of  historic  name  found  their 
last  resting  place  there.  But  the  memorials  which  the  church  bore  of  them 
have  nearly  all  disappeared.  In  the  south  aisle  stood  an  altar  dedicated  to 
St.  Michael  the  Archangel,  the  aisle  itself  being  the  chapel  or  chantry  of  the 
White  family.  There  they  prayed  in  life,  and  at  their  death  their  bodies 
rested  beneath  its  pavement  Henry  White,  "burgess  of  the  towne  of 
Clonemell,"  made  his  will  in  1577.  "  ffirst  I  comend  my  soule  to  God  almyghty 
through  the  merits  of  Christes  passion  and  the  intercession  of  his  blessed 
Mother,  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  the  holy  company  of  heaven,  and  my  boddie 
to  be  buryed  in  the  sepulture  of  mine  auncestors  within  the  parish  church  of 
ClonemeirV^A  Henry  White  fitz  Thomas  in  1614  commends  his  soul  to 
"  thalmyghtie  God,  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  and  the  hole  [whole]  company 
of  heaven,  my  bodye  to  be  buryed  in  myne  ancestors  buriall  within  Saint 
Michaell's  Chappell  in  the  parish  church  of  Clonmell  aforesaid  "  (t),  James 
White  fitz  Robert  in  1622  commends  "  my  soule  to  Almightie  God  my  maker 
and  redeemer,  and  my  body  to  be  buryed  in  the  sepulture  of  my  ancestors 
within  the  parish  church  of  Clonmell "  (u).  This  James  was,  it  seems,  the 
last  buried  within  the  ancestral  "  sepulture."  Nineteen  years  before,  on  the 
death  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  Catholic  service  had  been  performed  in  the  church, 
and  Father  James  White,  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Waterford,  had  offered  Mass 
there.  But  in  the  interval  Protestantism  had  become  firmly  established.  St. 
Mary's  had  passed  irrevocably  from  the  Catholics,  and  the  Whites  would  not 
commit  their  bodies  to  desecrated  soil.  Accordingly  on  the  death  of  Nicholas, 
the  head  of  the  family,  in  1622,  his  widow  began  the  erection  of  a  mortuary 
chapel  immediately  adjoining  the  south  aisle,  the  old  place  of  interment 
This  appears  to  have  been  completed  lOth  May,  1623,  and  on  23rd  December 
following,  the  body  was-  exhumed  and  re-interred  in  the  new  chapel.  A 
manuscript  of  1813  in  the  Public  Record  Office,  gives  the  following  account 
of  the  White  Chapel. 

In  the  summer  of  1805  the  chapel  belonging  to  the  White  family  (the  ancient 
proprietors  of  Clonmel)  which  joined  the  south-west  comer  [of  the  church],  was  thrown 
down.  This  chapel  was  built  upon  vaults,  and  against  its  southern  wall  inside  was 
erected  the  family  tomb  and  monument  in  form  of  a  Roman  Catholic  Altar,  at  which, 
it  is  said,  their  chaplain  was  accustomed  to  celebrate  Mass.  About  ten  feet  from  the 
ground  and  over  the  tomb,  was  the  arms  of  the  Whites— an  escutcheon  bearing  three 
roses  and  the  following  distich, 

Et  Trias  est  Numero  et  natura  est  una  colorum 
En  ubi  PRiEsiDiuM  Vrrus  et  arma  locat. 


(s)  Prerogative  Wills,  P.R.O. 
(t)  Ibid. 
(u)  Ibid. 


266  History  of  Clonmel. 

Below,this  were  ornaments  of  stone  work  like  a  canopy,  on  small  marble  pillars  and 
in  the  centre  a  long  Latin  inscription.  Nothing  remains  now  of  this  chapel  but  the 
tomb  and  vaults  beneath,  the  stones  bearing  these  inscriptions  together  with  several 
other  of  its  ornaments  having  being  conveyed  to  a  place  called  Patrick's  Well  about  a 
mile  to  the  west  of  Clonmel  to  mend  an  old  Roman  Catholic  Church  for  several  years 
in  ruins  in  a  most  romantic  valley  on  the  estate  of  Simmons  Sparrow  Esq.  (v). 

To  a  recent  writer  we  owe  a  more  graceful  if  less  detailed  description. 

At  the  south-west  comer  of  the  present  church  of  St.  Mary,  a  little  ecclesiastical 
edifice,  in  correct  architectural  style,  stood  for  centuries,  and  was  known  as  the  private 
chapel  of  the  White  family.  It  cannot  be  more  than  seventy  or  eighty  years  since  its 
removal,  after  it  had  become  unroofed,  and  had  fallen  into  complete  decay.  The 
appearance  it  presented  in  its  ruined  stage,  was  described  to  us  not  long  since  by  one 
who  remembered  to  have  looked  when  a  boy  through  its  broken  windows.  He  saw  the 
long  grass  and  rank  vegetation  that  choked  up  the  interior,  hiding  partly  from  view  the 
richly  sculptured«tombs  and  tablets  which,  in  silent  language,  seemed  to  tell  the  old, 
old  story — "Sic  transit  gloria  mundi"!  Some  of  these  monuments  were  carried  ofT  to 
enrich  other  buildings,  while  the  western  window  in  the  present  porch  of  St.  Mary's, 
once  lighted  the  ancient  chapel  of  the  Whites  (w). 

From  the  foregoing  accounts,  and  the  fragments  existing  at  St.  Patrick's 
Well,  there  can  be  no  difficulty  in  reconstructing  the  mortuary  chapel  with  its 
altar-tomb.  The  chapel  apparently  ran  north  and  south ;  its  southern  gable 
being  "  blind,"  light  was  obtained  from  triple  Tudor  windows  in  the  sides.  The 
hood-moulding  of  these  windows  terminated  in  fleur-de-lys  and  the  character- 
istic rose  of  the  Whites.  The  altar,  standing  against  the  southern  gable, 
consisted  of  a  table  or  slab  which  was  supported  in  front  by  four 
cylindrical  columns  on  shallow  bases  and  bearing  three  semi-circular  arches. 
Forming  the  reredos  was  the  large  inscribed  stone  with  scrolls  at  the  sides. 
This  supported  a  slab  of  similar  size  divided  into  three  panels  on  which  are  cut 
in  low  relief,  the  Virgin  and  Child,  the  Crucifixion  and  the  Ascension  respec- 
tively. Crowning  the  whole  was  the  deep  sunk  panel  containing  the  family 
arms  and  motto  before  described.  On  each  side  of  the  panel  were  placed 
the  classic  finials  which  at  present  rest  on  the  altar  table.  One  third  of  the 
inscribed  slab  is  occupied  by  the  sacred  monogram  in  large  interlaced  text. 
In  the  centre  of  this  is  reproduced  in  minute  form  the  same  monogram.    It 


(v)  Here  follows  a  description  of  the  well.  "  There  is  a  very  excellent  mineral  spring  and  a 
well  which  is  celebrated  for  curing  sore  lips,  sore  eyes,  the  scrofula  and  several  other  chronic 
diseases  either  by  drinking  or  washing  in  the  stream  that  issues  from  it.  This  the  Roman  Catholics 
say  was  made  by  St.  Patrick  on  his  visit  to  the  sacred  spot  and  [they]  attribute  the  healing  qualities 
of  these  impregnated  waters  to  the  power  and  sanctity  of  its  patron.  Thousands  flock  here  in 
summer  time  from  all  places  around  to  pilgrimage  in  the  stream  with  bare  legs  in  order  to  wash 
away  their  sins  and  exempt  them  from  the  burning  flames  of  purgatory."— Monk  Mason  Survey  of 
Ireland.     Parish  of  St.  Mary's,  Clonmel. 

(w)  Mr.  William  Clarke  in  Clonmel  Chronicle^  October,  1877. 


HISTORY   OF  CLONMEL.  267 

would  appear  that  this  is  a  sort  of  heraldic  way  of  symbolising  the  widow 
and  heir  as  founders.  The  inscription  which  occupies  the  remaining  two 
thirds  of  the  stone  is  as  follows : — 

Blc  3acct  D*  nicolaus  WDlte 
Jlrtitlocrt  olr  Dictate  constantla  mansiietiidliie 
et  ititcoiitate  monitn  contplcuus  et  amabllls 
obllt  30  die  Jliiottsti  Ho.  DiiL  1622  ejus  corpus 
ex  atitecettonitn  capeila  aiiae  boreaietit  lacelit 
Diijtts  partem  retpldt  lit  doc  momimetitiitit 
ZZ  die  Decetnbrls  Ho.  Dtii«  1623  Cransiatiitit  est 

cujtts  anlmae  propitletiir  Dens* 

Saceiiutit  Doc  s.  notnltil  3esu  ejusaue  oetitrici  B*  marlae  Viralni 
dicatutn  constnixenint  in  perpetiiatn  dicti  nicolai  mem- 
orlatn  BarDara  WDlte  uxor  ejus  vidua  et  Benrlcus 
WDlte  niius  ejus  et  Baeres. 

The  White  arms  are  carved  in  bold  relief — a  chevron  engrailed  between 

three  roses,  two  and  one.    Round  the  shield  is  stiff  conventional  foliage,  the 

tendrils  pendant  at  the  sides  being  wound  into  double  true-lovers  knots. 

The  crest  is  a  dexter  arm  in  armour,  couped  at  the  shoulder,  grasping  a 

branch  with  three  roses.    Underneath  in  Roman  letters  is  the  motto  which, 

it  may  be  observed,  is  divisible  into  two  verses,  a  hexameter  and  a  pentameter. 

The  fo